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Western Culture

The Willing Dupes and Traitors of the Flowerman People: The Suicidal White War on Western Civilization

May 9, 2026/12 Comments/in Featured Articles, Western Civilization, Western Culture/by Pierre Simon

He who permits himself to tell a lie once,
finds it much easier to do it a second and third time,
till at length it becomes habitual.
Thomas Jefferson

A major Jewish group evolutionary strategy used to weaken the competitiveness of a majority White society and on a larger scale, Western civilization, is cultural Marxism, a core mechanism that reduces anti-Semitism and enhances Jewish competitive success by breaking the collective resistance and viability of the White race, making it easier to control, exploit, or replace.[1], [2]

Its creators insisted on the need to hide the real purpose of their project under the cover of innocent and positive sounding words, respectability, and especially “science,” an indispensable universal method of inquiry, which they have hijacked and corrupted for their own needs.

This racial project is thus forced on the public in a stealth fashion by sophisticated social engineering techniques through education, books, mainstream media, movies, TV series, sitcoms, and government propaganda.

As summarized by archeologist Dr. Timothy Ives, this psychological weapon of mass destruction “was the outgrowth of the anti-empirical Frankfurt school that viewed the role of a scholar as a social critic without the need to validate any of his claims.”[3]

To break the spirit of the White race, in his article Mass Propaganda in the War Against Bigotry (1947),[4] Jewish American psychologist Samuel H. Flowerman recommends, and I quote, the “diminishment of cultural pride and self-esteem” and to do this dirty work, the sponsorship of “willing dupes or traitors.” [5],[6] But don’t be fooled by the intended “war on bigotry.” This is not a noble effort motivated by a sincere concern to fight racism. As shown in a previous article, Moses, the First “Führer” in History: Jewish Racial Consciousness and Supremacism, no one is more bigoted than this subset of Jews, aka the “Flowerman people” in this article.

Schools and universities, which are mostly staffed with White Flowerman-led cultural Marxist ideologues, with some teachers from the Third World, play a huge role in the spreading of this fake war on bigotry.[7] Even pre-school White children are being brainwashed; by the time they finish university, they hate themselves and their race to the point of wanting to destroy their own kind in the following spirit taken from an anonymous meme called “Meanwhile at a Random University.” A “Nazi” in this diatribe is a conservative who doesn’t want the future these ’Babel stooges” are preparing; he prefers meat to crickets, he’s for God, reason, freedom, law and order, family, and nation. On the other hand, leftists are programmed to say things like the following:

I hate Nazis, they can’t think for themselves!!! They’re just brainwashed sheep who follow racist dogmas and do everything their shepherd’s command!!! They’re also insensitive anti-Semites, misogynous, bigots, homophobic, fascists and should be all jailed!!!

Auschwitz, slavery, and colonialism are some of the better-known historical mischiefs that serve this purpose. What willing dupes and traitors are teaching in schools about European civilization and its accomplishments is another lesser-known  evolutionary strategy used to diminish the cultural pride and self-esteem of the Flowerman people’s main competitors.

To break White man’s will for power and weaken his competitiveness, everything about his exceptional civilization is downplayed and demonized while non-Western achievements are elevated to nonsensical levels “in violation of the most basic protocols of scholarly research, evidence, and standards,” notes Dr. Ricardo Duchesne, former Professor of Sociology at the University of New Brunswick, the author of Faustian Man in a Multicultural Age.[8]

A Flowerman Derrida-type of postmodernist rhetoric is routinely used to “confuse, detract from, or avoid facing the overwhelming evidence standing in opposition to their absurd claims,” asserts Dr. Duchesne, “sources are misused, books are misread, the evidence is grossly misinterpreted, facts are concealed, the principles of historical objectivity and respect for scholarship are trashed in order to enhance the imagined merits of multiculturalism inside European created cultures.”[9]

Darwinian theory and evolutionary psychology are erased from the discourse in an effort to prove that there is only one race, the human race.[10] Egalitarianism being the sacred cow of the “Babel stooges,” obviously, they go to great lengths with this abuse of the historical profession in order to prove with their bogus ideas that all civilizations are equal and that European civilization was not exceptional. As noted by Dr. Duchesne,

What is going on here cannot be attributed to mere empirical incompleteness and understandable errors of judgment. Our students today may be said to be the targets of deep-seated educational efforts to impose a multicultural view of Europe’s history, that is heavily infused with fabrications and the mistreatment of scholarly sources.[11]

To do this dirty job of deconstruction and rewriting of world history in accordance with the interests of the Flowerman people, even though existing research does not validate their perspective, the willing dupes and traitors of this trickery are paid handsomely, covered with laurels and gifts, and awarded with generous research grants. In exchange for betraying their own race, they become the prominent  professors at Ivy League universities in the U.S. and at prestigious universities throughout the West; they are given lucrative positions at prestigious think tanks and on the board of large corporations; their books and articles are spread far and wide by the mostly Flowerman-owned publishers and media; these evil dupes of the chosen people are highly praised by their peers who repeat blindly to their students every one of their obvious lies; their opinion is the accepted truth and almost no one dares challenge them without dire consequences for their career and advancement.[12]

Professor Duchesne, for example, a man highly esteemed by his students, the author of several scholarly books, was like all his like-minded colleagues in other universities and in other fields, dragged in the mud and ostracized by his weak and feeble-minded, willing-dupe, traitorous colleagues, and forced into early retirement for criticizing this farce disguised in science.[13]

Pseudoscience is the right term for the kind of science these willing dupes and traitors are professing. They have hijacked science to serve their miscreant needs. True to Lenin’s favourite saying, “The end justifies the means,” these useful idiots forcibly adjust reality to the ideas they want to impose on the world.

So, what is it then about European civilization they want people to believe?

For understandable reasons, from their point of view, they first divided history into two periods, before and after the Western Industrial Revolution of the eighteenth century.

Before the Industrial Revolution

There was nothing exceptional about Europe, so they tell us. It did not possess any cultural attributes that could be contrasted to other world cultures. Many parts of Asia, especially China, had equal if not superior technologies in guns, ships, textiles, metallurgy, and agriculture. The world economy was in fact dominated by China.[14] Moreover, the science of Copernicus, Kepler, Laplace, Descartes, and Bacon had their equivalents in other civilizations — it was a global phenomenon. As for the intellectual movements of Ancient Greece, they originated from Africa and the Near East. In short, according to the “willing dupes and traitors” who profess this fantasy, “the Eurocentric claim that Europe with its exceptional culture and institutions created a higher level of technical and scientific proficiency is no more than a myopic perspective lacking a global vision. … The major transformations of history are due to world connections and two-way cultural influences.”[15]

Everything until then, so they tell us, was therefore fair and square, everyone had his word to say, and every civilization shared equally in the artistic, scientific, technical, economic, philosophical, and moral advances that were made. If any divergence existed, it was primarily due to different competitive and ecological pressures. From this perspective, what spoiled it all, what made the European civilization different than others happened after the Industrial Revolution.

After the Industrial Revolution

After this crucial turning point of history, so they tell us, Europeans, for some unexplainable reason, lost their mind and started exploring the world and forming colonies here and there in order to plunder the natural resources of these newly discovered territories. “Pale faces” killed, raped, and enslaved the peaceful and noble savages of these regions, aka, the Third World. That’s how they got rich and how they managed to get ahead in all aspects of life. They basically pounced on other cultures and stole everything they had.

In short, if today’s Third-World countries are going nowhere, it’s mainly because the White slave nations emptied it of its lifeblood before building their industrial revolutions on the profits of slavery and then plundering them through colonial exploitation. This is, of course, a fantasy as shown in Slavery and Colonialism. Are Whites responsible for the Stagnation of Africa and Blacks in General.

Races, which are cultural constructs, so they tell us, had absolutely nothing to do with it. There are no innate influences on behaviour, in other words, that could give one race an edge on the others. There is only one race, the human race, and we are all equal under the skin and in the head, according to the willing dupes and traitors of the Flowerman people: “This is so because we say so. There is no need to validate any of our claims. Science is what we choose it to be. And if you don’t like it, we’ll shame you, dox you, send our Antifa attack dogs against you, get you fired from your job, call you a racist, a bigot, an anti-Semite, a fascist, a Nazi, and a White supremacist.” This is, of course, fear-mongering, intimidation, and another fantasy.

The Role of Biology

Whites  are endowed with unique characteristics that demoralized and subdued Whites who think of themselves as the scum of the earth should consider before depreciating themselves and bowing down to Third-World invaders and the willing dupes and traitors of the Flowerman people.[16]

Truth be told, Whites “originated and developed all the disciplinary fields of knowledge taught in our universities: archeology, botany, economics, sociology, anthropology, history, biology, chemistry, genetics, physics, geology, philosophy, geography—all of them including theology,” as Dr. Duchesne shows in his most recent book, Greatness and Ruin.[17]

According to Dr. Charles Murray, the author of Human Accomplishments: The Pursuit of Excellence in the Arts and Sciences, 800 BC to 1950:

97% of accomplishments in science, whether measured in people or events, occurred in Europe and North America from 800 BC to 1950. The sheer number of significant figures in the arts is higher in the West in comparison to the combined number of the other civilizations. In literature, the number in the West is 835; whereas in India the Arab world, China and Japan combined, the number is 293. In the visual arts, it is 477 for the West as compared to 192 for China and Japan combined (with no significant figures listed for India and the Arab World). In music, the lack of a tradition of named composers in non-Western civilizations means that the Western total of 522 significant figures has no real competition at all.[18]

As Joseph Sobran said in 1997:

Western man towers over the rest of the world in ways so large as to be almost inexpressible. It’s Western exploration, science, and conquest that revealed the world to itself. Other races feel like subjects of Western power long after colonialism, imperialism, and slavery have disappeared. The charge of racism puzzles whites who feel no hostility, but only baffled good will, because they don’t grasp what it really means: humiliation. The white man presents an image of superiority even when he isn’t conscious of it. And superiority excites envy. Destroying white civilization is the inmost desire of the league of designated victims we call “minorities.”[19]

These are facts you are not allowed to state in universities and schools.[20] The willing dupes and traitors of the Flowerman people will not allow it. Why? Stuck on their mantra “race is a social construct,” they cannot admit that the European civilization is the greatest civilization the world has ever known precisely because of one word: biology. Races are real, and they are not equal in aptitudes. As shown in the following articles, some races such as the White race are in fact more intelligent, more adventurous, and more creative than others.[21], [22]

Race is Real

DeepSeek on Race, Egalitarianism, Jews, the Rulers of the World and the Solution to the Problems They Cause.)

“We are indeed,” laments Dr. Duchesne, “in the midst of one of the most paradoxical phenomena ever witnessed: the very civilization that insisted more than any other that truthfulness requires impartial reasoning and a ‘weight of evidence’ approach is now fabricating facts to fit with an ideological agenda.”[23]

In the end, you could say, as Dr. Duchesne states in his book, Greatness and Ruin, that this fabrication of facts is a “deeply embedded expression of the emancipatory project of Western liberalism itself,” [24] and you wouldn’t be wrong either, if you added, as stated by Dr. Kevin MacDonald and others,[25], [26] that the emancipatory project of liberalism, which came to fruition in the 1960s, was deeply imbued with cultural Marxism and decisively promoted by its Jewish overlords as Jews rose to elite status throughout the West. They are the “Flowerman people” as described in this article.


[1] Kerry Bolton, PhD, The Perversion of Normality. From the Marquis de Sade to Cyborgs, Arktos, 2021.

[2] Kevin MacDonald, PhD, The Culture of Critique. An Evolutionary Analysis of Jewish Involvement in Twentieth-Century Intellectual and Political Movements, 3rd Edition, Antelope Hill Publishing, 2025.

[3] Cited by Bruce Gilley, PhD, The Case for Colonialism, New English Review Press2023, p. 256.

[4] Samuel H. Flowerman, PhD, “Mass Propaganda and the War Against Bigotry,” The Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, Vol. 42 (4), Oct 1977, pp. 429-439.

[5] Andrew Joyce, PhD, “Modify the standards of the in-group: On Jews and Mass Communications,” The Occidental Observer, January 14, 2020/24.

[6] Kevin MacDonald, PhD, “Samuel H. Flowerman: Pathologizing White Ethnocentrism in the Mass Media,” Culture of Critique, work cited, p. 386 to 393.

[7] Kerry Bolton, PhD, Revolution from Above. Manufacturing “Dissent” in the New World Order, Arktos, 2011.

[8] Ricardo Duchesne, PhD, Faustian Man in a Multicultural Age, Arktos, 2019, p. 103.

[9] Ibid.

[10] Kevin MacDonald, PhD, work cited.

[11] Ibid., p.104.

[12] Kerry Bolton, PhD, Revolution from Above. Manufacturing ‘Dissent’ in the New World Order, Arktos, 2011.

[13] Kerry Bolton, PhD,  The Tyranny of Human Rights. From Jacobinism to the United Nations, Antelope Publishers, 2022, p. 379-381.

[14] Ricardo Duchesne, PhD, Faustian Man, work cited, p. 75.

[15] Ibid., p. 105.

[16] Ricardo Duchesne, PhD, The Uniqueness of Western Civilization, Brill, 2011; see also his latest book, Greatness and Ruin: Self-Reflection and Universalism within European Civilization, Antelope Hill, March 28, 2025.

[17] Ricardo Duchesne, PhD, Greatness and Ruin. Self-Reflexion and Universalism Within European Civilization, Antelope Hill Publishing, 2025, p. 263.

[18] Charles Murray, PhD, Human accomplishments: The Pursuit of Excellence in the Arts and Sciences, 800 BC to 1950, Harper Collins, 2003.

[19] Gregory Hood, “Resentment and Race,” American Renaissance, April 13, 2022.

[20] Ricardo Duchesne, PhD, Greatness and Ruin. Self-reflection and Universalism Within European Civilization, Antelope Hill Publishing, 2024, p. 264.

[21] Charles Murray, PhD, Human Diversity. The Biology of Gender, Race, and Class, TWELVE, 2020, cited by Ricardo Duchesne in Faustian Man, p. 193.

[22] Ricardo Duchesne, PhD, The Uniqueness of Western Civilization, Brill, 2011; see also his latest book, Greatness and Ruin: Self-Reflection and Universalism within European Civilization, Antelope Hill, March 28, 2025.

[23] Ricardo Duchesne, PhD, Greatness and Ruin. Self-reflection and Universalism Within European Civilization, Antelope Hill Publishing, 2024, p. 264.

[24] Ibid.

[25] Kevin MacDonald, PhD, The Culture of Critique. An Evolutionary Analysis of Jewish Involvement in Twentieth-Century Intellectual and Political Movements, 3rd Edition, Antelope Hill Publishing, 2025.

[26] Kerry Bolton, PhD, The Perversion of Normality. From the Marquis de Sade to Cyborgs, Arktos, 2021.

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Pierre Simon https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Pierre Simon2026-05-09 08:16:532026-05-09 08:41:47The Willing Dupes and Traitors of the Flowerman People: The Suicidal White War on Western Civilization

Such Skill Beneath the Skull: Celebrating the White Genius of Dutch Art

May 8, 2026/14 Comments/in Featured Articles, Western Culture/by Tobias Langdon

Thunderclap: A Memoir of Art and Life & Sudden Death
Laura Cumming (Chatto and Windus, 2023)

Reading is richer for racists. That’s on the good side. On the bad side, reading can be more regretful for racists too. You’ll find both the good side and the bad side of racist reading in Laura Cumming’s excellent book Thunderclap. It’s partly a study of art in the Dutch Golden Age and partly a memoir of how the author came to know and love that art. And to base part of her career on it: Cumming has been “chief art critic of the Observer since 1999.” That is, she’s a Guardianista (the Observer is the Sunday edition of the Guardian). And she wrote this book for other Guardianistas. But it isn’t Guardianistas who will get the most out of the book or the art it discusses and displays.

Thunderclap with a skilful skull, Vanitas by the Flemish master Hendrick Andriessen[1] (Wikipedia)

No, it will be racists and sexists like me. This is because Guardianistas won’t notice, or won’t dare to notice, some fascinating and important questions raised by the book. The Netherlands — the Low Countries comprising modern Holland, Belgium et al — is a small region whose population numbered perhaps two million by the Golden Age of the seventeenth century. And yet from the Middle Ages that small population turned out painters of astonishing subtlety and skill. They outcompeted in quality and quantity the far larger and more populous nations of France, Germany and Britain, and were matched or surpassed only by Italy. The Netherlands was the birthplace of Van Eyck and Hieronymus Bosch, Rembrandt and Vermeer, creators of immortal art whom we can justly call geniuses. Yet Cumming never asks why and how this could be so. How could such a small region produce so many world-conquering painters?[2] And such good painting in such quantity?

Holland in the hexagon: We owe “97% of human accomplishment” since the 1300s to White men in this region

If she had asked those questions, she would of course have confined her answers entirely to culture and invention. And yes, culture and invention — glass and lenses, for example — do undoubtedly explain some of the Dutch success in art before and during the Golden Age. But those things alone don’t and can’t explain all of it. Genetics played a central part too, because genetics was involved in all of it: the art, the culture, the invention. Those sublime skills arose within skulls of a particular kind. Dutch genius was a subset of White genius, of the evolved intelligence and inventiveness of White northern Europeans. Holland sits inside a hexagon of achievement identified by Charles Murray in his book Human Accomplishment (2003): “97% of human accomplishment since the 14th century occurred from men born in this region.” Among the men discussed by Murray are Rembrandt and Vermeer, two Dutch masters who are also discussed by Cumming in Thunderclap. But her book centers on a Dutch master whose art is now far better known than his name. Millions of people are familiar with this painting, for example:

The Goldfinch or Het puttertje (1654) (Wikipedia)

But who painted it? I knew the painting when I picked Thunderclap up earlier this year, but I couldn’t have told you the name of the painter. He was Carel Fabritius, born in 1622 and killed thirty-two years later in the huge accidental explosion from which Thunderclap takes its title. The Dutch town of Delft was deafened and part-destroyed in the mid-morning of 12th October 1654, when the carelessness of a government official ignited stocks of gunpowder held in a vault near the center of the town. This is how Cumming describes the disaster:

Trees are torn from their roots, bodies lifted into the air in a torrential uprush. It takes a while for the living to rise up from the ground, stunned and terrified of another blast. Which comes, as 90,000 pounds of black gunpowder stored in barrels in the vault detonate in a rapid bombing pattern of explosions that rip through Delft, exactly as happened in the present century when the port of Beirut exploded, the sound heard as far away as Cyprus. Some citizens are tormented by tinnitus for weeks. Others are permanently deafened. (“Three,” p. 223)

Fabritius was carried severely injured from the ruins of his house and died shortly afterwards. It was the final tragedy of a tragic life, for he had lost his first wife in childbirth and three children to disease by then. Death came early and often in those days, but Cumming understands only the tragedy of that, not the implications for human evolution. Fabritius seems to have left no descendants: he failed genetically. But he triumphed memetically, because one thing survived from his shattered house. As Cumming describes on the final page of Thunderclap, modern scanning has revealed that his most famous painting was there on that thunderous day. But the fragments driven against it by the blast “did not split or shatter” its surface “because it was not dry.” No, “The Goldfinch was still wet, still drying, a work in progress like its maker, a living thing in the studio when Fabritius was dying.” (p. 256)

That’s a memorable image to end a memorable book, a celebration of some of the world’s greatest art and greatest artists in one of the world’s smallest and least geographically fortunate nations. Vermeer is celebrated in Thunderclap, of course, and Cumming casts a skilful and appreciative eye over masterpieces like View of Delft (c. 1660):

Zicht op Delft or View of Delft by Johannes Vermeer (c. 1660) (Wikipedia)

But she centers the book on Fabritius and does her best to give him some of Vermeer’s stature. I don’t think she succeeds. Yes, The Goldfinch is a masterpiece, but not at Vermeer’s level and I wouldn’t apply the same label to the rest of what has survived of Fabritius’s art. Instead, I’d call it strange and interesting. Perhaps if he had lived longer or painted more, his name would be better known today. But he was neither prolific nor fortunate, and it was obviously the tragedy and mystery of his life that drew Cumming to him. He’s a tragic hero, bereaved early and often before dying young and suddenly, having just created what would become a world-conquering piece of avian art. But I think a piece of vegetable art included in the book is greater than almost anything that has survived by Fabritius. It’s Still Life of Asparagus by Adriaen Coorte (c. 1665–c. 1707):

Coorte, Adriaen; Still Life of Asparagus; The Ashmolean Museum of Art and Archaeology; http://www.artuk.org/artworks/still-life-of-asparagus-141862

Still Life of Asparagus or Stilleven met asperges by Adriaen Coorte (version in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford)

To invest a face or a finch or a flower with sublimity is high achievement for an artist. But higher still is to invest vegetables with sublimity. That’s what Coorte did in the still-life above. And in Laura Cumming’s own life, his painting would be a leap to the sublime from the ridiculous. How so? Well, she describes how she was studying literature at Oxford and went to see the “French philosopher Derrida” speak at the Modern Languages Faculty. But Derrida was delivering his “impeccably difficult lecture” in French and she felt ashamed not to follow it well. To console herself afterwards, she visited the Ashmolean Museum next door. It was there that she “saw a small painting glowing in a gallery dim with shadows.” It was her first encounter with the art of Coorte, whom she would come to regard as “the greatest” of “Dutch still-life painters”:

It showed a bunch of asparagus lying on a shelf, perhaps a dozen spears, running from white to silvery-green at the tips. This humble sheaf, tied up with string, is positioned at a curious tilt. But what strikes first and last is the black and white thunderclap — the obliterating darkness from which these stalks stand out in a light so bright it appears to come from within as well as from without. Young asparagus has that pale metallic sheen, as if it had stored up some internal power from growing up out of darkness. But this light was almost supernaturally bright, darting along the edge of the stone shelf like a laser, igniting the nubs and tips and woody root where the blade has sliced right through — such modest vegetables held in such glory. (“Two,” p. 139)

Those seven final words are an excellent summary of the appeal of Dutch art in the Golden Age: “such modest vegetables held in such glory.” The Protestantism of Vermeer and Rembrandt had replaced the Catholicism of Bosch and Van Eyck, the mundane had replaced the Madonna, but Dutch art was still celebrating miracles. Indeed, paintings like Coorte’s still-life make a miracle out of the mundane and the material. In a sense, he sanctified the bunch of asparagus, investing its color and shape and fleeting presence with an awe that escapes any hint of incongruity. Yes, the painting tells you, matter is miraculous and the modesty of Still Life of Asparagus multiplies the miracle.

Flowers in an Ornamental Vase or Bloemen in een siervaas by Maria van Oosterwijck (1670) (Wikipedia)

A couple of pages before that, there’s a fiery and flamboyant still-life of flowers by the female artist Maria van Oosterwijck (1630-93). It’s an excellent painting, full of color, detail and what Cumming rightly calls joie de vivre. But it isn’t full of genius in the way that Coorte’s “modest vegetables” are. And that raises another question that Guardianistas like Cumming do not like to ask or even acknowledge. Why is genius so much a male phenomenon? Why do men invent and innovate on a scale and over a range far beyond women?

More particularly — and more unspeakably still for Guardianistas — why do White men have such a disproportionate share of genius? As Charles Murray said, “97% of human accomplishment since the 14th century occurred from men born” in that north European hexagon with its corners over lowland Scotland, Denmark, central Europe, central Italy, southern France and southern England. It’s a hexagon of White male genius: there has been no female Vermeer just as there has been no female Mozart or female Newton.[3] Guardianistas would of course attribute that over-achievement of White men entirely to culture, contingency and male evil, because their leftist dogmas state that all human groups, men and women, Whites and Blacks, gays and straights, are the same under the skin and should therefore succeed or fail at exactly the same rates.

“A team of brilliant women”

That isn’t true and leftists don’t in fact behave as though it’s true. That’s why they believe that male evil explains male success and White evil explains White success. While leftists preach equality, they practise hierarchy, because they believe in privilege for their pets, like women and Muslims, and punishment for their enemies, like men and Christians. That’s why they’re concerned about unequal outcomes only when their favorites are on the losing side. When their favorites are on the winning side, inequality ceases to matter. You can see that double standard in the book under review. In the acknowledgements, Cumming thanks “a team of brilliant women” at her publisher Chatto & Windus, which is now dominated by women like most big publishers in the English-speaking world. Is that female domination a good thing? Of course it is! Does it represent prejudice against men and self-centered scheming by women? Of course it doesn’t! Unlike men, women dominate on merit, not malevolence. Those are the answers you’d get from leftists. But female domination of modern publishing isn’t a good thing. For a start, women are less adventurous and more censorious than men. I don’t think Thunderclap would have been as lyrical or as emotionally rich if it had written by Edward Dutton, but it would have been far more insightful, far more thought-provoking and far readier to ask uncomfortable questions about the racial, sexual and cultural patterns in the art it addresses.

Brilliant Female Publishing: Europe becomes the Black Continent for these travel-guides by Dorling Kindersley

But Dutton’s iconoclasm and intellectual buccaneering are  precisely why the “team of brilliant women” at Chatto would reject any book by him about any aspect of European art or culture. Dutton is a racist, sexist and homophobe with, for leftists, unspeakably wicked ideas about genetics, psychology and racial difference. He belongs to a thoroughly unfavored group, that of the White Heterosexual Able-bodied Male or WHAM. So we have the irony of a modern publishing world where it’s women deciding what can be said about the work of White male geniuses like Vermeer and Rembrandt. But I need to give Cumming her due: she isn’t hostile to WHAMs in this book. She doesn’t belong to the Culture of Critique and she doesn’t shoehorn slavery or colonialism anywhere into her analysis. She celebrates Dutch culture and the Dutch throughout rather than denigrating or deconstructing them.

No risk of wrath

And the book is, in part, a celebration of the WHAM responsible for her own existence: her father James Cumming (1922-91), a Scottish modernist painter who helped waken her love of art and of Dutch art in particular. I don’t like the paintings by him reproduced here, but I did like the irony of the final image in the book being a detail from his colorful painting Chromosomes II. Cumming muses on the painting and its title earlier in the book:  “Chroma: colour. Soma: body.” (p. 108) But she doesn’t acknowledge and would never admit that real chromosomes underlie what is celebrated in her book: the embodied genius of White men who could capture color and shape so skilfully on canvas.

The color of chromosomes: how race is obvious in genetic geometry

Her father wasn’t a genius, but it’s perfectly understandable that she should seek to celebrate him and make his art more widely known. He’s family and leftists don’t condemn Whites who celebrate and defend their own family. But they do condemn Whites who celebrate and defend their super-family, that is, their race. Cumming runs no risk of leftist wrath in Thunderclap. She doesn’t celebrate her own race or even acknowledge its existence. She presents Dutch artistic genius as though it emerged ex nihilo and owed nothing to genetics or evolution. That’s why she doesn’t write as richly as Dutton might have done. It’s also why her book won’t be read as richly by Guardianistas as it is by racists and sexists like me.

Deliberate disaster

But her book won’t be read as regretfully by Guardianistas either. I both relished and regretted the celebration of Dutch artistic genius in Thunderclap. What did I regret? I regretted what I knew lay ahead for the nation of Vermeer, Rembrandt and Fabritius. A much slower and much more insidious disaster awaited Holland than that accidental detonation of gunpowder stocks in 1654. And it wasn’t an accidental disaster. No, it was the deliberate opening of Holland’s borders to the Third World. Laura Cumming can feel the tragedy of Carel Fabritius losing his wife and children in the seventeenth century. Why can she not feel the tragedy of the native White Dutch losing their nation in the twentieth-first century?

And not just losing their nation: losing it to groups of far lower intelligence and far less achievement. Non-White groups like Moroccan Muslims didn’t give the world sublime art when they lived in their homelands and the magic dirt of Holland hasn’t enabled them to do so after they moved there. What they excel at is not art or invention, but violent crime, welfare dependency, fraud and political corruption. Like Britain, Holland has Muslim rape-gangs and, like Britain again, Holland has leftists enabling and excusing the rape-gangs. Cumming discusses and praises female artists like Maria van Oosterwijck and Rachel Ruysch in her book. But what about the female descendants of those Dutch female greats? Those descendants are at risk and under attack in ways that their ancestress-artists could never have foreseen. Because who could have foreseen in the Dutch Golden Age that the civilized Christian Netherlands, newly liberated from Catholic Spain, would open its borders to Muslim barbarians?

Genius and genetic pacification

Cumming regrets vanished art again and again in Thunderclap, like “the treasury of Golden Age art lost [aboard ship] off Finland in 1771 on its way to Catherine the Great in Russia.” (p. 129) She laments that “Dutch painters are always in debt, verging on destitution: Van Goyen, De Hooch, Fabritius, Vermeer, Rembrandt above all.” (p. 191) But she doesn’t regret or lament what is happening to the whole of Holland in the twenty-first century: submersion beneath a mud-flood and the conversion of what could have been a golden future into something quite different. Now Holland’s future, like Britain’s, threatens to be a bloody chaos of civil war and ethnic cleansing.

But perhaps the atrocities of Holland’s future were predictable from the art of Holland’s past. The art discussed and displayed in Thunderclap is sublime, subtle, spiritual. But it could also be described as subdued and even subjugated. It occasionally contains soldiers but it isn’t martial or militant. It has genius but also gentleness, because it expresses the psychology of a genetically pacified people who had lived for many centuries under a strong state that executed criminals and protected the law-abiding. That’s genetic pacification: a strong state removes genes for violence, sensation-seeking and criminality even as it protects genes for self-control, industry and resistance to boredom. So was this painting by Carel Fabritius an unintended prophecy of Holland’s future?

The Sentry or De poort bewaker by Carel Fabritius (1654) (Wikipedia)

What does The Sentry mean? Art-critics are still arguing about that: as Cumming says, it “is the most enigmatic of Fabritius’s scant few works.” (p. 159) But it could be read as an unintentional allegory of Holland asleep as traitors prepared to release the mud-flood of unassimilable and under-achieving tribalists from the non-White regions like Turkey, Morocco and the Moluccas (a former Dutch colony today part of Indonesia). Those non-White homelands have never produced a Vermeer or a Leeuwenhoek, the great Dutch microscopist who also appears in Thunderclap. He’ll remind some readers that Holland has oversized achievements in science and technology too. Holland’s heritage is mighty and worth fighting for.

And it will be fought for, because the true White Dutch are not dead. The genius of Vermeer, Van Eyck, Rembrandt and the rest now has to be seen not as ars gratia artis, “art for the sake of art,” but as ars gratia Martis, “art for the sake of Mars.” If the White Dutch want to retain their nation and the glories of its art, they will have to fight. And I think they will fight. When I read Thunderclap, I found it impossible to believe that a nation capable of such greatness would ever be defeated by enemies of such inferiority. That’s the final of the racist messages in Thunderclap that its Guardianista author never intended to put there.


[1]  This painting doesn’t appear in Thunderclap, but I needed something both skilful and skullful.

[2]  Vermeer was not properly recognized outside the Netherlands until long after his day, but his art has now conquered the world.

[3]  As the provocateur Camille Paglia once put it: “There is no female Mozart because there is no female Jack the Ripper.”

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Tobias Langdon https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Tobias Langdon2026-05-08 09:03:502026-05-08 09:03:50Such Skill Beneath the Skull: Celebrating the White Genius of Dutch Art

“One Battle After Another” (2025): Radical Politics & Fetishized Miscegenation, Part 2 of 2

May 3, 2026/8 Comments/in Featured Articles, Western Culture/by Max West

6075 words

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VI.             Christmas Adventurers Club

The Christmas Adventurers Club is a fictional, far-right, Christian Nationalist secret society composed of elite, White supremacist business and political leaders. The club uses its wholesome-sounding name, and suburban “southwest headquarters” access point, to mask sinister and xenophobic goals while aiming to control American society. (There is no such group in Pynchon’s Vineland, so this dramatic concept is entirely Anderson’s). We have the loaded connotations of Christ inherent in the word ‘Christmas’.

Lockjaw is being considered for membership in the Christmas Adventurers Club and is interviewed by them in a fancy hotel suite. Being a White supremacist himself, Lockjaw is of course eager to be accepted as a member of this exclusive group. Club member Sandy Irvine (played by Norm Macdonald’s old writing partner and SNL veteran Jim Downey) says to Lockjaw:

Steve, we have, in the past, offered membership to certain members of the military. We found their tactical battlefield expertise to be quite useful. Now, our aim and your aim is the same. To find dangerous lunatics, haters, and punk trash and stop them.

Then another, higher-ranking society member with the absurdly WASP name of Virgil Throckmorton (Tony Goldwyn) says to Lockjaw:

You’re doing great work. … Each and every day is hand-to-hand combat in the spread of uncontrolled migration, isn’t it?…

I don’t think I’m being immodest when I say that joining the Christmas Adventurers Club means that you are a superior man. No, not the best man, not the most intelligent, the most sophisticated, or the wisest. It just means that you are superior to other human beings, and you shall never want for riches or the greatest of friends.

Now, we report to ourselves with a freedom to be creative and cut through layers of bureaucracy. We live by the Golden Rule, in a network of like-minded men and women dedicated to making the world safe and pure.

What would you say to someone who believes that you have been soft in your duty to racial purification?

Lockjaw answers: “I would say they are a liar who has no business in society. Or on the planet, for that matter.” This impresses the Club members.

As part of the Club’s uber-thorough “Double Yankee White Inquisitions Completum” background check on Lockjaw, they ask him a series of questions that, as only a White liberal screenwriter can conjure, serve to signify conservative White males’ assumed aversion to psychotherapy, as well as the secret society’s anti-Semitism and organizing principle of White Gentile racial purity:

Throckmorton: Have you ever consulted with a mental health professional?

Lockjaw: No, sir…

Throckmorton: Have you ever engaged in an interracial relationship?

Lockjaw: No, sir.

Throckmorton: And you are American-born by Gentile?

Lockjaw: Yes, sir.

Later in the film, as the leaders of the Christmas Adventurers Club discover that Lockjaw has fathered a mixed-race child, they decide to take drastic measures to clean up the mess. We see a proper-looking White male drive a blue Mustang to an upscale home in an exclusive neighborhood that is the southwest headquarters of the secret society. In Pynchon’s Vineland, which Pynchon set in the 1980s, Ronald Reagan’s Presidential election is an all-important backdrop to the events of the novel. As a nod to this, Anderson uses Reagan’s posh home in East Sacramento – which he occupied during his stint as California governor from 1967 to 1975 – to represent the exteriors of the Christmas Adventurers Club’s southwest headquarters.

As the man is driving to this house, the soundtrack plays an excerpt of the eighteenth-century English Christmas carol “Hark! The Herald Angels Sing” to further ridicule Christianity and associate it with White supremacism and murderousness:

Hark, the herald angels sing
Glory to the newborn King
Peace on earth and mercy mild
God and sinners reconciled
Joyful, all ye nations, rise…
Hail the Sun of Righteousness
Light and life to all he brings

Risen with healing in his wings
Mild he lays his glory by
Born that man no more may die
Born to raise the sons of earth
Born to give them second birth
Hark, the herald angels sing
Glory to the newborn King

The man knocks on the door and is instantly recognized and let in by a genteel elderly woman. She asks if he is hungry and offers to make him her “famous Alice banana pancakes.” The man politely declines, saying he’s about to be running late and that he “better get down there.” We then see the man enter the door to the basement which then leads to a vast, lighted, concrete corridor with numerous rooms off the corridor, finally arriving at the room to which he’s been summoned. Awaiting him are the elite leaders of the Christmas Adventurers Club. (In this setting, we have the tired liberal trope of wealthy WASP enclaves — and White suburbs in general — secretly harboring White supremacist viewpoints). The room is replete with hunting motifs (because to urban liberals, that’s what White racists in the suburbs do).

The man, despite his unassuming demeanor, is actually a hitman for the Christmas Adventurers Club. He is instructed to kill both Lockjaw and Willa. As the Club members adjourn, they say “All hail Saint Nick” in unison.

The attempt to kill Lockjaw and Willa fails. Due to his own effort to dispose of Willa having gone awry, as well as the Christmas Adventurers Club attempt to murder both Willa and Lockjaw having gone awry, Lockjaw’s face has become horribly disfigured (get it?). In the end, however, Lockjaw is lured back to meet with the Christmas Adventurers Club under false pretenses. They lead him to believe he’s been accepted as a member. “Congratulations, Steve, you’re a Christmas Adventurer.” Lockjaw is jubilant. “Oh, Mommy. Thank you, sir!” he says back.

Sandy Irvine leads Lockjaw to a corner office in an empty high-rise office building which offers an amazing view of the city, telling him:

Lockjaw, we’re lucky to have you. Now, obviously, goes without saying, this is just one place where you can hang your hat, take meetings, stow a few personal items. We like our members to feel they have a home away from home, any time, day or night. Now, it’s empty right now, but we’ll let you personalize it. A man’s taste defines him, doesn’t it?

Lockjaw asks if he can sit at the desk in the office, to which Sandy says “Absolutely.” As Lockjaw sits down, Sandy says “Damn it. I forgot your keys. Wait here, I’ll just grab ‘em from my office.” As he leaves (closing the door behind him), Lockjaw puts his feet up on the desk, basking in the glow of his personal moment of triumph. We then hear the sound of some sort of gas being pumped into the room from the ceiling air vent. In just moments, Lockjaw is dead — seemingly frozen into place — and two men in full hazmat suits arrive, carry his body out, and place it into an incinerator.

The Holocaust analogy here is so glaringly obvious and forced as to be embarrassing. Both the poison gas and the subsequent disposal of a body into a furnace is, of course, a twist on the Holocaust trope of telling Jews they’re just getting a shower (and not Zyklon B) and then their bodies being incinerated. Why this trope here? Because, according to the modern liberal mind, ‘White people’ are responsible for the Holocaust, an event which apparently began on June 6, 1944.

In the end, Lockjaw was sentenced to death for the sin of miscegenation, particularly the most egregious form of this sin: producing a child with someone who is Black.

VII.            Racialized Sexuality as Revolutionary Political Activism

One Battle has been a pet project of Anderson’s since the early 1990s when he first read Pynchon’s Vineland and became obsessed with it, and he then worked on the eventual adapted screenplay for over 20 years. In a very significant way, the film can be seen as an extended therapy session for Anderson. He seems to be expressing his apparent fetishization of Black women in much the same way that Quentin Tarantino expresses his fetishization with women’s feet. Anderson also seems to be expunging a weird misplaced sense of guilt over his own Whiteness, maleness and heterosexuality in general, and addressing anxiety over the racial identity crises his miscegenated children have experienced, or will likely experience in their lives, to some degree. Anderson also seems to be trying to elevate his own mixed-race domestic situation as itself some sort of revolutionary act, which if true is a perfect example of elite, armchair LARP-ing, the sort of “revolutionary action” that doesn’t require getting one’s hands dirty.

There is a conspicuous amount of interracialized sexuality (of the White-with-Black variety) on display in One Battle, and it’s worth considering the possible autobiographical reasons why Anderson placed so much of this element into his film. How else to explain the random, disparate, and otherwise pointless displays of miscegenated eroticism in One Battle?

For example, in the aforementioned opening sequence of the film we see Bob kissing passionately with his Perfidia while they are escaping from their successful operation to liberate illegal aliens from a migrant detention center. (It is she who irrationally and recklessly initiates this moment of passion, which briefly confuses Bob). Later in the film, after Bob has detonated various explosives against other domestic targets, we see the two kissing passionately again as they are fleeing (and with her also wanting to stop to have sex). Then later we see Alana Haim (her Jewish physiognomy unmistakable), in a role so minor as to be almost pointless, as French 75 member “Mae West” who kisses a Black male French 75 member just before both of them participate in an organized bank robbery. During this robbery, another loud Black female member of the French 75 named “Junglepussy”, with gun in hand, jumps on top of a desk and shouts to the bank employees: “I am what Black Power looks like!”

The script never provides a satisfactory and internally coherent reason as to why Perfidia, the radical Black leader of a revolutionary Leftwing terrorist group, would decide she wants to have sex with a White man as odious as Lockjaw (and bear his child), let alone settle down with Bob, another White man. In fact, this has been a subject of contention among some liberal reviewers of the film. Regarding the ways in which Perfidia is sexualized by two White men, one critic for The Guardian trots out Cultural Marxism’s notion of the “White male gaze” as well as the “lived experience” idiom, writing:

And while I understand the context and meaning behind the villain’s sexual obsession as a—reflection of racist and rightwing viewpoints, it also reflects hyper-sexualization of Black women in cinema. Taking on the form of a thing in order to critique and satirize it requires careful and—informed perspective. Intentions can result in the opposite of what’s intended, and that’s why our—intentions with other people’s lived experiences need to be handled so carefully.

One Battle After Another portrays these themes and reflects these questions and issues in ways—that mostly point it out and train all of its satire and disdain for the white men guilty of that gaze,—attitude, and behavior. But in going so far into being the thing in order to mock it, sometimes the—line gets awfully blurry, and it starts to feel like the film isn’t so much pointing at racist/sexist—stereotypes and male gaze as becoming those things in order to provoke us to react. (Hughes, 2025).[1]

The anger rises with Ellen E. Jones, a mixed-race Black female critic for The Guardian, who bemoans the film’s “fetishised depiction of interracial relationships” and Perfidia’s “hyper-sexualized” nature. “Dear revered PTA,” she writes, “what is up with you and Black women?”

… Anderson went for extreme horniness instead. This is a choice. Just like it was a choice to name another of his Black female revolutionary characters “Junglepussy” — inspired by the performer’s real stage name, a sexualised spin on the old racist slur “jungle bunny”. Or to have Perfidia express her principled defiance of the fascistic state with the phrase “this pussy don’t pop for you”. (Note to white male screenwriters: not every Black woman talks like Cardi B. And even Cardi B doesn’t sound like a Cardi B record all the time) (Jones, 2025).

Of the scene where Lockjaw says to Bob: “Do you like Black girls? I love ‘em!”, Jones writes:

This is intended to demonstrate the character’s repellence, but would be much more effective as such, if we hadn’t just seen lovable Bob describe his attraction to Perfidia in pretty much the same terms, moments earlier. Or Avon Barksdale from The Wire (aka actor Wood Harris) fondly describing his girlfriend Alana Haim as “an ordinary, working white girl”. In the OBAA worldview, all interracial relationships are apparently founded on a race kink. (Jones, 2025).

I would contend that the two White men on either side of Perfidia — Bob and Lockjaw — represent Anderson’s own conflicted psyche about the very idea of White men being with Black women and producing mixed-race children, and his own family life within that context. Bob is the ‘good’ well-intentioned side of this struggle, and Lockjaw is the malevolent and repressed Shadow figure of this struggle. When the Christmas Adventurers Club asks Lockjaw point blank if he knows who Perfidia Beverly Hills is and whether he’s had a romantic relationship with her, Lockjaw lies to them, and the choice of words in Anderson’s script is quite interesting:

Gentlemen, I have engaged the enemy face-to-face in battle. And in the dark alleys and shadows of espionage, I was once raped in reverse. The enemy employed deception. I was drugged. And while unconscious. … I believe [my power] was taken advantage of. I believe she was a sperm thief. They saw the power of my mind and body. They desired it.

Teyana Taylor (who plays Perfidia), when asked about this mini-controversy being discussed within the Left’s media bubble, exudes the Harlem ghetto mindset she grew up in, telling an interviewer:

Is that not what Black women go through? We are fetishized, especially by creepy motherfuckers. And we are, unfortunately, the least protected people. Showing what Black women go through, that’s a hard reality to accept (O’Connell, 2025).

It never crosses Taylor’s mind that perhaps the creepy motherfucker doing the fetishizing might be Anderson himself. In fact, the awkward and incongruous placement of mixed-race sexualization in One Battle begins to make more sense if we see it as a reflection of Anderson’s personal proclivities and very odd conception of miscegenation as a revolutionary act.

Whichever way one cuts it, however, a consistent theme does emerge in One Battle: miscegenation is depicted by Anderson as a revolutionary act. The intertwining and association of sexual arousal with violent revolutionary action is most odd, and the intimate merging of an idealized Marxist political utopia with a racialized sexual utopia is something Frantz Fanon might have dreamt up. It’s important to note that in Pynchon’s Vineland, both the Bob character and the Perfidia-character are White, which therefore makes their daughter White. Thus, it is entirely Anderson who makes the Perfidia character Black, injecting the storyline with layers of miscegenation and a bizarre racialized-sexuality-cum-revolutionary-politics angle. In a kind of auteurist poetic gesture, sexual transgression is symbolically aligned with political rebellion. All of this seems to be towards Anderson’s goal of rendering interracialized sexuality as, at a minimum, a form of political activism, and possibly also a proper and useful ingredient for revolutionary politics. To better understand this, and why Anderson may have infused One Battle with so much of this theme, we need to briefly turn to his own domestic family life.

***

At the time of One Battle’s release, Anderson stands as a 55-year-old father to four mixed-race children, ranging from 12 to 19 — three of them daughters – whom he shares with Maya Rudolph, the former SNL cast member he’s been in an unmarried relationship with since 2001. Rudolph is herself mixed-race (her mother was Black and her father is Jewish). The theme of mixed-race individuals (particularly Black-White biracial) feeling like outsiders in both White and Black communities has been a topic discussed extensively in sociology, psychology, personal memoirs, literature, and online discourse. Never feeling fully at home or accepted in the White community nor in the Black community, mixed-race Blacks often have the biggest racial chip on their shoulders. There is a heightened racial resentment that is almost always targeted at the White aspect of their identity. Following the ‘one drop’ rule, such mixed-race individuals overcompensate by identifying as Black and implicitly or explicitly rejecting the White aspect of their identity. The anger from their conflicted psyches is channeled primarily through publicly avowed ideology rather than violence. They often lean into their ‘Blackness’ and espouse anti-White rhetoric as a way to prove their ‘authenticity’ to full-blooded Blacks. In essence, this public aspect, largely performative, functions as a virtue signal to prove and establish their ‘Blackness’. (Barack Obama is a prime example).[2]

Many of Anderson’s films feature fractured and dysfunctional family arrangements, and it may be the case that Anderson imparts autobiographical elements from his own domestic life into his films, namely the more trying times of his rather unusual family dynamics. It is not much of a stretch to imagine that the life of a successful, critically-acclaimed, auteur writer/director such as Anderson is fraught with domestic problems and emotional sacrifices. As we often see with many of the greatest artists, writers, and poets over the ages, dedication to their craft is their life, and everything else — family included — is a distant second. For instance, in There Will Be Blood (2007), Daniel Plainview’s (Daniel Day Lewis) ego and blind ambition are temporarily brought to their knees when a paster cajoles him to confess his sins, leading him to cry out “I have abandoned my child!” Similarly, in One Battle, Perfidia the dedicated Black female revolutionary essentially abandons her child, not so much for the revolutionary cause but to save her ass from federal prosecution and likely prison time.

In One Battle, Perfidia’s mother is called “Gramma Minnie,” a reference to Maya Rudolph’s mother Minnie Riperton, a renowned soul singer who died of cancer at 31.[3] In an essay about Maya Rudolph’s influence on One Battle, Desiree Bowie writes:

That sense of absence runs deep. Willa loses both grandmother and mother in infancy, and Perfidia parts from her own mom too soon. Each woman is marked by the loss of the one before her.

Teyana Taylor, who plays Perfidia, even said she immersed herself in Riperton’s discography to find the character’s pulse during the film’s long shoot (Bowie, 2025).

In terms of casting the role of Willa, and what led to his choice of Chase Infiniti for the role, Anderson told an interviewer “She reminded me of my daughters. She felt like a person who would be friends with my daughters, and I just connected to her as a human being” (Fear, 2025). In a sequence in the movie where Bob and Sergio are frantically trying to find Willa (whom Lockjaw has kidnapped), Bob laments to Sensei Sergio that after Perfidia left all those years ago, he still struggles with how to be a father to Willa, brushing up against World War Hair in the process:

Just never thought this fucker would come back for us, you know? I got lazy, man. I wasn’t paying attention. I thought the person coming through that door one day was gonna be her mom, not this fucking asshole. See her daughter, you know? She’d teach her girl stuff. She’d do her hair, she’d … be a mom. I can’t do her hair, man. You know that? I don’t know how to do her hair right.

Of this bit of screenplay dialogue, Anderson says in the same interview:

[It’s] no secret that Maya [Rudolph, Paul’s partner] lost her mother [the singer Minnie Riperton] when she was very young. And Maya’s father really struggled, as a single dad, to do her hair. Because, you know, I can tell you: As a father of mixed-race girls, it’s nearly impossible for me to do their hair as a white man. That was something that struck me as a father, and that I really knew was a challenge for her and for him. That’s a very personal line for me. (Fear, 2025)

In many ways, one can see DiCaprio’s hapless Bob character as a surrogate for Anderson himself. With the racially complicated nature of Anderson’s family, one senses a latent White Savior Complex in One Battle, albeit one that Anderson is simultaneously aware of but conflicted about, and so tries to mitigate.[4]

***

Through the repeated inter-racialized displays in One Battle, Anderson seems to be leaning heavily towards a Frankfurt School interpretation of sorts. The legacy of Freudian pseudoscience (and its inherent hostility to the prevailing Christian sexual norms of heritage America) looms large vis-à-vis the idea of sexual energy as a political force.[5] One need not believe that any of the associated theories capture anything objectively true — most are patently absurd — but it is important to note how these theories inform the Leftist and animate his political art and activism. The theories operate less as working empirical models but more as instruction manuals for activism. The notion of sexual energy as a political force can, of course, be traced back to the profound influence of Sigmund Freud, the Jewish father of psychoanalysis, particularly his theoretical framework of Eros and Thanatos as discussed in Beyond the Pleasure Principle (1920). In revolutionary contexts, so the argument goes, Eros (the drive toward union, pleasure, life) and Thanatos (the drive toward destruction and death) collapse into each other. Destruction becomes pleasurable; killing and dying are eroticized as forms of fusion and transcendence. Revolutionary violence thus becomes a Thanatotic act experienced through Eros.

This ‘dual-drive’ theory of Freud’s underlies several other influential Freudian-Marxists. In The Mass Psychology of Fascism (1933), the Jewish psychoanalyst Wilhelm Reich argued that sexual repression creates authoritarian character structures. Libido that cannot be discharged erotically is redirected into aggression, discipline, and ecstatic submission; mass political movements offer a quasi-erotic release through violence, spectacle, and collective action.

Similarly, the influential Jewish intellectual Herbert Marcuse explicitly links libidinal energy with political rebellion. He deploys a Freudian-Marxist concept of ‘liberation’ that promises a return of pleasure, intensity, and bodily freedom. In Eros and Civilization (1955), Marcuse argues that capitalist society represses Eros, and that when ‘sexual liberation’ is incomplete, revolutionary politics will absorb this repressed erotic longing. Later, in Counterrevolution and Revolt (1972), Marcuse suggests that radical politics often becomes aestheticized and eroticized, but that violence can function as a substitute gratification. It is why, he argues, some revolutionary movements become theatrical and performative, intoxicating even when futile.

It is also worth pointing out the undue influence that The Authoritarian Personality (1950) has had on Cultural Marxism. Theodor Adorno and his co-authors sought to frame traditional Christian norms — such as conventional moral values, respect for established religious authority, traditional gender roles, and adherence to conventional family and sexual ethics — as symptomatic of an underlying authoritarian personality syndrome. On the “F-scale” (fascism scale) personality test that the authors designed, high scorers were pathologized as psychologically rigid, prejudiced, and predisposed to ethnocentrism and fascism, effectively recasting ordinary Christian conservatism as a form of mental maladjustment rooted in repressed aggression and weak ego strength.

It is important also to note that the Weather Underground, who operated between 1969 and 1977, explicitly embraced sexual liberation as a revolutionary act and bought into the Neo-Freudian rhetoric of political violence (and even the outright murder of White civilians) as frenzied ecstatic transgression, all in service of the revolution. For instance, Bernardine Dohrn infamously praised the Manson murders as “wild.” Mark Rudd, the aforementioned Weather Underground leader, writes:

There were crazy discussions at Flint over whether killing white babies was inherently revolutionary, since all white people are the enemy. Out of this bizarre thinking came Bernardine’s infamous speech praising Charles Manson and his gang’s murder of actress Sharon Tate, her unborn child, and the LaBiancas. “Dig it!” she exclaimed. “First they killed those pigs, then they ate dinner in the same room with them. They even shoved a fork into the victim’s stomach! Wild!” We instantly adopted as Weather’s salute four fingers held up in the air, invoking the fork left in Sharon Tate’s belly (Rudd, 2009).

That Bernardine Dohrn was not instantly disqualified from a faculty position at Northwestern University’s Law School speaks volumes about the Left’s continued grip on academia. As with other militant 1960s radicals — Bill Ayers, Angela Davis, Kathy Boudin, Kathleen Cleaver, etc. — the disturbing pattern here is in how their terrorist activities were not socially punished but social rewarded: academic appointments and other comfortable sinecures bestowed where one might have expected lasting disgrace.

VIII.          Conclusion

One Battle is a thoroughly Californian film. Its setting takes place entirely in California. It’s director and lead actor, both ardent progressives, have lived there for their entire lives. Thomas Pynchon spent formative decades living in California and his novel that One Battle is loosely based upon is set in California. “As California goes, so goes the nation” is an old political maxim that rings truer every day, and the madness that is California politics plays like satire itself. In a piece of trivia worthy of The Babylon Bee, prior to scenes being shot for One Battle in downtown Sacramento, authorities removed homeless tents — from ‘Cesar Chavez Park’ no less – presumably at the production’s request: ‘The Sacramento Homeless Union says tents were tagged with notices of filming Thursday and those living in the tents were forced to leave the area. “This permit should have never been given,” said Crystal Sanchez, President of the Sacramento Homeless Union’ (Trubey, 2024).

In the epilogue of One Battle, while Bob embraces a quiet life and is adapting to modern technology (Willa shows him how to take a selfie on his new iPhone), we hear a police scanner/radio announce that there is a new protest in Oakland. The radio acts as a link between the past French 75 era of Leftist political activism and the present, showing that the “battle” is never truly over but has passed on to a new generation. The present marks an era of female-dominated, Gen Z, Leftist activism. (Gen Z men are moving decisively towards conservatism). Willa immediately prepares to leave to join the rally, and Bob tries meekly to dissuade her. “You know, Oakland’s a three-and-a-half-hour drive from here,” he says to her, “It’s raining out.” We see unmistakably that this has absolutely no effect on Willa’s determination to go. “Be careful,” Bob says to her as she walks out the door. “I won’t” Willa replies, in the film’s last line of dialogue, before Tom Petty’s “American Girl” needle-drops onto the film’s closing credits, signaling Willa as a continuation of her mother’s activist legacy and the future of America.

One Battle is clearly a celebration of female leadership and an endorsement of the continued feminization of culture. The perceived “battles” that Anderson entertains as reality — the “eternal struggle” theme of the film’s title — comes from Anderson’s liberal White sensibility of what Black and Brown existence in America is comprised of. As one liberal reviewer of the film notes: “The terms of One Battle are not success and failure but action and inaction, and the belligerent, no-nonsense swagger Willa accrues as her own battles pile on suggests that the radical tradition of her parents’ generation will survive through her own” (Goi, 2025).

The more that one scrutinizes One Battle, the more apparent it becomes that Bob is Paul Thomas Anderson and that Willa is his daughters. “Like Bob,” one reviewer notes, “Anderson is an aging rebel reckoning with the nature of time” (LeBeau, 2025). Anderson himself, in an interview, frames the film’s message as one of persistence and stoicism:

Whether you’re talking about big things, finding one battle after another for the state of our world, or you’re talking about daily battles, from getting up in the morning and just getting your coat and getting your kids to school and brushing your teeth and stubbing your toe. I mean, that’s the job. Yes, fight these daily battles. Be nice. Keep your head down. Get on to the next fight, but don’t give up. (Fear, 2025)

In a Rolling Stone interview with both Anderson and DiCaprio, the interviewer tees them up with a loaded (and leading) assertion posing as a question:

So many people are asking, what can we do to fight back against this weird, fucked-up moment in American history. And One Battle After Another does kind of have an answer to that, which is: Look after your community and take care of your own.

DiCaprio agrees and then Anderson adds:

I think I what I’ve been noticing over the past two weeks since we’ve started showing the movie is, you know, maybe it’s not fashionable to make an optimistic movie right now. That was a risk. It’s fashionable to be cranky or something. But there’s a streak of optimism in the film. I hope there is, at least, I because I feel that way. I mean, I have four kids. I’d better be fucking optimistic. (Fear, 2025)

These sentiments aptly reflect where progressive culture is at the moment. Domestic politics is not seen as a slow and relatively boring, procedural endeavor with compromises being an often-necessary way station towards progress. Rather, it is a grand opera of mythic proportions, where each of us is either good or evil. (The moral absolutism inherent in this Manichaean worldview helps explain the performative aspect of Leftist activism today).

To this point, DiCaprio has compared One Battle to the film Star Wars (1977), something Anderson does not disagree with, noting that Willa can be seen as ‘the Chosen One’ (ala siblings Luke Skwalker and Princess Leia), Sergio/Sensei as Obi Wan Kenobi, Lockjaw as Darth Vader (relentlessly searching for Rebellion members, and secretly the father of the ‘Chosen One’), and the Christmas Adventurers Club hitman as bounty hunter Boba Fett. To this we can add Bob as comic relief ala R2D2/C3PO but with a father-daughter dynamic in play. In terms of making sense of the Left’s paranoid mindset today, of capturing the zeitgeist of their worldview, One Battle After Another in many ways is the Star Wars of today’s Left.[6]

In a rare moment where he steps outside of his usual, milquetoast NYT-acceptable ‘conservatism’, Ross Douthat fittingly contextualizes One Battle as a failure of vision:

In keeping with the current liberal mood, it feels trapped in a Boomer time warp, trying to speak to the Trump era but constantly pulled backward toward the America of 50 years ago. … Again, all this anachronism works fine in a story about futility and repetition. But Anderson wants to nod to those forces while still offering some sort of call to arms. And the trumpet is too tinny, a thin sound echoing down a long corridor from the Boomer past. History will not stop for this.

One can easily see a film like One Battle not aging well. In the unlikely chance that, in the decades to come, conservative common sense prevails in the culture wars, and race relations temper to a more rational level, it’s easy to imagine all sides retroactively deeming One Battle as itself borne of progressivism’s own ironic racist assumptions, that is, of White liberals continually perceiving the social reality of Blacks to be one of victimhood, and fostering this sensibility amongst themselves to a manic degree, of treating Blacks as near-sacred beings perpetually trapped in a system that is ‘against’ them, perpetually in need of assistance from Whites. In this way, and over time, One Battle After Another will stand as a cinematic manifestation of the heightened White Savior Complex that characterizes our current era.


REFERENCES

  • “One Battle After Another FYC — Paul Thomas Anderson in conversation,” YouTube, uploaded by Nolan Archives, December 31, 2025, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=S8Q35vXE9bI.
  • “Paul Thomas Anderson on Quentin Tarantino’s Jackie Brown,” YouTube, uploaded by Xixax TV, January 6, 2018, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7VSACkqh9a4.
  • “We talked real cinema with Leonardo DiCaprio and Paul Thomas Anderson,” YouTube, uploaded by Konbini, December 8, 2025, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E8WW4jJ59d4.
  • Abramovitch, Seth. “Benicio Del Toro on Bonding With Leo, Rewriting PTA and His First Oscar Nom in Decades,” The Hollywood Reporter, February 23, 2026, https://www.hollywoodreporter.com/movies/movie-features/benicio-del-toro-interview-one-battle-after-another-oscars-1236510776/.
  • Arblaster, Jeremy. 2022. “The Romantic Listlessness of Paul Thomas Anderson’s The Master.” Little White Lies, September 1, 2022. https://lwlies.com/in-praise-of/the-master-10
  • Aron, Raymond (1957). The Opium of the Intellectuals. Translated by Terence Kilmartin. Garden City, NY: Doubleday.
  • Bell, Daniel (1960). The End of Ideology: On the Exhaustion of Political Ideas in the Fifties. Glencoe, IL: Free Press.
  • Bloom, Harold, ed. Bloom’s Modern Critical Views: Thomas Pynchon. Chelsea House, 2003.
  • Bowie, Desiree. “Maya Rudolph’s Influence on ‘One Battle After Another’ – Plus 10 Fun Facts You Might’ve Missed,” Danger Bowie, September 30, 2025, https://dangerbowie.com/2025/09/30/one-battle-after-another-fun-facts/.
  • Brody, Richard. “The Real Battle of “One Battle After Another,” The New Yorker, October 7, 2025, https://www.newyorker.com/culture/the-front-row/the-real-battle-of-one-battle-after-another.
  • Burrough, Bryan (2015). Days of Rage: America’s Radical Underground, the FBI, and the Forgotten Age of Revolutionary Violence. New York: Penguin Books.
  • Cuddihy, John Murray (1974). The Ordeal of Civility: Freud, Marx, Levi-Strauss, and the Jewish Struggle with Modernity. New York: Harper & Row.
  • Dohrn, Zayd Ayers. “My Childhood in the Weather Underground,” The New Yorker, March 28, 2026, https://www.newyorker.com/culture/the-weekend-essay/my-childhood-in-the-weather-underground.
  • Douthat, Ross. “One Battle After Another Fails the Urgency Test,” National Review, October 23, 2025, https://www.nationalreview.com/magazine/2025/12/one-battle-after-another-fails-the-urgency-test/.
  • Dulberg, Zack & Max Horder. “Why Progressives Increasingly Support Violence,” City Journal, April 14 2025, https://www.city-journal.org/article/progressives-political-violence-donald-trump-assassination-attempt.
  • Fear, David. “How Paul Thomas Anderson and Leonardo DiCaprio Made ‘One Battle After Another’,” Rolling Stone, September 27, 2025, https://www.rollingstone.com/tv-movies/tv-movie-features/paul-thomas-anderson-leonardo-di-caprio-one-battle-after-another-interview-1235425735/.
  • Goi, Leonardo. “In Sunny Southland: Paul Thomas Anderson and Thomas Pynchon’s California,” Mubi, November 24, 2025, https://mubi.com/en/notebook/posts/in-sunny-southland-paul-thomas-anderson-and-thomas-pynchon-s-california.
  • Green, McKenzie N. (2025). “Examining racial identity invalidation and well-being among Biracial adolescents using the identity capital model,” Journal of Research on Adolescence, 35, e70084, https://doi.org/10.1111/jora.70084.
  • Green, Sam, and Bill Siegel, dirs. The Weather Underground. United States: The Free History Project, 2002.
  • Hadis, Diego. “Dramas Keep Showing Us Hapless Men — and Hypercompetent Women,” New York Times, 1/14/2026, https://www.nytimes.com/2026/01/14/magazine/movies-hapless-men-hypercompetent-women.html.
  • Hannah-Jones, Nikole. “Assata Shakur,” New York Times, December 16, 2025, https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/12/16/magazine/assata-shakur-activist.html.
  • Hughes, Mark. “Review: ‘One Battle After Another’ Enters The Oscar Race As Mixed Bag,” Forbes, September 27, 2025, https://www.forbes.com/sites/markhughes/2025/09/27/review-one-battle-after-another-enters-the-oscar-race-as-mixed-bag.
  • Jones, Ellen E. “Jezebels, race kink and Cardi B: in One Battle After Another, Black women are still stereotypes,” The Guardian, September 29, 2025, https://www.theguardian.com/film/2025/sep/29/jezebels-race-kink-and-cardi-b-in-one-battle-after-another-black-women-are-still-stereotypes-paul-thomas-anderson.
  • Kengor, Paul. “RIP Larry Grathwohl, Weather Underground Infiltrator,” The American Spectator, July 26, 2013, https://spectator.org/55174_rip-larry-grathwohl-weather-underground-infiltrator/.
  • LeBeau, Ariel. “One Battle After Another Is Paul Thomas Anderson’s Most Personal Film,” GQ, September 23, 2025, https://www.gq.com/story/one-battle-after-another-is-paul-thomas-andersons-most-personal-film.
  • Lichter, S. Robert & Stanley Rothman. “Jews on the Left: The Student Movement Reconsidered”, Polity, Vol. 14, No. 2 (Winter, 1981), pp. 347-366.
  • Lordi, Emily J. (2020). The Meaning of Soul: Black Music and Resilience Since the 1960s. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.
  • MacDonald, Kevin (1998). The Culture of Critique: An Evolutionary Analysis of Jewish Involvement in Twentieth-Century Intellectual and Political Movements. Westport, CT:
  • Mendelson, Edward (ed.). Pynchon: A Collection of Critical Essays (1978).
  • O’Connell, Mikey. “Teyana Taylor Takes Over,” The Hollywood Reporter, November 5, 2025, https://www.hollywoodreporter.com/tv/tv-features/teyana-taylor-interview-alls-fair-one-battle-after-another-1236417835/.
  • Phillips, Maya. “The Politics of ‘One Battle After Another’ Are Clear on One Point,” New York Times, March 16, 2026, https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/16/movies/one-battle-after-another-black-sexuality.html.
  • Radish, Christina. “Paul Thomas Anderson on Phantom Thread, Daniel Day-Lewis,” Collider, February 9, 2018, https://collider.com/paul-thomas-anderson-interview-phantom-thread-daniel-day-lewis/.
  • Reeves, Hope. “The Popcorn Resistance of ‘One Battle After Another’,” New York Times, March 8, 2026, https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/08/opinion/one-battle-after-another-weathermen.html.
  • Rudd, Mark (2009). Underground: My Life with SDS and the Weathermen. HarperCollins.
  • Rudd, Mark. “Why Were There So Many Jews In SDS? (Or, The Ordeal Of Civility),” talk presented at the New Mexico Jewish Historical Society, November 2005, https://www.markrudd.com/indexcd39.html?about-mark-rudd/why-were-there-so-many-jews-in-sds-or-the-ordeal-of-civility.html
  • Rufo, Christopher F. “The Left-Wing Terror Memeplex,” City Journal, September 30, 2025, https://www.city-journal.org/article/left-wing-political-violence-terror.
  • Ruimy, Jordan. “PTA Confirms He Did Rewrites on ‘Killers of the Flower Moon’ and ‘Napoleon’,” World of Reel, September 24, 2025, https://www.worldofreel.com/blog/2025/9/24/pta-confirms-he-did-rewrites-on-killers-of-the-flower-moon-and-napoleon.
  • Sailer, Steve. America’s Half-Blood Prince: Barack Obama’s “Story of Race and Inheritance”. VDARE Foundation, 2009.
  • Scruton, Roger. “Why I became a conservative,” The New Criterion, Vol. 21, No. 6, February 2003, https://newcriterion.com/article/why-i-became-a-conservative/.
  • Trubey, David. “Tents cleared from park ahead of movie filming, Sacramento Homeless Union says,” ABC10, February 10, 2024, https://www.abc10.com/article/news/local/sacramento/sacramento-movie-super-bowl-festivities/103-3c15a421-4cc8-4385-b303-aacb7212898c.
  • Van de Camp, Morris. “The Terrorist Left of the 1970s,” Counter-Currents, October 20, 2020, https://counter-currents.com/2020/10/the-terrorist-left-of-the-1970s/
  • Varon, Jeremy (2004). Bringing the War Home: The Weather Underground, the Red Army Faction, and Revolutionary Violence in the Sixties and Seventies. University of California Press: Berkeley and Los Angeles, California.
  • Voegelin, Eric (1952). The New Science of Politics: An Introduction.The University of Chicago Press: Chicago.
  • White, Armond. “There Will Be Bloodlust in One Battle After Another,” National Review, September 26, 2025, https://www.nationalreview.com/2025/09/there-will-be-bloodlust-in-one-battle-after-another/.
  • Wolfe, Tom (1970). Radical Chic & Mau-Mauing the Flak Catchers. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux.

[1] There is a parallel here with the longstanding criticism by some Blacks of Quentin Tarantino’s use of the word “nigger” in his screenplays, a critique that is but another front in the “only we are allowed to say the magic word” culture war. Anderson and Tarantino, who both grew up in the L.A. area, are good friends. Amidst his praise for Tarantino’s Jackie Brown (1997), Anderson describes an intimate scene that brings him to tears between Pam Grier (who is Black) and Robert Forster (who is White) as being “so cool and so breezy … about middle-aged people that feel the clock ticking, … I consider Tarantino a peer, but that is a watermark for how to shoot and film a scene with delicacy and compassion.” See https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7VSACkqh9a4.

[2] Regarding the psychological toll mixed-race adolescents experience, see Green (2025). Regarding Obama, see Steve Sailer’s America’s Half-Blood Prince: Barack Obama’s “Story of Race and Inheritance” (2009). Autobiographical aspects of One Battle have been touched upon by liberal writers: with respect to One Battle, see LeBeau (2025), and for autobiographical aspects of Phantom Thread, see Anderson’s own words in Radish (2018).

[3] Minnie Riperton is best known for the hit single “Lovin’ You” (1974), where her overall vocal style and rare falsetto range sounds very ‘White’, to the extent that club owners who booked her after only hearing (and not seeing) her, would be shocked that she was Black. Emily J. Lordi’s book The Meaning of Soul: Black Music and Resilience Since the 1960s (2020), which features Riperton on the front cover, places her in a broader Black musical-intellectual tradition related to the era’s ideas of Black resilience and, indirectly, the historical world around Black Power. Lordi writes: “Born in 1947 in the Bronzeville district of Chicago, Riperton was the youngest of eight children and the daughter of a homemaker and a Pullman porter. As I have noted, she studied opera for years. Although she knew well that opportunities for black classical singers were extremely limited, she did not, like Nina Simone, narrate her detour from concert music as a racial trauma. This might have been a matter of temperament or a strategic omission. Or it might have been due to the fact that Riperton had always had another place to land: she had grown up near Chess Records, the crucible of Chicago soul” (116-7). Of Riperton’s cover of Aretha Franklin’s “Respect”, Lordi writes that Riperton “recast Franklin’s signature song as an eerie exploration of interracial love” in a “seductive interracial duet” with White bassist Mitch Aliotta (62). Lordi later adds that Riperton’s “falsetto marked a refusal to shout and an embrace of an expansive, often buoyant interior life for which Riperton sought both musical and social space. Her quest was especially resonant in an era of black feminist emergence… Through her falsetto, as well as her often self-composed lyrics, Riperton contributed to these feminist efforts to make more space for black women’s interiority, both its pleasures and demands” (116).

[4] An important footnote in this regard, and one that amplifies the penchant of both Anderson and DiCaprio to romanticize the Other (and in the process espouse anti-White sentiment), is the fact that both were involved in substantially changing the storyline of Martin Scorsese’s 2023 film Killers of the Flower Moon (Ruimy, 2025). DiCaprio was originally slated to play FBI agent Tom White (ultimately played by Jesse Plemons), a character that was to be the lead role of the film, but was concerned that Eric Roth’s original script was too much of a ‘great White hope story’. Upon critical feedback from members of Oklahoma’s Osage tribe about portraying White men as heroic saviors of the Osage, Scorsese and DiCaprio decided to change the movie’s focus from the FBI’s point of view (as they investigated the Osage murders) to a focus on the interracial marriage between the villainous Ernest Burkhart (DiCaprio) and an Osage woman named Mollie (Lily Gladstone). One can see parallels between Ernest’s slow poisoning of his own wife with Lockjaw’s “poisoning” of Perfidia.

[5] An almost exclusively Jewish field, psychoanalysis was borne in a rigidly enforced, cult-like atmosphere, propagated by loyal sycophants to Freud. (Freud’s infamous break with Carl Jung, a Gentile, is instructive in this regard). Psychoanalysis has attempted to maintain a veneer of scientific respectability over the years but has since become thoroughly discredited and can now be seen largely as a Jewish attempt to pathologize Christian European norms. See Cuddihy (1974) and MacDonald (1998/2002/2025).

[6] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E8WW4jJ59d4.

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Max West https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Max West2026-05-03 07:52:532026-05-03 07:57:35“One Battle After Another” (2025): Radical Politics & Fetishized Miscegenation, Part 2 of 2

“One Battle After Another” (2025): Radical Politics & Fetishized Miscegenation, Part 1

May 2, 2026/4 Comments/in Featured Articles, Western Culture/by Max West

Max West writes at Logical Meme and on X at @Logicalmeme. He is the author of Normism: The Philosophy of Norm Macdonald (2021).

NOTE: Spoilers ahead.

9023 words

I.             Overview

One Battle After Another opens with a prologue set 16 years prior to the current day, which sets up the decades-long chain of events that are to follow. We see a fictional, far-Left, militant, revolutionary group called the French 75 (based on a fusion of the Weather Underground and the Black Liberation Army) engaged in the violent ‘liberation’ of the equivalent of an ICE detention facility. The establishment shot to this first sequence is the Otay Mesa Detention Center in San Diego (a real federal detention facility), which is denoted in a title card, and the film’s soundtrack provides the requisite swelling-strings stylization, the sort of conveyor-belt “feel sad here” cue we’re accustomed to in Hollywood’s endless production of Holocaust films featuring gaunt prisoners in concentration camps (except in the case of Mexican illegals, the body type is generally the opposite of gauntness).

In the wake of the violent January 2026 anti-ICE protests in Minnesota that further divided the nation, One Battle subsequently received a slew of Academy Award nominations, winning Best Picture, Best Director (Paul Thomas Anderson), Best Adapted Screenplay (Paul Thomas Anderson), and Best Supporting Actor (Sean Penn). These outcomes come as no real surprise, given Hollywood’s penchant for trendy political content and public virtue-signaling.

However, at its core One Battle is a White male liberal’s glorification of radical Black politics and, to an odd and striking degree, Black female hypersexuality. Anderson awkwardly enmeshes his film with a miscegenation fetish and a portrayal of militant Leftwing radicalism as having a racialized sexual dimension, of sexual ‘liberation’ being an essential component of revolutionary politics. Secondarily, the film elevates Mexican illegal immigrants to a near-sacred status. Collectively, these representations of non-White groups amount to a cringe-inducing romanticization of the Other, all of which is further amplified by a one-dimensional and mystifyingly juvenile caricature of the police and military as ‘fascist’ thugs wantonly committing summary executions and getting sexually aroused by Black women pressing loaded guns against them. It’s all so very strange.

Such characterizations are informative, however, in revealing the modern Left’s current morality play. Here lies a paranoid, conspiratorial mindset, and an emotional rendering of Black and Brown groups’ respective ‘persecutions’ in a ‘fascist’ America. In today’s Cultural Marxism, which might be more accurately called Identity Marxism, traditional Marxist conflict theory (of oppressor vs oppressed) is applied to identity groups rather than just economic classes. This post-1960s trend centers on identity politics — focusing on race, gender, and sexuality — to create a matrix of oppression, a blueprint from which one can restructure society.

Beyond its boilerplate agitprop qualities, One Battle is more interesting when looked at as just one more instance of Hollywood’s many liberal revenge fantasies against White America. One Battle does this in much the same way that films such as Jordan Peele’s Get Out (2017) or Ryan Coogler’s Sinners (2025) do.[1]

Liberal film critic Richard Brody describes One Battle as “a work of grand symbolic design” and speaks for many progressive fans of the film when he interprets Anderson’s alternate history narrative in hyperbolic terms. Anderson, he writes, “looks profoundly beyond the immediate terms of his fiction to reach powerful insights regarding the horrors of the moment” (Brody, 2025). The film attempts to juxtapose absurdist political satire (primarily of conservatism, à la Kubrick’s Dr. Strangelove) with earnest Leftist preaching and hand-wringing, but the stark contrasts in style — correlated with the respective political positions — only serves to highlight the film’s didacticism. In short, One Battle captures the contorted, paranoid psyche and moral framework of today’s Left and stands as the most influential liberal moral panic film of the past year.

II.            Age of Anxiety and The Leftist Moral Panic

It is not exactly a new nor controversial thesis to say that our culture feels unmoored. Among the Western nations, the crisis of post-industrial late modernity is real and its causes multifold. We can divide these causes into internalized and externalized factors. The external factors are objectively external (e.g., atomization & social fragmentation; mass third world immigration; feminization of culture; digital information overload; A.I.) while the internalized factors are just that: attitudes and beliefs altered within individuals and, by extension, society as a whole. From a Voegelinian perspective[2], we can see a loosely causative and almost circular relationship to these internal factors, some of which include: alienation => digital anxiety => narcissism => epistemic instability => conspiracy theorizing => gnosticism => radicalization (i.e., activist transformation of the world). The Left and the Right of course react to the external factors in vastly different ways, and so internalize their subsequent anxieties differently. With respect to how the Left reacts to these external factors — that is, how they internalize associated anxieties into their psyches (and their art) — One Battle serves as an archetypal example.

In The End of Ideology (1960), Daniel Bell argued that in prosperous democracies, the grand, transformative political ideologies of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries — the ideologies which aimed to radically reshape society (e.g., Marxism, Nazism) — no longer inspire mass commitment. Revolutionary appeals to the working class were effectively diffused by Keynesianism and an expanding welfare state. Bell and likeminded thinkers anticipated that, in the West, politics would shift toward pragmatic, incremental, piecemeal problem-solving — technical adjustments, expert-driven reforms, and pluralist negotiation — rather than sweeping ideological visions or eschatological promises of utopia. In the U.S., this has largely been true: the Leftist radical activism of the 1960s–1970s (e.g., Weather Underground, Black Panthers) faded into insignificance, eventually becoming little more than touchpoints of cultural nostalgia, much like the Hippies.

Unlike in the 1960s, among today’s influential Leftists there is no explicit call for revolution per se, at least none with any real traction, no political manifesto akin to Marx’s to rally behind and serve as a foundational organizational text. Leftist propaganda today is delivered in a more personalized and individualized form, commensurate with our social media age of curated information flows. If there is anything resembling a unifying ideology for today’s Left, it is Wokeness. This presents itself as a hazy and inexact form of moral indignation, one that collectively coalesces around Anti-Whiteness. Far more so than class, today’s Left is animated by identity politics surrounding race and gender.

In The Opium of the Intellectuals (1955), Raymond Aron argued that Leftist ideology functions like a secular religion, immune to evidence and hostile to dissent. Marxism became the “opium” of Western intellectuals, offering moral exaltation, historical certainty, and a sense of belonging while obscuring the layers and complexities of political reality. Aron argued that the Left had become a moral identity rather than a coherent political program: intellectuals equated “Left” with justice and “Right” with reactionism, fascism, racism, and the like. While Aron’s book is chiefly a dissection of French left-wing conformism and intellectual life in the 1940s–1950s, it has predictive value when evaluating the modern Left in the U.S., which has in many ways begun to parallel the trajectory of 1960s French Leftism, not so much in revolutionary ambitions (e.g., May 1968) but in the spiritual despair, nihilism and narcissism that underlies it.[3] The influential conservative philosopher Roger Scruton, who witnessed the May ’68 riots while in Paris, has described them as “a kind of adolescent insouciance, a throwing away of all customs, institutions, and achievements, for the sake of a momentary exultation which could have no lasting sense save anarchy” (Scruton, 2003).

So, might we be in the early stages of a resurgent, 1960s-style, radical activism among the Left… a Version 2.0? The Far Left has made serious inroads toward control of the Democratic Party: younger generations adept at social media (AOC, Mamdani, etc.) are shaping the Party’s intrinsic national message, which in turn changes the Party’s platform, actualized policies, and lastly and sometimes reluctantly, the stated positions of the Party’s elders themselves. (As an example, one need only look at the radical leftward change in position on illegal immigration that figures such as Joe Biden, Barack Obama, and Hilary Clinton have displayed from the mid-1990s to the present). Particularly among the young, there is also the Left’s increasing propensity and willingness to use violence to achieve political goals (Antifa rioting; George Floyd rioting, the assassination of Charlie Kirk; two assassination attempts on Donald Trump; the Left’s lionization of Luigi Mangione, who murdered UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson; numerous attempts to murder ICE agents; etc.), which comports with the political message of One Battle.[4]

III.          Weather Underground + Black Liberation Army = French 75

In One Battle, the fictional, far-Left, militant, revolutionary group called the French 75 is based on a fusion of the Weather Underground and the Black Liberation Army. The title One Battle After Another was itself taken from a Weather Underground missive written by Bernardine Dohrn in 1969. In a February 2026 interview[5], the ever-unrepentant Weather Underground terrorist (and Obama mentor) Bill Ayers effusively praises Paul Thomas Anderson’s film One Battle After Another (2025) and asserts that Anderson “obviously read everything about the Weather Underground. He obviously listened to our son Zade Dohrn’s podcast Mother Country Radicals. He obviously researched Assata Shakur and the Black Liberation Army.” Ayers argues that Anderson, in taking the now-mythic iconography of 1960s radicalism and placing it in a contemporary timeframe, un-freezes this chapter of American history from cultural nostalgia and makes it relevant for our current times, almost as a call to action.

“The title One Battle After Another,” Ayers says in an eye-opening part of the interview, “is taken from a speech Bernardine [Dohrn] gave. … The context of the speech was explaining how we can be defeated but we have to keep going,” i.e., we must fight one battle after another.[6] What Ayers is referring to isn’t a traditional speech but a revolutionary statement written by Dohrn in the October 21, 1969 edition of FIRE!, the Weather Underground’s propaganda-style publication that became associated with the terrorist group after it literally went underground.[7] The statement reads:

On Monday, October 6, a pig statue honoring the murderers of Chicago strikers was blown to bits. On Tuesday, October 7, the head of the Chicago Pig Sergeants Association said that “SDS has declared war on the Chicago Police — from here on in it’s kill or be killed.” On Wednesday, October 8 a white fighting force was born in the streets of pig city. … We came to Chicago to join the other side — to stop talking and start fighting … to destroy the motherfucker from the inside.

There were only 500 of us, but we forced Pig Daley to call in the Guard… We did what we set out to do, and in the process turned a corner. FROM HERE ON IN IT’S ONE BATTLE AFTER ANOTHER — WITH WHITE YOUTH JOINING IN THE FIGHT AND TAKING THE NECESSARY RISKS. PIG AMERIKA — BEWARE: THERE’S AN ARMY GROWING RIGHT IN YOUR GUTS, AND IT’S GOING TO HELP BRING YOU DOWN. DID THAT PIG SAY KILL OR BE KILLED?

What can we infer from this? Well, it would appear that Anderson either named his film One Battle After Another after encountering Dorhn’s rant himself or after someone in his circle of family/friends suggested the title after they had read Dohrn’s rant. In either case, it is implausible that Anderson did not know of Dohrn’s rant when deciding to name his movie. Given Anderson’s auteur status as a writer/director, and the absolute (and rare) creative control he has over his filmmaking process, it would be far too coincidental otherwise. Furthermore, any doubts can be laid to rest when we consider that Anderson’s script has the Perfidia character use a phrase from the above Dohrn rant: In her “declaration of war” to the guards of the migrant detention facility, she characterizes her violent activism as itself a natural reaction. “We’re here to right your wrongs, motherfucker. You got an army growing in your fucking guts, and you put it there.”

This, in turn, leads us to wonder if Anderson’s militant radicalism is far deeper than he publicly reveals. It’s either that or his turning a blind eye to the Weather Underground’s ideological justification for violence signals a stunning naivety. In any event, the film in no uncertain terms depicts domestic terrorism committed by militant Leftists in a sympathetic light.

It is important to remember the extent to which the Jewish-dominated Weather Underground leadership sanctioned genocidal levels of violence, when the time came. Larry Grathwohl, an FBI informant who infiltrated the highest ranks of the Weather Underground, reported how the group’s leadership estimated that, once the Revolution had succeeded in the United States, they would need to kill 25 million people. Grathwohl writes: “I want you to imagine sitting in a room with 25 people, most of whom have graduate degrees from Columbia and other well-known educational centers, and hear them figuring out the logistics for the elimination of 25 million people. … And they were dead serious” (Kengor, 2013).

It is also important to remember how the Weather Underground’s leadership believed it to ultimately be their duty to step aside and allow Blacks and Browns to be the revolutionary vanguard. Some of this sentiment was driven by frustration with the reactionism of the Nixon-era White working class, but the stronger sentiment was that this willful dispossession of leadership was a moral imperative. “We believed that the revolution led by Black and brown people was imminent,” notes one former Weather Underground member, “and it was our job to convince working-class whites to act as foot soldiers” (Reeves, 2026). Lastly, it cannot be overemphasized just how pathologically anti-White the Weather Underground was in their ideology and rhetoric, which in many ways anticipated our own Woke era’s anti-Whiteness.

Of course, none of this is on display in One Battle, just milder, coded allusions within an overall irresponsible liberal revenge fantasy of a film. “This fantasy may coincide with contemporary turmoil,” writs Armond White, “but its mixture of political absurdity, comic bloodshed, and racial farce merely exploits Millennial confusion” (White, 2025). For example, among the coded references is how, throughout the film, saying “Green Acres, Beverly Hillbillies, Hooterville Junction!” serves as a passcode for French 75 members to identify one another. Within the film, that’s as far as the reference goes, but in the 1960s, these sitcoms (with “Hooterville Junction” being a substitute for “Petticoat Junction”) were set in rural White locales, antithetical to Black urban locales, and so became a target of rage by Black militants. This exact phrase (along with other cultural references to Whites) is used in Gil Scott-Heron’s 1971 black liberation song “The Revolution Will Not Be Televised”, which can be heard in One Battle and which, lyrically, drips with resentment against Whites and their culture:

Green Acres, Beverly Hillbillies, and Hooterville Junction
Will no longer be so damn relevant
And women will not care if Dick finally got down with Jane
On Search for Tomorrow
Because black people will be in the street looking for a brighter day
The revolution will not be televised.

With various cultural references like this, Anderson doesn’t come right out and directly broadcast his radicalism, but rather provides the select viewer with a wink and a nod. The closest reveal of Anderson’s true political philosophy is via the minor character of Howard Sommerville (Paul Grimstad) who isn’t in the film very long and serves as an incongruous placeholder for Anderson to briefly articulate his own meta-level political ideology. We see Sommerville sitting alone in a café drafting the speech he’ll eventually deliver over guerrilla radio airwaves (that we hear in voiceover).

Paul Grimstad as Howard Sommerville in One Battle

We also see Sommerville engaging in Will Stancil-styled barrio activism (handing out pamphlets to Mexicans at a bus station, etc.) during this voiceover. Howard’s diatribe is comprised of standard-issue Marxism, blank-slate race denialism, open borders ‘asylum’ rhetoric, and a call for what Voegelin delineates as the activist transformation of the world:

… maybe starting to see how corrupt to the core this whole fucking charade is. This great noble experiment in self-government. Bought and sold by billionaires. The Davos crowd. Openly racist, fucking Bell Curve Nazis.

It’s bedtime for democracy, comrades … good night. So, you’re feeling, like, maybe your mind is starting to erode? Good. This is happening on the ground, through coordinated effort and strategic lines of resistance. Every day, working through dedicated teamwork, to take it directly to the capitalist overlords, who are extracting value from your life this very second.

Go ahead. What, you think this is Facebook? This is gonna happen on your Instagram? It’s gonna happen on a hashtag somewhere? I think not. And don’t forget, while you’re doing it, that this is a nation that gives asylum. Don’t think they’re separate. Don’t break them apart.

IV.         Influences & Pynchon’s Conspiratorial Mindset

Paul Thomas Anderson’s overall body of work contains an impressive array of films packed with immediacy, visual flair, and stylized mise-en-scène: Hard Eight (1996), Boogie Nights (1997), Magnolia (1999), Punch-Drunk Love (2002), There Will Be Blood (2007), The Master (2012), Inherent Vice (2014), Phantom Thread (2017), Licorice Pizza (2021), and now One Battle After Another (2025).[8] Anderson’s films are driven by intense and often damaged individuals whose inner longings collide with grand American mythologies (fame, family, capitalism), and his narratives often unfold in loosely episodic structures taking place within sprawling, operatic arcs. Among his immediate influences, Robert Altman and Martin Scorsese are most apparent. From Altman we get the ensemble storytelling, the overlapping dialogue, and the chaotic feel of fractured families, and from Scorsese we get the streetwise shot-compositions, kinetic camera movement (Anderson is also a fan of Max Ophüls in this regard), and the popular music needle drops that underscore a scene’s desired emotional effect.[9] There is also the noticeable influence of Stanley Kubrick’s precision and emotional austerity in films such as There Will Be Blood and Phantom Thread. With respect to One Battle, Anderson has cited the following as key influences in the making of the film[10]:

  • Days of Rage: America’s Radical Underground, the FBI, and the Forgotten Age of Revolutionary Violence (2015): Bryan Burrough’s seminal book details the radical underground in the 1970s, documenting a largely forgotten era of intense domestic terrorism in the U.S. He details how groups like the Weather Underground, the Black Liberation Army, and the Symbionese Liberation Army conducted thousands of bombings and killings.[11]
  • Les Misérables (1935): Anderson cites Richard Boleslawski’s 1935 film adaptation of Victor Hugo’s novel, particularly its mad, cacophonous first act that serves as the backdrop and setup for the core human conflict in the story: Inspector Javert’s (Charles Laughton) obsession with capturing ex-convict Jean Valjean (Fredric March).
  • Vanishing Point (1971): Anderson cites Richard Sarafian’s underrated mythopoetic road movie, which I have previously written about.[12] In Vanishing Point, the protagonist is determined to drive from Denver to San Francisco in record time, for an unspecified goal, and his urgency in the matter acts as a purpose-in-itself, where the ultimate telos of one’s ‘vanishing point’ – eyes fixed as far as one can see down the road — symbolizes the annihilation of being that comes with death.
  • Midnight Run (1988): Anderson absolutely loves this witty, buddy-action-comedy-road-movie starring Robert De Niro and Charles Grodin, made in the heyday of the 1980s buddy films craze (e.g., 48 Hrs. (1982), Beverly Hills Cop (1984), and Lethal Weapon (1987)). Anderson says it is both his personal favorite film and his family’s favorite film, which they watch at least twice per year.[13]

Relative to Anderson’s earlier films, with One Battle we have a more frenetic pace that reflects the confused, paranoid, and desperate mindset of today’s Left, where ‘fascism’ is everywhere — in every institution of authority, and even hidden underneath the seemingly benign, trimmed lawns of the suburbs. It is here where Anderson’s literary influences come to the forefront. The majority of Anderson’s films are based upon his own original screenplays, but in the case of There Will Be Blood, Anderson adapted his screenplay from Upton Sinclair’s socialist novel Oil! (1927), and in One Battle After Another (as with Inherent Vice) we have Anderson adapting a screenplay loosely based on the novel Vineland (1990) written by his most significant and lasting literary influence: Thomas Pynchon[14].

Pynchon is one of the founders (and giants) of postmodern fiction, a satirical genre that — through devices of irony, self-referentiality, and non-linear narrative — parodies modernist fiction just as modernist fiction parodies realist fiction. Pynchon’s oeuvre is replete with conspiracy theories, usually fanciful and ridiculous, and the conspiracies in his novels are typically layered and, despite remaining largely unseen and in the background, serve as the magnetic center of the novels’ events. Countercultural anti-hero protagonists, often burned-out pot-smoking 60s-era radicals, stumble through the novel’s plot and life in general, but then also stumble onto actual conspiracies they soon find themselves caught up in. The harrowing realities of the conspiracy, the upending of one’s conventional ways of understanding the world, take their toll on characters’ psyches, leading to an ever-worsening paranoia. In many ways, Pynchon’s novels, characterized by hidden connections and multiple interpretive levels, provide interwoven, gnostic systems of meaning to the characters and to the reader. Contours of ‘The System’ are delimited. It is most interesting, then, when Harold Bloom characterizes Pynchon’s novels as Kabbalistic.[15]

The conspiracy-theory-as-plot-device is itself greatly influenced by early American detective fiction (e.g., Hammett, Chandler), a genre that in a more straightforward literary manner involves mystery and unknown forces which the hero does not fully understand. Over the course of typically three acts, a slow and suspenseful unraveling of a conspiracy takes place. Of course, the conspiracy itself may be relatively low-level, and not necessarily part of a particular, more macro-level one, but a conspiracy nonetheless. As with the genre of classic film noir — which inherits all the essential tropes of detective fiction and was often helmed by liberal Jewish émigré directors — there is a darkened moral atmosphere to the world and a growing skepticism toward institutions. Gone is the clean moral universe of classic whodunits. Instead, justice is compromised, authority corrupted, truth rarely restores order, and the protagonist (often a grizzled and jaded private detective) uncovers guilt without being able to meaningfully correct it. The fatalism inherent in this worldview (and the arc of conspiracy theories in general) coincides with the explosive growth in the twentieth century, particularly since World War II, of both the federal government and large corporations, i.e., the prevailing dominance of the bureaucratic-administrative state and its nexus with corporate interests.[16] The institutions that effectively control us have become ever more faceless, unaccountable, and remote from the average citizen, and in One Battle this type of dark and cloaked entity — as it is imagined by the Leftist’s conspiratorial mindset — is the fictional White supremacist secret society called the Christmas Adventurers Club.

V.           Characters+

Bob Ferguson

Leonardo DiCaprio plays Bob Ferguson (aka “Ghetto” Pat Calhoun aka “Rocketman”), a former 60s radical who was an explosives expert for the film’s fictional domestic terrorist group French 75.[17] In the film’s aforementioned opening sequence, we see Bob in his earlier activist/terrorist years as he participates in ‘liberating’ a migrant detention facility. Whether intended by Anderson or not, we witness the pathetic spectacle of this out-of-place, White, ‘60s revolutionary surrounded by Black radicals and Mexican illegals, screaming insults to the DHS soldiers whom the French 75 has just placed inside the very ‘cages’ that minutes ago held illegal aliens:

We are a political organization that is free from the eyes, the ears, and most importantly, the weapons of the imperialist state, and this fascist regime! You are a political prisoner of the French 75, motherfuckers! You’ve been captured by the French 75! Fuck the police! Viva La Revolución!

Leonardo DiCaprio as Bob Ferguson (aka “Ghetto” Pat Calhoun aka “Rocketman”)

In the 16 years since the film’s opening sequence timeline, Bob has changed his identity and fled to the fictional town of Baktan Cross in Northern California, but his identity and sense of self are still inextricably linked to his past revolutionary activities and political philosophy. However, he’s now a man-bun-sporting, paranoid burn-out dressed in Jeffrey Lebowski bathrobe attire, who spends his days smoking pot, vaping, and watching Battle of Algiers. His existence now is nothing more than as a vessel of nostalgia, save for him being the (cucked) “father” of his mixed-race daughter Willa. In fact, Bob has been cucked thrice-over. First, he doesn’t realize that he’s not the biological father of Willa (though Perfidia surely does). Second, he’s been cucked by the Revolution, as Perfidia abandons him and Willa to “do the revolution.” Third, he’s been cucked by his own feminism, reflected in his inability to be a stern and responsible father to his daughter.

DiCaprio has commented on his character’s old-school hippie/libertarian streak, of the type one finds in certain Northern CA towns such as Eureka:

Bob is what I like to call a don’t tread on me, anti-establishment, hippie revolutionary who is paranoid about anything and everything. He doesn’t want to be taxed. He doesn’t want to be monitored. He’s incredibly skeptical of everyone and everything around him. He hides himself off in the middle of the woods and stays home, watches movies like The Battle of Algiers, smokes pot and drinks, but has one objective, and that’s to protect his daughter (Bowie, 2025).

Through Bob, we see a previous-generation Leftie feeling awkward around the new generation Lefties: namely Generation Pronoun & Generation Snowflake. When his daughter’s friends arrive at their home to take her to a school dance, there is this exchange:

Bob: Now, who’s the one with the lipstick? What’s that one’s name?
Willa: Bobo.
Bob: Bobo … Now, is that a he or a she or a they?
Willa: Dad, come on.
Bob: No, are they transitioning? I wanna know if…
Willa: They’re nonbinary.
Bob: Okay, I just wanna be polite…
Willa: It’s not that hard! … They/them.

Later in the film, when Bob is on the run, we see him on the phone with French 75 headquarters, trying to determine the arranged rendezvous point with his daughter. He’s talking to a whiny guy (“Comrade Josh”), but because he cannot remember the password code to the question “What time is it?,” Josh does not give him this information. Bob pleads with him to make an exception, but Josh repeatedly refuses. After Bob explodes in rage at Josh, cursing at him and threatening him, they have this exchange:

Josh: Okay, this doesn’t feel safe. You’re violating my space right now.
Bob: Violating your space?! Man, come on… What kind of revolutionary are you?! We’re not even in the same room here! We’re talking on the phone, like men!
Josh: Okay, there’s no need to shout. This is a violation of my safety. These are noise triggers.

At an important level, Bob belongs to the pantheon of the Hapless Male trope, namely the endless drumbeat of predictably inept men (almost always White) that Hollywood and Madison Ave churn out in movies, sitcoms, and TV commercials. Invariably, these bumbling and not-all-that-smart males serve as comic relief, but are eventually guided, rescued, or otherwise saved by either a Strong Woman (aka the Mary Sue trope), a non-White, or the intersection of both.[18] Even the New York Times, ever late to noticing cultural trends it did not itself create, has put One Battle into this context. In a piece entitled “Dramas Keep Showing Us Hapless Men—and Hypercompetent Women,” Diego Hadis discusses several recent movies, including One Battle, where the three male protagonists all “fit the archetype of the schlemiel: irredeemably inept, an accident of a person, the butt of some great cosmic joke” (Hadis, 2026). These clueless males are eventually teamed up with ‘hypercompetent women’:

The women they come across, on the other hand, seem ready for anything. They might see several chess moves ahead of both the protagonists and antagonists. They know how to affect the world of the movie, and they do so with ease — exactly what the actual “hero” of the story is completely unable to do. …

They are ever-present — and they are usually so capable, so confidently efficacious, that if they were the story’s focus, the movie would be over in 15 minutes. (Hadis, 2026).

In the case of One Battle:

Perfidia is the film’s driving force, directing the group’s strategy and taking Bob as a lover; her actions push the story forward even after she leaves. All through the film, though, so many of the women Bob encounters have things together in ways that put him to shame — say, the nurse doing intake at a police station after Bob is arrested in a military raid, who hands him off to another nurse, at a hospital, who calmly, unflappably leads him to freedom. Even Bob’s teenage daughter, Willa, is the responsible one, a purple belt in karate who effectively parents her own father. (Hadis, 2026).

Rather than criticizing these tired girlboss tropes for being as formulaic as the Waif-Fu trope (i.e., action movies where a 100 lb. girl handily beats up 250 lb. men), Hadis not surprisingly adopts the New York Times’ “it’s time for women to run the world” approach:

The fact that these figures are so often women may be a way of suggesting that men have had their run, and look where it has gotten us. … We should not be surprised if the coming years bring more films like these — all dreaming that there is somebody out there with whom we might throw in our lot, somebody competent enough to tell us what to do to make the world right (Hadis, 2026).

This last sentiment is very much a feminist call-to-action-for-women in One Battle’s final scene.

Perfidia Beverly Hills

Perfidia Beverly Hills (Teyana Taylor) is the Strong Black Woman trope par excellence and the leader of the French 75. And while one of the world’s most famous movie stars is in One Battle, it is Perfidia who Anderson deems the film’s main character. He notes:

I had a feeling like, Perfidia needs to feel like she’s the protagonist, the hero of the movie. You know, Leo might be in it, Sean might be in it, all these well-known actors are in it, but you see Teyana and it’s like: That’s the star of the movie. I wanted audiences to feel like, this is really a movie about a Black revolutionary (Fear, 2025).

In the film’s opening illegal-immigration-liberation scene, when she first encounters Lockjaw and has a gun pointed at him, she declares her aforementioned political mission, which Anderson has clumsily written to shoehorn in a pro-abortion sentiment:

My name is Perfidia Beverly Hills, and this is a declaration of war. We’re here to right your wrongs, motherfucker. … You didn’t count on me. You didn’t count on my fight. The message is clear: free borders, free bodies, free choices, and free from fuckin’ fear!

Teyana Taylor as Perfidia Beverly Hills

The very name ‘Perfidia’ literally means betrayal, which is apropos in this case: Ultimately, she betrays Bob by being attracted to, and having sex with, Lockjaw. She betrays the French 75 in a plea deal with authorities that involves her ratting out their names and locations. And she betrays her daughter by abandoning her. (Naturally, despite all of this irresponsibility and dysfunction, her daughter Willa still ‘relates’ to her in the film’s ending). Her middle and last name of “Beverly Hills” should not be overlooked either: this is Anderson situating one front of the revolutionary vanguard (at least nominally) within the manicured lawns of Beverly Hills, and perhaps giving Hollywood liberals a jab for not being sufficiently committed to Leftist causes and the associated ‘direct action’.

Anderson writes Perfidia as experiencing post-partum depression, and she abnegates her maternal role to her newborn infant Willa as a result, with Bob carrying the load. When Bob scolds her, reminding her that they “are a family now,” Perfidia uses her revolutionary politics to justify her abandonment of the mother role: “This is a new consciousness. I’m not your udder buddy. I’m not your mother. You want your power over me, the same reason you want your power over the world. You and your crumbling male ego will never do this revolution like me.”

Anderson no doubt based Perfidia on Assata Shakur, who joined the Black Panther Party in the late 1960s before becoming involved with the Black Liberation Army. She gained notoriety after a 1973 shootout on the New Jersey Turnpike that resulted in the death of a state trooper. She was convicted of murder in 1977 and sentenced to life in prison, but in 1979 escaped with the help of supporters. She then lived in the underground until 1984 when she was granted asylum in Cuba, where she lived until her death in 2025 at age 78. As an example of the standard hagiography heaped on Shakur by the Left, Nikole Hannah-Jones (of the ‘1619 Project’ infamy) was granted a New York Times op-ed slot to celebrate Shakur. The piece is full of gems, including this quote from Angela Davis, the more famously feted Black Female Revolutionary:

Angela Davis, the activist who was wrongly imprisoned during that same tumultuous period, told me women were the backbone of Black radical movements and “the government probably recognized more than even our own people did the power of Black women. (Hannah-Jones, 2025)

In One Battle, after a bank heist goes awry, and which involves Perfidia killing a bank guard, she is apprehended by the police. (Anderson cowardly casts a Black male to play the murdered bank guard, so as to deflect attention from the prevailing Black-on-White nature of violent crime in America). We then see an all-White gaggle of cops cheering and flipping her off while taking selfies.

Lockjaw, thoroughly smitten with her, arranges for her to get a witness protection plea deal, in exchange for beginning an illicit affair. She puts up with this for a certain duration before fleeing (ironically through an official border crossing into Mexico) for a destination that, we learn later in the film, is either Cuba or Algiers, both being locations that actual 1960s Black radicals fled to when U.S. authorities were on their tail.

Willa Ferguson

The progeny of Perfidia and (shockingly) Lockjaw, Willa (Chase Infiniti) is nonetheless raised by Bob alone, given that Perfidia abandoned the family when Willa was an infant. As the film fast-forwards sixteen years later, we see Willa now sixteen herself, receiving karate instruction from Sergio St. Carlos. Steely Dan’s “Dirty Work” is playing on the soundtrack, which lyrically signifies the degradation of Bob and Perfidia’s revolutionary romance into a domestic aftermath where Bob is the sole parent, having ‘cleaned up’ Perfidia’s mess. (Bob once imagined himself as part of History; now he’s an exhausted man left holding the child, the guilt, the secrets, and the consequences).

Chase Infiniti as Willa Ferguson

Willa is now a rather typical American teen female. She has a cell phone that she hides from Bob (who has forbidden them), They/Them friends, and Girl Power attitude. In terms of both cultural attitudes and Leftist political strategies, Willa represents the notable generation gap relative to Bob’s generation. She is described to Bob as a natural ‘leader’ by her high school history teacher, which leads Bob to cry tears of pride.

In terms of plot, Willa is the aforementioned hyper-competent female forced to deal with Bob’s rather inept ‘dumb White guy’ persona. (The father-daughter dynamic between Bob and Willa is a central aspect of One Battle, no doubt partly a function of Anderson’s own relationship with his three biracial daughters).

Signifying where her future will lead after the movie ends, and with Lockjaw and his men searching for her, Willa is offered protection by a group of young, Black, radical, pot-smoking, ghetto-speaking, machine-gun-toting nuns called the “Sisters of the Brave Beaver” (inspired by Sisters of the Valley, an actual hippie convent), the name of which is yet another of Anderson’s bizarre sexualization of radical politics. At this ‘convent’ Willa learns how to shoot. (It’s significant then that Anderson cast both Maya Rudolph and one of his daughters to play members of this Sisterhood).

Willa at the Sisters of the Brave Beaver

After narrowly averting death at the hands of both Lockjaw and the Christmas Adventurer Club’s hitman, when Bob finally finds her on a remote California desert highway, Willa (having recently learned who her biological father is) screams “Who are you?!” to Bob, who replies to her plaintively by saying “It’s your dad,” which reconciles the two of them. (There may be an undercurrent here of Anderson’s own biracial daughters possibly questioning aspects of their racial identity as well as their father’s). Of this sequence, Anderson has said: “Coming up with the situation for Willa, where she is finally able to take agency over a situation — to turn the tables, be the aggressor, take the high ground — this became very exciting for us” (Fear, 2025).

In One Battle’s final sequence, Bob and Willa are back home safe and sound. Bob decides to finally give Willa a letter that Perfidia had written to her years ago, but that Bob has kept hidden from her. “I wanted to protect you,” he tells Willa, “From all your mom’s shit, from all my shit. I suppose I wanted to be the one that you came to for help. … The cool dad that you could say anything to, even though I know that’s impossible.” Bob gives her the letter and as Willa reads it in her bedroom, we hear the letter’s content being read in voiceover by Perfidia. The letter contains some verbatim lines from an actual letter a Weather Underground member wrote to their family, as shown in the 2002 documentary The Weather Underground.[19] At the 1:16:19 marker of this documentary, we similarly hear one of these letters being read in voiceover: “Hello from the other side of the shadows. I don’t mean to shock you, but I have been contemplating writing you for a long time. … Often I wake up and find it completely inexplicable how and why I am where I am today and disconnected from my family.”

Sergio St. Carlos

A secondary character to One Battle, Sergio St. Carlos (played by Benicio del Toro) — aka “Sensei” — acts as a calm balance to Bob’s frantic and paranoid nature. “Ocean waves,” he often says as a mantra during tense moments. Sergio is both a karate sensei and a ‘coyote’ of sorts for Mexican illegals in the fictional sanctuary city of Baktan Cross. “I’ve got a little Latino Harriet Tubman situation going on at my place,” he tells Bob.[20] With Lockjaw in pursuit of both him and Willa, Bob has reached out to Sergio for help in rescuing Willa. Sergio agrees and, along the way, introduces Bob to his family as the “Gringo Zapata.”

In one rather creepy moment, as Sergio and Bob and driving through a downtown Baktan Cross that is undergoing a fiery battle between protesters, police, and Lockjaw’s forces, Sergio pauses next to a dozen or so Mexican kids on skateboards. “Bee Gee,” he says to one of them he recognizes, “what’s the word?.” With a gloating smile on his face, the kid tells Sergio “It’s fuckin’ World War III out there, yo!”

One Battle has several digs at contemporary cell phone culture, one of which is when Sergio — almost out of character — takes a selfie with Bob. In another scene, when Sergio has to rush the illegals temporarily hiding above a Mexican-operated corner store to a sanctuary church, he yells several times at a Mexican teen minding the store to get off his phone, after Sergio has told him to watch the front door. Soon after, in Sergio’s ramshackle apartment above the store, he tells one of his daughters to get off her phone. In yet another room, we see two more Mexican teen girls on a couch not talking to each other but both staring at their phones. In all these instances, there is a blank look upon each teen’s face as they are staring at their phone.

Del Toro’s most memorable line in the movie takes place after he’s distracted the police away from Bob. Both had been drinking beers earlier. When the police pull Sergio over, they ask him if he’s been drinking. “I’ve had a few,” he says. “A few what?” asks one of the cops. “Few small beers” Sergio replies.

Benicio del Toro as Sergio St. Carlos

Colonel Steven J. Lockjaw (Sean Penn)

The film’s one-dimensional villain is Colonel Steven J. Lockjaw (Sean Penn). A military man who dutifully follows orders, Lockjaw is nonetheless a corrupt military officer without scruples. He stands as a cartoonish representation of White Christian society, White supremacism, and reactionary politics — all rolled into one. He is depicted as perpetually angry and violent. His surname is, of course, meant to convey a clenched jaw and Penn portrays Lockjaw with a stilted, tight-ass gait, as well as an undercut ‘fash’ hairstyle that — when he meets with the Christmas Adventurers Club, a White supremacist secret society — is combed to be Hitler-like. (There isn’t much in the way of subtleties with One Battle). Sean Penn’s rumored years on steroids serves the role’s physicality well, although he seems to overact here (but in his defense the script probably called for an over-the-top military racist).[21]

Sean Penn as Colonel Steven J. Lockjaw

Reflecting how the Left often sees all uniformed law enforcement entities as one monolithic army of ‘fascism,’ One Battle blurs the lines between police, traditional military, and paramilitary law enforcement roles. Lockjaw is the commanding officer of a fictional paramilitary group called the “MKU” (Mankind United). While his role involves overseeing an immigration detention center on the U.S.-Mexico border, MKU functions as a distinct, specialized government organization rather than a traditional branch of the military.[22]

At one point in the film, we see what appears to be the FBI or some other element of the DOJ awarding Lockjaw with the ‘Bedford Forrest Medal of Honor’ for his work hunting down members of the French 75. (Forrest was a Confederate general during the American Civil War who later served as the first Grand Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan).

Despite his White supremacism bona fides, Lockjaw secretly harbors a largely repressed sexual obsession with Black women, so a miscegenation element also becomes crucial to the motivations of the film’s villain. Early in the film, Lockjaw is sexually humiliated by Perfidia but depicted as enjoying it, as it leads to his sexual arousal and then his “reverse rape” (as he later describes it). This display of a conservative White alpha male enjoying sadomasochistic submission to an angry, armed Black woman (complete with a gun pointed at his crotch) serves as a caricature of Second Amendment gun rights advocates and, more importantly, as a humiliation ritual for White males. If there is one grand metanarrative to One Battle, it is as a liberal revenge fantasy against conservative White men. Lockjaw symbolizes this class, first through his depicted arrogance and coldness, then later through ritual humiliation, disfigurement, and death.

In the film’s only scene between him and Bob, we see Lockjaw use very few words to indirectly articulate his jealousy that Bob has Perfidia and not him. “You like Black girls?” he asks Bob. “I love ‘em. … I LOVE ‘EM!” One X user has aptly memed this exchange as emblematic of how poorly drawn Lockjaw is from the standpoint of character depth:

In yet another tired trope of Leftist ‘explanations’ of conservatism, the film makes implications that Lockjaw is a closeted homosexual.[23] In one exchange — after Lockjaw has abducted Willa and deploys a DNA test to prove (or disprove) that she is, in fact, his biological daughter — it’s implied that Lockjaw is a repressed homosexual:

Willa: Why is your shirt so tight?
Lockjaw: I’m not gay, if that’s what you’re saying.
Willa: I didn’t say that.
Lockjaw: I’m not a homosexual.
Willa: I did not say that … but I see the lifts in your shoes.

Such is the sort of dialogue that wins the Oscar for Best Adapted Screenplay.

In this same scene between Lockjaw and Willa, he says to her at one point, in an over-the-top display of White-against-Black racial hostility: “You shut up! JUST SHUT UP, YOU FUCKING MUTT!!”. In addition to being a racial insult, this dialogue also serves to express the Left’s absurd notion that Blacks are being held in silence by the ‘institutional racism’ of White society. One can only wonder if Anderson is conveying his own daughters’ real (or, more likely, imagined) experiences, his own fears about what his daughters may face in the future, or whether through the character of Lockjaw he’s clumsily articulating his own inner demons on his daughters’ mixed-race status.

Having determined through a DNA test which he’s administered to Willa that she is in fact his biological daughter, and hence a threat to his acceptance into the Christmas Adventurers Club, Lockjaw decides to kill her, but not before mocking and insulting her further:

I am a Christmas Adventurer! Do you know what that is? I have a higher calling. It is a higher honor than having you. I loved her, in case you were wondering. Best goddamn-looking witch I ever saw. Yeah, she was possessed. … She was insane. Like you. You have it in you. I smelled it from within her, and I can smell it from within you.

Lockjaw binds Willa’s hands and drives her out to a remote canyon location where he meets Avanti (Eric Schweig), whom from their exchange we easily infer has done this sort of contract-killing work for Lockjaw numerous times in the past. “I don’t do kids,” Avanti says, even after Lockjaw offers to double his rate. Lockjaw then tells Avanti to instead take Willa to a remote private militia actually called…. drumroll… “1776,” fully confident that they will have no compunction in killing Willa. And, in case the didactic allegory here isn’t yet clear, we have Avanti the American Indian ultimately deciding to sacrifice himself by killing all the 1776 members and saving Willa, before dying himself in the gun exchange. (We know that Avanti is Indian not only from his physiognomy, but because one of the evil 1776 members derisively refers to him as “Wagon-burner”).

In a myriad of ways, and from absolutely every angle, Lockjaw is the bogeyman that a Jewish-dominated Hollywood fear most. Thus, despite Lockjaw being a comically one-dimensional character (and Sean Penn’s performance being almost camp), what Lockjaw represents resonates with Hollywood’s political imagination. It isn’t surprising then that One Battle wins a bunch of Oscars, including Sean Penn winning for Best Supporting Actor.

End of Part 1.


[1] With the 2026 Academy Awards, Sinners laughably received the most Oscar nominations of any film in history. Coogler, who is Black and is best known for the Black Panther movies which inspired the emergent Wakanda mythos, constructs Sinners with a Black-centric orientation and a didactic plot involving White vampires who prey upon Blacks, ‘turning’ these Black victims into vampires themselves. In a racialized variation of From Dusk till Dawn (1996), the social-justice messaging in Sinners is hilariously heavy-handed.

[2] Voegelin’s The New Science of Politics: An Introduction (1952) provides a useful lens for understanding the political implications of widening conspiracy theories and totalizing ideologies. Voegelin views the ideological pathologies of modernity to be gnostic in structure. Such ideologies often claim access to special knowledge (gnōsis) which reveals the hidden truth of history, and promises that salvation can be achieved within the world rather than beyond it.

[3] We can see this despair and self-absorption in such films as the Maoist director Jean-Luc Godard’s La Chinoise (1967) and being satirized by Wes Anderson in The French Dispatch (2021).

[4] For empirical data on the Left’s growing willingness to use violence, see Rufo (2025) and Dulberg & Horder (2025).

[5] Bill Ayers interview, AirGo podcast Episode 386 (“One Battle After Another, Fascism, and Activism During the 60s”), https://youtu.be/XbB40aRz8bg?si=cqUkawiHyESaQbE7, uploaded to YouTube on February 12, 2026 by Respair Production & Media.

[6] Bernardine Dohrn (born Bernardine Rae Ohrnstein) was a leader of the Weather Underground and is the wife of Bill Ayers. Her son Zayd Ayers Dohrn also asserts that the movie title One Battle After Another comes from his mother. See Dohrn (2026).

[7] See Varon (2004), pp. 107–108. Mark Rudd, a prominent SDS leader at Columbia in 1968 who went on to become one of the original leaders of the Weatherman / Weather Underground, and who is himself Jewish, has written about the significant overrepresentation of Jews in the New Left, particularly in leadership positions (Rudd, 2005). Lichter & Rothman (1981) estimate that Jews accounted for approximately 60% of the New Left in the mid-1960s. See also MacDonald (1998, Ch. 3 “Jews and the Left”) and Rudd (2009).

[8] Magnolia (1999) was already on the pulse of where our culture has been drifting for quite some time. The randomness and contingency of life is explored through a series of rather sad and lonely characters, almost all of them male, desperately seeking love and connection. One outlet for this state of affairs is the charismatic and cultish self-help guru Frank T.J. Mackey (Tom Cruise), who preaches a misogynous ethos (ala Andrew Tate) which teaches men how to “Seduce and Destroy” and whose manosphere seminar’s intro music is Strauss’s Thus Spake Zarathustra.

[9] As with Scorsese, music is central for Anderson. In One Battle, this is accomplished through existing songs such as Steely Dan’s “Dirty Work” and Tom Petty and the Heartbreakers’ “American Girl”, as well as through original sountrack compositions. Jon Brion’s anxious, percussive experimentation and Jonny Greenwood’s jarring modernist score (solo piano doing staccato drone patterns and then dissonant passages aurally representing a character’s paranoia) deepen a scene’s psychological tension.

[10] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=S8Q35vXE9bI.

[11] For a brief summary of Burrough’s book, see Van de Camp (2020).

[12] Max West, Vanishing Point (1971). https://logicalmeme.com/vanishing-point-1971/

[13] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E8WW4jJ59d4.

[14] Development of a Vineland adaptation has been a pet project of Anderson’s since the early 90s when he first read and became obsessed with the novel. Anderson’s film Inherent Vice (2014) is a relatively faithful adaptation of Pynchon’s novel of the same name, and The Master (2012) contains elements based on Pynchon’s novel V (1963), such as the protagonist being a discharged sailor who connects with a cult-like group of individuals. (See Arblaster, 2022).

[15] Bloom shares Pynchon’s liberal paranoia that White Christian Fascists lurk behind every tree and every lawn ornament, aligning him with the pronounced history of Jewish antagonism to Christianity and Gentilism. “The not unimpressive polemic of Norman Mailer — that Fascism always lurks where plastic dominates — is in Pynchon not a polemic but a total vision” (Bloom, 2003, p. 2). Jews love Pynchon, not only because of his radical Leftwing idealism but also because of these Kabbalistic-style attempts to placate a lingering paranoia and persecution complex with elaborate gnostic conspiracy theories. See, for example, Mendelson, Edward (ed.). Pynchon: A Collection of Critical Essays (1978). Pynchon is not himself Jewish but was raised both Catholic and Episcopalian.

[16] See, for example, James Burnham on the managerial–bureaucratic class and the writings of Samuel Francis and Curtis Yarvin (aka Mencius Moldbug).

[17] DiCaprio notes that his own father was a 1960s counterculture radical and bombmaker who “hung out with Abbie Hoffman.” In preparation for his role, DiCaprio cites as influences the book Days of Rage, Gillo Pontecorvo’s The Battle of Algiers (1966), Al Pacino’s nervous Sonny Wortzik character in Sidney Lumet’s Dog Day Afternoon (1975), and Lumet’s Running on Empty (1988), about a couple who are continually on the move with assumed identities, after having committed terrorist acts as part of a Weather Underground-like group. (As noted in Tom Wolfe’s fascinating Radical Chic & Mau-Mauing the Flak Catchers (1970), Lumet hosted a high-end party for the Black Panthers before Leonard Bernstein’s soiree for the Black terrorist group, the latter being the focus of Wolfe’s essay). See https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Q_cV9ciktoQ.

[18] The ‘White Men Are Stupid In Commercials’ account on X (@StupidWhiteAds) catalogs some of the countless TV commercials that adopt this trope.

[19] http://www.theweatherunderground.info/

[20] It was Del Toro’s idea to have Sergio be a ‘protector’ of Mexican illegals. The scenes with Del Toro were shot almost entirely in El Paso, TX, a city that is today a de facto satellite of Mexico. Anderson “adores” this city and its people. “Being in El Paso, at the center of immigration,” Anderson says, “gave us so much material and local talent to work with. It became the centerpiece of the film and certainly the best time I’ve ever had going to work” (Abramovitch, 2026). Del Toro has said that he and Anderson visited a church in El Paso that serves as a sanctuary for illegals until they get their “paperwork processed”.

[21] Like many on the Left, Anderson seems to equate extreme physical fitness with Rightwing politics and, childishly, homoeroticism. In the film’s opening sequence, many of the soldiers under Lockjaw’s command are physically buff and shown with their shirts off.

[22] MKU is likely modeled after the Border Patrol Tactical Unit (BORTAC), an elite, highly trained special operations unit within the U.S. Border Patrol Special Operations Group. Established in 1984, BORTAC provides national/international response to high-risk incidents, including counter-narcotics, hostage rescue, and riot control. One Battle’s closing credits confirm that MKU stands for Mankind United.

[23] Other notable examples of this trope include the repressed homosexual Col. Frank Fitts (Chris Cooper) in American Beauty (1999) (who also collects Nazi memorabilia to boot) and Major Weldon Penderton (Marlon Brando) in the movie Reflections in a Golden Eye (1967). Bertolucci’s The Conformist (1970) has special relevance here as well. Bertolucci was a Marxist and the visually stunning ‘Fascist aesthetics’ of The Conformist frames the protagonist Marcello’s troubled psyche. However, the narrative assumes a facile Marxism-Freudianism: Marcello’s childhood trauma from sexual abuse and consequent sexual dysfunction serve as a Freudian ‘explanation’ of his political extremism and willingness to assassinate an ‘anti-Fascist’ professor on behalf of the state. Repeatedly, we see the Left’s simplistic depictions and explanations of Rightwing political sentiment as psycho-sexual drama within the bourgeoisie.

Paul Thomas Anderson’s overall body of work contains an impressive array of films packed with immediacy, visual flair, and stylized mise-en-scène: Hard Eight (1996), Boogie Nights (1997), Magnolia (1999), Punch-Drunk Love (2002), There Will Be Blood (2007), The Master (2012), Inherent Vice (2014), Phantom Thread (2017), Licorice Pizza (2021), and now One Battle After Another (2025).[8] Anderson’s films are driven by intense and often damaged individuals whose inner longings collide with grand American mythologies (fame, family, capitalism), and his narratives often unfold in loosely episodic structures taking place within sprawling, operatic arcs. Among his immediate influences, Robert Altman and Martin Scorsese are most apparent. From Altman we get the ensemble storytelling, the overlapping dialogue, and the chaotic feel of fractured families, and from Scorsese we get the streetwise shot-compositions, kinetic camera movement (Anderson is also a fan of Max Ophüls in this regard), and the popular music needle drops that underscore a scene’s desired emotional effect.[9] There is also the noticeable influence of Stanley Kubrick’s precision and emotional austerity in films such as There Will Be Blood and Phantom Thread. With respect to One Battle, Anderson has cited the following as key influences in the making of the film[10]:

  • Days of Rage: America’s Radical Underground, the FBI, and the Forgotten Age of Revolutionary Violence (2015): Bryan Burrough’s seminal book details the radical underground in the 1970s, documenting a largely forgotten era of intense domestic terrorism in the U.S. He details how groups like the Weather Underground, the Black Liberation Army, and the Symbionese Liberation Army conducted thousands of bombings and killings.[11]
  • Les Misérables (1935): Anderson cites Richard Boleslawski’s 1935 film adaptation of Victor Hugo’s novel, particularly its mad, cacophonous first act that serves as the backdrop and setup for the core human conflict in the story: Inspector Javert’s (Charles Laughton) obsession with capturing ex-convict Jean Valjean (Fredric March).
  • Vanishing Point (1971): Anderson cites Richard Sarafian’s underrated mythopoetic road movie, which I have previously written about.[12] In Vanishing Point, the protagonist is determined to drive from Denver to San Francisco in record time, for an unspecified goal, and his urgency in the matter acts as a purpose-in-itself, where the ultimate telos of one’s ‘vanishing point’ – eyes fixed as far as one can see down the road — symbolizes the annihilation of being that comes with death.
  • Midnight Run (1988): Anderson absolutely loves this witty, buddy-action-comedy-road-movie starring Robert De Niro and Charles Grodin, made in the heyday of the 1980s buddy films craze (e.g., 48 Hrs. (1982), Beverly Hills Cop (1984), and Lethal Weapon (1987)). Anderson says it is both his personal favorite film and his family’s favorite film, which they watch at least twice per year.[13]

Relative to Anderson’s earlier films, with One Battle we have a more frenetic pace that reflects the confused, paranoid, and desperate mindset of today’s Left, where ‘fascism’ is everywhere — in every institution of authority, and even hidden underneath the seemingly benign, trimmed lawns of the suburbs. It is here where Anderson’s literary influences come to the forefront. The majority of Anderson’s films are based upon his own original screenplays, but in the case of There Will Be Blood, Anderson adapted his screenplay from Upton Sinclair’s socialist novel Oil! (1927), and in One Battle After Another (as with Inherent Vice) we have Anderson adapting a screenplay loosely based on the novel Vineland (1990) written by his most significant and lasting literary influence: Thomas Pynchon[14].

Pynchon is one of the founders (and giants) of postmodern fiction, a satirical genre that — through devices of irony, self-referentiality, and non-linear narrative — parodies modernist fiction just as modernist fiction parodies realist fiction. Pynchon’s oeuvre is replete with conspiracy theories, usually fanciful and ridiculous, and the conspiracies in his novels are typically layered and, despite remaining largely unseen and in the background, serve as the magnetic center of the novels’ events. Countercultural anti-hero protagonists, often burned-out pot-smoking 60s-era radicals, stumble through the novel’s plot and life in general, but then also stumble onto actual conspiracies they soon find themselves caught up in. The harrowing realities of the conspiracy, the upending of one’s conventional ways of understanding the world, take their toll on characters’ psyches, leading to an ever-worsening paranoia. In many ways, Pynchon’s novels, characterized by hidden connections and multiple interpretive levels, provide interwoven, gnostic systems of meaning to the characters and to the reader. Contours of ‘The System’ are delimited. It is most interesting, then, when Harold Bloom characterizes Pynchon’s novels as Kabbalistic.[15]

The conspiracy-theory-as-plot-device is itself greatly influenced by early American detective fiction (e.g., Hammett, Chandler), a genre that in a more straightforward literary manner involves mystery and unknown forces which the hero does not fully understand. Over the course of typically three acts, a slow and suspenseful unraveling of a conspiracy takes place. Of course, the conspiracy itself may be relatively low-level, and not necessarily part of a particular, more macro-level one, but a conspiracy nonetheless. As with the genre of classic film noir — which inherits all the essential tropes of detective fiction and was often helmed by liberal Jewish émigré directors — there is a darkened moral atmosphere to the world and a growing skepticism toward institutions. Gone is the clean moral universe of classic whodunits. Instead, justice is compromised, authority corrupted, truth rarely restores order, and the protagonist (often a grizzled and jaded private detective) uncovers guilt without being able to meaningfully correct it. The fatalism inherent in this worldview (and the arc of conspiracy theories in general) coincides with the explosive growth in the twentieth century, particularly since World War II, of both the federal government and large corporations, i.e., the prevailing dominance of the bureaucratic-administrative state and its nexus with corporate interests.[16] The institutions that effectively control us have become ever more faceless, unaccountable, and remote from the average citizen, and in One Battle this type of dark and cloaked entity — as it is imagined by the Leftist’s conspiratorial mindset — is the fictional White supremacist secret society called the Christmas Adventurers Club.

V.           Characters+

Bob Ferguson

Leonardo DiCaprio plays Bob Ferguson (aka “Ghetto” Pat Calhoun aka “Rocketman”), a former 60s radical who was an explosives expert for the film’s fictional domestic terrorist group French 75.[17] In the film’s aforementioned opening sequence, we see Bob in his earlier activist/terrorist years as he participates in ‘liberating’ a migrant detention facility. Whether intended by Anderson or not, we witness the pathetic spectacle of this out-of-place, White, ‘60s revolutionary surrounded by Black radicals and Mexican illegals, screaming insults to the DHS soldiers whom the French 75 has just placed inside the very ‘cages’ that minutes ago held illegal aliens:

We are a political organization that is free from the eyes, the ears, and most importantly, the weapons of the imperialist state, and this fascist regime! You are a political prisoner of the French 75, motherfuckers! You’ve been captured by the French 75! Fuck the police! Viva La Revolución!

In the 16 years since the film’s opening sequence timeline, Bob has changed his identity and fled to the fictional town of Baktan Cross in Northern California, but his identity and sense of self are still inextricably linked to his past revolutionary activities and political philosophy. However, he’s now a man-bun-sporting, paranoid burn-out dressed in Jeffrey Lebowski bathrobe attire, who spends his days smoking pot, vaping, and watching Battle of Algiers. His existence now is nothing more than as a vessel of nostalgia, save for him being the (cucked) “father” of his mixed-race daughter Willa. In fact, Bob has been cucked thrice-over. First, he doesn’t realize that he’s not the biological father of Willa (though Perfidia surely does). Second, he’s been cucked by the Revolution, as Perfidia abandons him and Willa to “do the revolution.” Third, he’s been cucked by his own feminism, reflected in his inability to be a stern and responsible father to his daughter.

DiCaprio has commented on his character’s old-school hippie/libertarian streak, of the type one finds in certain Northern CA towns such as Eureka:

Bob is what I like to call a don’t tread on me, anti-establishment, hippie revolutionary who is paranoid about anything and everything. He doesn’t want to be taxed. He doesn’t want to be monitored. He’s incredibly skeptical of everyone and everything around him. He hides himself off in the middle of the woods and stays home, watches movies like The Battle of Algiers, smokes pot and drinks, but has one objective, and that’s to protect his daughter (Bowie, 2025).

Through Bob, we see a previous-generation Leftie feeling awkward around the new generation Lefties: namely Generation Pronoun & Generation Snowflake. When his daughter’s friends arrive at their home to take her to a school dance, there is this exchange:

Bob: Now, who’s the one with the lipstick? What’s that one’s name?
Willa: Bobo.
Bob: Bobo … Now, is that a he or a she or a they?
Willa: Dad, come on.
Bob: No, are they transitioning? I wanna know if…
Willa: They’re nonbinary.
Bob: Okay, I just wanna be polite…
Willa: It’s not that hard! … They/them.

Later in the film, when Bob is on the run, we see him on the phone with French 75 headquarters, trying to determine the arranged rendezvous point with his daughter. He’s talking to a whiny guy (“Comrade Josh”), but because he cannot remember the password code to the question “What time is it?,” Josh does not give him this information. Bob pleads with him to make an exception, but Josh repeatedly refuses. After Bob explodes in rage at Josh, cursing at him and threatening him, they have this exchange:

Josh: Okay, this doesn’t feel safe. You’re violating my space right now.

Bob: Violating your space?! Man, come on… What kind of revolutionary are you?! We’re not even in the same room here! We’re talking on the phone, like men!

Josh: Okay, there’s no need to shout. This is a violation of my safety. These are noise triggers.

At an important level, Bob belongs to the pantheon of the Hapless Male trope, namely the endless drumbeat of predictably inept men (almost always White) that Hollywood and Madison Ave churn out in movies, sitcoms, and TV commercials. Invariably, these bumbling and not-all-that-smart males serve as comic relief, but are eventually guided, rescued, or otherwise saved by either a Strong Woman (aka the Mary Sue trope), a non-White, or the intersection of both.[18] Even the New York Times, ever late to noticing cultural trends it did not itself create, has put One Battle into this context. In a piece entitled “Dramas Keep Showing Us Hapless Men—and Hypercompetent Women,” Diego Hadis discusses several recent movies, including One Battle, where the three male protagonists all “fit the archetype of the schlemiel: irredeemably inept, an accident of a person, the butt of some great cosmic joke” (Hadis, 2026). These clueless males are eventually teamed up with ‘hypercompetent women’:

The women they come across, on the other hand, seem ready for anything. They might see several chess moves ahead of both the protagonists and antagonists. They know how to affect the world of the movie, and they do so with ease — exactly what the actual “hero” of the story is completely unable to do. …

They are ever-present — and they are usually so capable, so confidently efficacious, that if they were the story’s focus, the movie would be over in 15 minutes. (Hadis, 2026).

In the case of One Battle:

Perfidia is the film’s driving force, directing the group’s strategy and taking Bob as a lover; her actions push the story forward even after she leaves. All through the film, though, so many of the women Bob encounters have things together in ways that put him to shame — say, the nurse doing intake at a police station after Bob is arrested in a military raid, who hands him off to another nurse, at a hospital, who calmly, unflappably leads him to freedom. Even Bob’s teenage daughter, Willa, is the responsible one, a purple belt in karate who effectively parents her own father. (Hadis, 2026).

Rather than criticizing these tired girlboss tropes for being as formulaic as the Waif-Fu trope (i.e., action movies where a 100 lb. girl handily beats up 250 lb. men), Hadis not surprisingly adopts the New York Times’ “it’s time for women to run the world” approach:

The fact that these figures are so often women may be a way of suggesting that men have had their run, and look where it has gotten us. … We should not be surprised if the coming years bring more films like these — all dreaming that there is somebody out there with whom we might throw in our lot, somebody competent enough to tell us what to do to make the world right (Hadis, 2026).

This last sentiment is very much a feminist call-to-action-for-women in One Battle’s final scene.

Perfidia Beverly Hills

Perfidia Beverly Hills (Teyana Taylor) is the Strong Black Woman trope par excellence and the leader of the French 75. And while one of the world’s most famous movie stars is in One Battle, it is Perfidia who Anderson deems the film’s main character. He notes:

I had a feeling like, Perfidia needs to feel like she’s the protagonist, the hero of the movie. You know, Leo might be in it, Sean might be in it, all these well-known actors are in it, but you see Teyana and it’s like: That’s the star of the movie. I wanted audiences to feel like, this is really a movie about a Black revolutionary (Fear, 2025).

In the film’s opening illegal-immigration-liberation scene, when she first encounters Lockjaw and has a gun pointed at him, she declares her aforementioned political mission, which Anderson has clumsily written to shoehorn in a pro-abortion sentiment:

My name is Perfidia Beverly Hills, and this is a declaration of war. We’re here to right your wrongs, motherfucker. … You didn’t count on me. You didn’t count on my fight. The message is clear: free borders, free bodies, free choices, and free from fuckin’ fear!

Teyana Taylor as Perfidia Beverly Hills

The very name ‘Perfidia’ literally means betrayal, which is apropos in this case: Ultimately, she betrays Bob by being attracted to, and having sex with, Lockjaw. She betrays the French 75 in a plea deal with authorities that involves her ratting out their names and locations. And she betrays her daughter by abandoning her. (Naturally, despite all of this irresponsibility and dysfunction, her daughter Willa still ‘relates’ to her in the film’s ending). Her middle and last name of “Beverly Hills” should not be overlooked either: this is Anderson situating one front of the revolutionary vanguard (at least nominally) within the manicured lawns of Beverly Hills, and perhaps giving Hollywood liberals a jab for not being sufficiently committed to Leftist causes and the associated ‘direct action’.

Anderson writes Perfidia as experiencing post-partum depression, and she abnegates her maternal role to her newborn infant Willa as a result, with Bob carrying the load. When Bob scolds her, reminding her that they “are a family now,” Perfidia uses her revolutionary politics to justify her abandonment of the mother role: “This is a new consciousness. I’m not your udder buddy. I’m not your mother. You want your power over me, the same reason you want your power over the world. You and your crumbling male ego will never do this revolution like me.”

Anderson no doubt based Perfidia on Assata Shakur, who joined the Black Panther Party in the late 1960s before becoming involved with the Black Liberation Army. She gained notoriety after a 1973 shootout on the New Jersey Turnpike that resulted in the death of a state trooper. She was convicted of murder in 1977 and sentenced to life in prison, but in 1979 escaped with the help of supporters. She then lived in the underground until 1984 when she was granted asylum in Cuba, where she lived until her death in 2025 at age 78. As an example of the standard hagiography heaped on Shakur by the Left, Nikole Hannah-Jones (of the ‘1619 Project’ infamy) was granted a New York Times op-ed slot to celebrate Shakur. The piece is full of gems, including this quote from Angela Davis, the more famously feted Black Female Revolutionary:

Angela Davis, the activist who was wrongly imprisoned during that same tumultuous period, told me women were the backbone of Black radical movements and “the government probably recognized more than even our own people did the power of Black women.” (Hannah-Jones, 2025)

In One Battle, after a bank heist goes awry, and which involves Perfidia killing a bank guard, she is apprehended by the police. (Anderson cowardly casts a Black male to play the murdered bank guard, so as to deflect attention from the prevailing Black-on-White nature of violent crime in America). We then see an all-White gaggle of cops cheering and flipping her off while taking selfies.

Lockjaw, thoroughly smitten with her, arranges for her to get a witness protection plea deal, in exchange for beginning an illicit affair. She puts up with this for a certain duration before fleeing (ironically through an official border crossing into Mexico) for a destination that, we learn later in the film, is either Cuba or Algiers, both being locations that actual 1960s Black radicals fled to when U.S. authorities were on their tail.

Willa Ferguson

The progeny of Perfidia and (shockingly) Lockjaw, Willa (Chase Infiniti) is nonetheless raised by Bob alone, given that Perfidia abandoned the family when Willa was an infant. As the film fast-forwards sixteen years later, we see Willa now sixteen herself, receiving karate instruction from Sergio St. Carlos. Steely Dan’s “Dirty Work” is playing on the soundtrack, which lyrically signifies the degradation of Bob and Perfidia’s revolutionary romance into a domestic aftermath where Bob is the sole parent, having ‘cleaned up’ Perfidia’s mess. (Bob once imagined himself as part of History; now he’s an exhausted man left holding the child, the guilt, the secrets, and the consequences).

Chase Infiniti as Willa Ferguson

Willa is now a rather typical American teen female. She has a cell phone that she hides from Bob (who has forbidden them), They/Them friends, and Girl Power attitude. In terms of both cultural attitudes and Leftist political strategies, Willa represents the notable generation gap relative to Bob’s generation. She is described to Bob as a natural ‘leader’ by her high school history teacher, which leads Bob to cry tears of pride.

In terms of plot, Willa is the aforementioned hyper-competent female forced to deal with Bob’s rather inept ‘dumb White guy’ persona. (The father-daughter dynamic between Bob and Willa is a central aspect of One Battle, no doubt partly a function of Anderson’s own relationship with his three biracial daughters).

Signifying where her future will lead after the movie ends, and with Lockjaw and his men searching for her, Willa is offered protection by a group of young, Black, radical, pot-smoking, ghetto-speaking, machine-gun-toting nuns called the “Sisters of the Brave Beaver” (inspired by Sisters of the Valley, an actual hippie convent), the name of which is yet another of Anderson’s bizarre sexualization of radical politics. At this ‘convent’ Willa learns how to shoot. (It’s significant then that Anderson cast both Maya Rudolph and one of his daughters to play members of this Sisterhood).

Willa at the Sisters of the Brave Beaver

After narrowly averting death at the hands of both Lockjaw and the Christmas Adventurer Club’s hitman, when Bob finally finds her on a remote California desert highway, Willa (having recently learned who her biological father is) screams “Who are you?!” to Bob, who replies to her plaintively by saying “It’s your dad,” which reconciles the two of them. (There may be an undercurrent here of Anderson’s own biracial daughters possibly questioning aspects of their racial identity as well as their father’s). Of this sequence, Anderson has said: “Coming up with the situation for Willa, where she is finally able to take agency over a situation — to turn the tables, be the aggressor, take the high ground — this became very exciting for us” (Fear, 2025).

In One Battle’s final sequence, Bob and Willa are back home safe and sound. Bob decides to finally give Willa a letter that Perfidia had written to her years ago, but that Bob has kept hidden from her. “I wanted to protect you,” he tells Willa, “From all your mom’s shit, from all my shit. I suppose I wanted to be the one that you came to for help. … The cool dad that you could say anything to, even though I know that’s impossible.” Bob gives her the letter and as Willa reads it in her bedroom, we hear the letter’s content being read in voiceover by Perfidia. The letter contains some verbatim lines from an actual letter a Weather Underground member wrote to their family, as shown in the 2002 documentary The Weather Underground.[19] At the 1:16:19 marker of this documentary, we similarly hear one of these letters being read in voiceover: “Hello from the other side of the shadows. I don’t mean to shock you, but I have been contemplating writing you for a long time. … Often I wake up and find it completely inexplicable how and why I am where I am today and disconnected from my family.”

Sergio St. Carlos

A secondary character to One Battle, Sergio St. Carlos (played by Benicio del Toro) — aka “Sensei” — acts as a calm balance to Bob’s frantic and paranoid nature. “Ocean waves,” he often says as a mantra during tense moments. Sergio is both a karate sensei and a ‘coyote’ of sorts for Mexican illegals in the fictional sanctuary city of Baktan Cross. “I’ve got a little Latino Harriet Tubman situation going on at my place,” he tells Bob.[20] With Lockjaw in pursuit of both him and Willa, Bob has reached out to Sergio for help in rescuing Willa. Sergio agrees and, along the way, introduces Bob to his family as the “Gringo Zapata.”

In one rather creepy moment, as Sergio and Bob and driving through a downtown Baktan Cross that is undergoing a fiery battle between protesters, police, and Lockjaw’s forces, Sergio pauses next to a dozen or so Mexican kids on skateboards. “Bee Gee,” he says to one of them he recognizes, “what’s the word?.” With a gloating smile on his face, the kid tells Sergio “It’s fuckin’ World War III out there, yo!”

One Battle has several digs at contemporary cell phone culture, one of which is when Sergio — almost out of character — takes a selfie with Bob. In another scene, when Sergio has to rush the illegals temporarily hiding above a Mexican-operated corner store to a sanctuary church, he yells several times at a Mexican teen minding the store to get off his phone, after Sergio has told him to watch the front door. Soon after, in Sergio’s ramshackle apartment above the store, he tells one of his daughters to get off her phone. In yet another room, we see two more Mexican teen girls on a couch not talking to each other but both staring at their phones. In all these instances, there is a blank look upon each teen’s face as they are staring at their phone.

Del Toro’s most memorable line in the movie takes place after he’s distracted the police away from Bob. Both had been drinking beers earlier. When the police pull Sergio over, they ask him if he’s been drinking. “I’ve had a few,” he says. “A few what?” asks one of the cops. “Few small beers” Sergio replies.

Benicio del Toro as Sergio St. Carlos

Colonel Steven J. Lockjaw (Sean Penn)

The film’s one-dimensional villain is Colonel Steven J. Lockjaw (Sean Penn). A military man who dutifully follows orders, Lockjaw is nonetheless a corrupt military officer without scruples. He stands as a cartoonish representation of White Christian society, White supremacism, and reactionary politics — all rolled into one. He is depicted as perpetually angry and violent. His surname is, of course, meant to convey a clenched jaw and Penn portrays Lockjaw with a stilted, tight-ass gait, as well as an undercut ‘fash’ hairstyle that — when he meets with the Christmas Adventurers Club, a White supremacist secret society — is combed to be Hitler-like. (There isn’t much in the way of subtleties with One Battle). Sean Penn’s rumored years on steroids serves the role’s physicality well, although he seems to overact here (but in his defense the script probably called for an over-the-top military racist).[21]

Sean Penn as Colonel Steven J. Lockjaw

Reflecting how the Left often sees all uniformed law enforcement entities as one monolithic army of ‘fascism,’ One Battle blurs the lines between police, traditional military, and paramilitary law enforcement roles. Lockjaw is the commanding officer of a fictional paramilitary group called the “MKU” (Mankind United). While his role involves overseeing an immigration detention center on the U.S.-Mexico border, MKU functions as a distinct, specialized government organization rather than a traditional branch of the military.[22]

At one point in the film, we see what appears to be the FBI or some other element of the DOJ awarding Lockjaw with the ‘Bedford Forrest Medal of Honor’ for his work hunting down members of the French 75. (Forrest was a Confederate general during the American Civil War who later served as the first Grand Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan).

Despite his White supremacism bona fides, Lockjaw secretly harbors a largely repressed sexual obsession with Black women, so a miscegenation element also becomes crucial to the motivations of the film’s villain. Early in the film, Lockjaw is sexually humiliated by Perfidia but depicted as enjoying it, as it leads to his sexual arousal and then his “reverse rape” (as he later describes it). This display of a conservative White alpha male enjoying sadomasochistic submission to an angry, armed Black woman (complete with a gun pointed at his crotch) serves as a caricature of Second Amendment gun rights advocates and, more importantly, as a humiliation ritual for White males. If there is one grand metanarrative to One Battle, it is as a liberal revenge fantasy against conservative White men. Lockjaw symbolizes this class, first through his depicted arrogance and coldness, then later through ritual humiliation, disfigurement, and death.

In the film’s only scene between him and Bob, we see Lockjaw use very few words to indirectly articulate his jealousy that Bob has Perfidia and not him. “You like Black girls?” he asks Bob. “I love ‘em. … I LOVE ‘EM!” One X user has aptly memed this exchange as emblematic of how poorly drawn Lockjaw is from the standpoint of character depth:

In yet another tired trope of Leftist ‘explanations’ of conservatism, the film makes implications that Lockjaw is a closeted homosexual.[23] In one exchange — after Lockjaw has abducted Willa and deploys a DNA test to prove (or disprove) that she is, in fact, his biological daughter — it’s implied that Lockjaw is a repressed homosexual:

Willa: Why is your shirt so tight?
Lockjaw: I’m not gay, if that’s what you’re saying.
Willa: I didn’t say that.
Lockjaw: I’m not a homosexual.
Willa: I did not say that … but I see the lifts in your shoes.

Such is the sort of dialogue that wins the Oscar for Best Adapted Screenplay.

In this same scene between Lockjaw and Willa, he says to her at one point, in an over-the-top display of White-against-Black racial hostility: “You shut up! JUST SHUT UP, YOU FUCKING MUTT!!”. In addition to being a racial insult, this dialogue also serves to express the Left’s absurd notion that Blacks are being held in silence by the ‘institutional racism’ of White society. One can only wonder if Anderson is conveying his own daughters’ real (or, more likely, imagined) experiences, his own fears about what his daughters may face in the future, or whether through the character of Lockjaw he’s clumsily articulating his own inner demons on his daughters’ mixed-race status.

Having determined through a DNA test which he’s administered to Willa that she is in fact his biological daughter, and hence a threat to his acceptance into the Christmas Adventurers Club, Lockjaw decides to kill her, but not before mocking and insulting her further:

I am a Christmas Adventurer! Do you know what that is? I have a higher calling. It is a higher honor than having you. I loved her, in case you were wondering. Best goddamn-looking witch I ever saw. Yeah, she was possessed. … She was insane. Like you. You have it in you. I smelled it from within her, and I can smell it from within you.

Lockjaw binds Willa’s hands and drives her out to a remote canyon location where he meets Avanti (Eric Schweig), whom from their exchange we easily infer has done this sort of contract-killing work for Lockjaw numerous times in the past. “I don’t do kids,” Avanti says, even after Lockjaw offers to double his rate. Lockjaw then tells Avanti to instead take Willa to a remote private militia actually called…. drumroll… “1776,” fully confident that they will have no compunction in killing Willa. And, in case the didactic allegory here isn’t yet clear, we have Avanti the American Indian ultimately deciding to sacrifice himself by killing all the 1776 members and saving Willa, before dying himself in the gun exchange. (We know that Avanti is Indian not only from his physiognomy, but because one of the evil 1776 members derisively refers to him as “Wagon-burner”).

In a myriad of ways, and from absolutely every angle, Lockjaw is the bogeyman that a Jewish-dominated Hollywood fear most. Thus, despite Lockjaw being a comically one-dimensional character (and Sean Penn’s performance being almost camp), what Lockjaw represents resonates with Hollywood’s political imagination. It isn’t surprising then that One Battle wins a bunch of Oscars, including Sean Penn winning for Best Supporting Actor.

Go to Part 2.

[1] With the 2026 Academy Awards, Sinners laughably received the most Oscar nominations of any film in history. Coogler, who is Black and is best known for the Black Panther movies which inspired the emergent Wakanda mythos, constructs Sinners with a Black-centric orientation and a didactic plot involving White vampires who prey upon Blacks, ‘turning’ these Black victims into vampires themselves. In a racialized variation of From Dusk till Dawn (1996), the social-justice messaging in Sinners is hilariously heavy-handed.

[2] Voegelin’s The New Science of Politics: An Introduction (1952) provides a useful lens for understanding the political implications of widening conspiracy theories and totalizing ideologies. Voegelin views the ideological pathologies of modernity to be gnostic in structure. Such ideologies often claim access to special knowledge (gnōsis) which reveals the hidden truth of history, and promises that salvation can be achieved within the world rather than beyond it.

[3] We can see this despair and self-absorption in such films as the Maoist director Jean-Luc Godard’s La Chinoise (1967) and being satirized by Wes Anderson in The French Dispatch (2021).

[4] For empirical data on the Left’s growing willingness to use violence, see Rufo (2025) and Dulberg & Horder (2025).

[5] Bill Ayers interview, AirGo podcast Episode 386 (“One Battle After Another, Fascism, and Activism During the 60s”), https://youtu.be/XbB40aRz8bg?si=cqUkawiHyESaQbE7, uploaded to YouTube on February 12, 2026 by Respair Production & Media.

[6] Bernardine Dohrn (born Bernardine Rae Ohrnstein) was a leader of the Weather Underground and is the wife of Bill Ayers. Her son Zayd Ayers Dohrn also asserts that the movie title One Battle After Another comes from his mother. See Dohrn (2026).

[7] See Varon (2004), pp. 107–108. Mark Rudd, a prominent SDS leader at Columbia in 1968 who went on to become one of the original leaders of the Weatherman / Weather Underground, and who is himself Jewish, has written about the significant overrepresentation of Jews in the New Left, particularly in leadership positions (Rudd, 2005). Lichter & Rothman (1981) estimate that Jews accounted for approximately 60% of the New Left in the mid-1960s. See also MacDonald (1998, Ch. 3 “Jews and the Left”) and Rudd (2009).

[8] Magnolia (1999) was already on the pulse of where our culture has been drifting for quite some time. The randomness and contingency of life is explored through a series of rather sad and lonely characters, almost all of them male, desperately seeking love and connection. One outlet for this state of affairs is the charismatic and cultish self-help guru Frank T.J. Mackey (Tom Cruise), who preaches a misogynous ethos (ala Andrew Tate) which teaches men how to “Seduce and Destroy” and whose manosphere seminar’s intro music is Strauss’s Thus Spake Zarathustra.

[9] As with Scorsese, music is central for Anderson. In One Battle, this is accomplished through existing songs such as Steely Dan’s “Dirty Work” and Tom Petty and the Heartbreakers’ “American Girl”, as well as through original sountrack compositions. Jon Brion’s anxious, percussive experimentation and Jonny Greenwood’s jarring modernist score (solo piano doing staccato drone patterns and then dissonant passages aurally representing a character’s paranoia) deepen a scene’s psychological tension.

[10] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=S8Q35vXE9bI.

[11] For a brief summary of Burrough’s book, see Van de Camp (2020).

[12] Max West, Vanishing Point (1971). https://logicalmeme.com/vanishing-point-1971/

[13] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E8WW4jJ59d4.

[14] Development of a Vineland adaptation has been a pet project of Anderson’s since the early 90s when he first read and became obsessed with the novel. Anderson’s film Inherent Vice (2014) is a relatively faithful adaptation of Pynchon’s novel of the same name, and The Master (2012) contains elements based on Pynchon’s novel V (1963), such as the protagonist being a discharged sailor who connects with a cult-like group of individuals. (See Arblaster, 2022).

[15] Bloom shares Pynchon’s liberal paranoia that White Christian Fascists lurk behind every tree and every lawn ornament, aligning him with the pronounced history of Jewish antagonism to Christianity and Gentilism. “The not unimpressive polemic of Norman Mailer — that Fascism always lurks where plastic dominates — is in Pynchon not a polemic but a total vision” (Bloom, 2003, p. 2). Jews love Pynchon, not only because of his radical Leftwing idealism but also because of these Kabbalistic-style attempts to placate a lingering paranoia and persecution complex with elaborate gnostic conspiracy theories. See, for example, Mendelson, Edward (ed.). Pynchon: A Collection of Critical Essays (1978). Pynchon is not himself Jewish but was raised both Catholic and Episcopalian.

[16] See, for example, James Burnham on the managerial–bureaucratic class and the writings of Samuel Francis and Curtis Yarvin (aka Mencius Moldbug).

[17] DiCaprio notes that his own father was a 1960s counterculture radical and bombmaker who “hung out with Abbie Hoffman.” In preparation for his role, DiCaprio cites as influences the book Days of Rage, Gillo Pontecorvo’s The Battle of Algiers (1966), Al Pacino’s nervous Sonny Wortzik character in Sidney Lumet’s Dog Day Afternoon (1975), and Lumet’s Running on Empty (1988), about a couple who are continually on the move with assumed identities, after having committed terrorist acts as part of a Weather Underground-like group. (As noted in Tom Wolfe’s fascinating Radical Chic & Mau-Mauing the Flak Catchers (1970), Lumet hosted a high-end party for the Black Panthers before Leonard Bernstein’s soiree for the Black terrorist group, the latter being the focus of Wolfe’s essay). See https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Q_cV9ciktoQ.

[18] The ‘White Men Are Stupid In Commercials’ account on X (@StupidWhiteAds) catalogs some of the countless TV commercials that adopt this trope.

[19] http://www.theweatherunderground.info/

[20] It was Del Toro’s idea to have Sergio be a ‘protector’ of Mexican illegals. The scenes with Del Toro were shot almost entirely in El Paso, TX, a city that is today a de facto satellite of Mexico. Anderson “adores” this city and its people. “Being in El Paso, at the center of immigration,” Anderson says, “gave us so much material and local talent to work with. It became the centerpiece of the film and certainly the best time I’ve ever had going to work” (Abramovitch, 2026). Del Toro has said that he and Anderson visited a church in El Paso that serves as a sanctuary for illegals until they get their “paperwork processed”.

[21] Like many on the Left, Anderson seems to equate extreme physical fitness with Rightwing politics and, childishly, homoeroticism. In the film’s opening sequence, many of the soldiers under Lockjaw’s command are physically buff and shown with their shirts off.

[22] MKU is likely modeled after the Border Patrol Tactical Unit (BORTAC), an elite, highly trained special operations unit within the U.S. Border Patrol Special Operations Group. Established in 1984, BORTAC provides national/international response to high-risk incidents, including counter-narcotics, hostage rescue, and riot control. One Battle’s closing credits confirm that MKU stands for Mankind United.

[23] Other notable examples of this trope include the repressed homosexual Col. Frank Fitts (Chris Cooper) in American Beauty (1999) (who also collects Nazi memorabilia to boot) and Major Weldon Penderton (Marlon Brando) in the movie Reflections in a Golden Eye (1967). Bertolucci’s The Conformist (1970) has special relevance here as well. Bertolucci was a Marxist and the visually stunning ‘Fascist aesthetics’ of The Conformist frames the protagonist Marcello’s troubled psyche. However, the narrative assumes a facile Marxism-Freudianism: Marcello’s childhood trauma from sexual abuse and consequent sexual dysfunction serve as a Freudian ‘explanation’ of his political extremism and willingness to assassinate an ‘anti-Fascist’ professor on behalf of the state. Repeatedly, we see the Left’s simplistic depictions and explanations of Rightwing political sentiment as psycho-sexual drama within the bourgeoisie.

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Max West https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Max West2026-05-02 09:15:022026-05-03 07:54:29“One Battle After Another” (2025): Radical Politics & Fetishized Miscegenation, Part 1

Alex Honnold, Free-Soloing, and a Christian View on Race

November 25, 2025/7 Comments/in Catholic Church, Featured Articles, General, Race Differences in Behavior, Western Culture/by Bernard M. Smith

Alex Honnold 

Free Solo, instead, is largely about the intensity of knowing a person like [Alex] Honnold, of having someone so unusual in your life, and the ways in which he bewitches, excites, and frightens the people around him simply by doing his job.

Free Solo Is a Staggering Documentary About Extreme Climbing by David Sims, Atlantic Magazine (September 27, 2018)

I hate heights.

*        *        *        *

My fear of heights has increased with age — I do not recall it being an issue when I was younger. While I have no fear of commercial air travel, I have developed an intense fear of heights — even modest ones. It struck me a few years ago when I hiked Crowders Mountain near Charlotte, North Carolina with my family. I took the “easy” path of seemingly hundreds of trail rock steps to the 1,600-foot summit, which offers incredible views of the surrounding area. Upon reaching it, I took one look around and decided that the view itself was too much: I began to have something more than anxiety but less than a full-blown panic attack. I almost immediately (and embarrassedly) tucked tail and made haste to descend the mountain. There are even more embarrassing episodes of my fear of heights that I will not belabor here (like my anxiety on Ferris Wheels) but the nub of my fear appears to be when the place of height lacks adequate (at least to me) safety measures. In any event, I am certainly — and markedly — afraid of heights now.

Understanding my fear of heights is important in understanding my reaction to the 2018 documentary Free Solo. Free Solo is not just a documentary about rock climbing in its most extreme form — it is an incredible journey in the psychological portrait of an obsessive type of Western man. The film follows professional rock climber Alex Honnold as he prepares to free solo El Capitan in Yosemite National Park. Free solo rock climbing is a form of climbing where the climber ascends without the use of ropes or protective gear, relying solely on their climbing shoes and chalk for grip. This style of climbing emphasizes the climber’s skill and mental fortitude, as any fall can result in serious injury or death. While extreme sports have become a fad of sorts in the last forty years — mostly individual sports that simultaneously push adrenaline and limits beyond measure — free solo rock climbing is perhaps the most extreme of them all.

El Capitan — or the El Cap — is a vertical rock formation in Yosemite National Park, on the north side of Yosemite Valley, near its western end. The granite monolith is about 3,000 feet from base to summit along its tallest face and is a world-celebrated location for big wall climbing. To see it — to see its almost flawless granite verticality — it is be stunned that anyone could climb even with the most prophylactic safety equipment let alone climb with none. Just looking at it gave me chills — it is that impressive. Alex Honnold was the first man ever to free solo this mountain — and this first was captured by Free Solo. It is never lost on the viewer (or at least this one) that this was easily a film that could have never seen the theaters had Honnold slipped to his death on camera. Watching him scale the face of El Cap is itself a marvel that he did not.

Three things stand about the work as a documentary. First, it is visually stunning. Any nature footage of Yosemite is bound to impress, and everything there seems almost prehistoric and larger than life. It is creation in its purest and most unadulterated form. The film captures this beauty and grandeur as well as any nature documentary has. The film zeroes in on Honnald’s climbing — and moves in, as it were, to the crevices, cracks, and depressions on the face of the mountain. Instead of the smooth appearance that El Cap has from a thousand feet away, it is a highly textured labyrinth of creases that the film highlights. Second, the film is a study into the mind of an extreme athlete — Honnold is a very unusual psychological specimen. The film does its best, albeit in very brief interludes, to offer some insight into the mind of a free soloist. Third, the documentary is drama-filled with ethical dilemmas and emotional strain. The people who assist and accompany Honnold on this journey — from his film crew to his fellow rock climbers who train with him; from his girlfriend to his mother — are struck by the problem of helping Honnold do something that is so incredibly dangerous on its face. That the filmmakers, who are Honnold’s longtime friends, might be filming contemporaneously his death is never lost on them. That his climbing companions may be training with him for the same is similarly difficult for them to process.

It is a mesmeric film — one that I was late, by seven years, seeing when it was first released. A close friend — someone who shares a similar personality, at least in some ways, to Alex Honnold — recommended the movie to me. Unlike me, this friend is someone who shares an affinity for extreme adventures. In a just a little bit different life, he could have been someone like Alex Honnold.

Alex Hannold at Yosemite

*        *        *        *

Free Solo was a documentary that was acclaimed by virtually everyone who saw it. It won the Academy Award for best documentary in 2018 — and, based upon my research, every major publication — of every conceivable stripe — seemingly had something (universally positive) to say about it. In an age in which heroes are a dead letter and in which religion is a tacky anachronism, Free Solo strikes a chord for a type of man who is alive in doing something extreme. No, really extreme. It is a perfect statement of secular religion, or, at least, a type of secular religion. Embodied within it is a type of secular holiness that bears a relation, albeit for different reasons, for the hard things done by men in ages past. Man, in the age without God, seeks his Zen in highly idiosyncratic ways but it is to be found, or so he thinks, if that way is authentic and radically his own. I cannot recall a character who exemplifies Zen in the secular sense more than Alex Honnold. To demonstrate how powerful this image is, I, as a man who is deeply committed to the most retrograde and traditional form of Catholicism, found myself mesmerized by him. I too am a creature of my age.

But enough has been written — more in fact — about the mind of the extreme athlete in Alex Honnold. While he is, to say the very least, an intriguing and mystifying human being, most of what has been written about his documentary would be, to the extent he cared, agreeable to him. There is something else that fascinated me about him — something I think he would find it much less fascinating but just as compelling to me. That is, Honnold as the archetype of the Western man — the European man. Let me unpack that: Honnold appears to have generic modern liberal sensibilities. He is a vegetarian and an environmentalist. His foundation is based upon environmental micro-investments for impoverished Third World communities. He grew up in California. He ostensibly is irreligious and shacks up with his girlfriend in his home (a van). Other than his habit for undertaking this extreme activity, he strikes me very much as a man with conventional California liberal beliefs and views. While I would not describe him as a “hippie,” he is seemingly comfortable in their midst and aping their worldview (when he is not thinking about rock climbing, which is evidently not very often). To say that he would disdain what I am going to write it is to put it mildly, yet it was what struck me after taking in the whole of who — and what — this man is.

Let me offer politically incorrect assumptions on several counts and digress for a moment from free soloing. To situate my comments and observation, something must be said of race. First, races exist — not as social constructs, but as durable biological categories. Moreover, various races differ on average in myriad ways. The traditional understanding of race, which is just another word for the biological term “sub-species,” historically subdivided people into five categories: Caucasian (White); Mongoloid (Asian); Negroid (Sub-Saharan African); Australoid (Aborigine); and Amerindian. If race were not such a dirty word, I am sure that greater precision in definitional terms would have developed. Obviously, race is not so rigid that its categories are impermeable, and the borders between groups give way to zones of racial and geographical clines but the general proposition holds that racial groups differ from one another in meaningful ways. While “race” is an objectionable word among Western elites, “population groups” is a more anodyne way of saying the same thing among contemporaries. The meaningful differences between groups are something that can be registered internally but rarely spoken of in so-called polite company. So, that East Asians, for example, generally have a higher intelligence (as measured by a range of intellectual assessments) is noticed but seldom mentioned. That Sub-Saharan Africans surpass other groups in a variety of athletic feats (mostly those that rely upon fast twitch muscles) is similarly noticed.

We are not allowed to mention racial differences, in part, because of the implications of these differences — especially in modern, pluralistic societies like those common in the post-Christian Western world. It is not deemed an acceptable thing to say, for example, that the primary reason that African Americans do not obtain proportional admission (without substantial assistance) as a group to America’s elite universities is because they are, on average, less intelligent than the average intelligence of the competitor groups in Whites (which is just shorthand for European) and East Asians. Likewise, it is similarly verboten to say that the reason why African Americans disproportionately populate American prisons (and therefore disproportionately engage in anti-social criminal activity) is that they generally have a greater average tendency towards anti-social behavior, or, put differently, have lesser levels, on average, of self-control. Explanations for social phenomenon such as these are considered outside of acceptable discourse, and, as such, other explanations for different outcomes among racial or population groups must be considered. If one understands this, it makes perfect sense why, in an era in which racial discrimination is heavily penalized socially and legally, that a concept like “systemic racism” is used to capture an alleged mythical explanation for different racial outcomes — one that has no basis — as opposed to the more obvious one that racial or genetic distinctions largely account for different outcomes.

It is understandable to me why some have deemed race beyond acceptable discourse. There is something unseemly about it — something that offends good manners. If we accept that which we see in front of us — that is, racial differences obviously exist — we sense that there is an unfairness to it because race is, after all, an immutable characteristic that seemingly divests people of agency. The determinism of race has an ugly side. It seems plausible to me that many might accept the reality of race but deny its legitimacy of inclusion in public discourse because to do so would allow the public to use race as a shorthand for intelligence, work ethics, or criminality. Exceptions to average outcomes of course exist, of course; perhaps the thinking is that to allow a greater room for race to be included in public discourse is to allow unfair racial discrimination to flourish and create a self-fulfilling cycle of divergent racial outcomes.

The objections to taking race seriously come from more than Western liberal elites: they also come from the minority of committed Christians in Western societies. Christianity, as the great universalizing force in world history, rejects tribal or racial identity as particularly instructive, let alone destiny-making, in determining whether any man can be saved. To admit racial differences is to call into question, at least superficially, whether that maxim is true in the main. If all men are essentially equal in dignity before God and Church, which is what Christianity posits, then can groups of men meaningfully differ in racial attributes that make effecting that dignity real? I have struggled with that question for many years now as a committed Catholic — my mind and soul want the essential dignity of all men to mean that all groups are of equal abilities and attributes. Parenthetically, beyond religion, is not the American ideal of meritocracy predicated on such an assumption? But, upon years of reflection upon it, there is nothing particularly offensive about racial group differences and the Christian premise of essential dignity of all men. To a finer point on it, Christians readily acknowledge that differences of ability, temperament, and intelligence exist among individual men. Indeed, it is obvious as the day is long. I may be smarter, more athletic, and more peaceful than some but there are many who are better than me in every one of those regards. These differences do not call into question the essential dignity of all men — they co-exist. I do not feel inferior when I am around someone who is my better in some or all regards because I am essentially the equal of any man.

That different families, kinship communities, and nations should have similar group-level differences likewise should not call into question the essential dignity of men. That races, as the outer ring of population distinctions, also have differences as a result likewise should not be offensive. But more to the point, a reconciliation must be cognizable because I believe that Christianity is true and the faith as it is will never contradict natural truths. If race — and racial differences — are true as a matter of nature (and the powerful cocktail of geography, genetics, and time that make racial differences plausible), then racial differences and Christianity must be reconcilable.

For my own part, my intellectual and spiritual reconciliation of race and religion comes with certain moral demands: first, Christianity requires for the group as much as the individual that we exercise a profound humility. All have fallen and therefore no man or no collection of men bound by kinship is permitted to glory in themselves — only in God. That means even if we acknowledge differences, the relative hierarchy of men in view of those differences, whatever they may be, is irrelevant to their dignity as men. East Asians, for example, are not better versions of human beings because they are, on average, smarter than the rest of the world. It is difficult for me to claim that denying, for example, this reality (East Asian intelligence) is itself a virtue. Second, Christians are duty-bound to treat both kin and stranger (which is another way to say those from within and without of our racial group) with the same human dignity. The missionary impulse to convert all nations, given to the Apostles by our Lord, carries with an implicit conviction that all nations are worthy to be saved. Race then may be real, but it never warrants, at least for the Christian, a belief in essential superiority or inferiority of one group versus another on the plane of human dignity. But nor does it require, in service of the notion of essential human dignity, that we deny the existence of differences that exist among individual men or groups of men. They exist and make up what we might term the hard landscape of human existence in this world.

Race then is not a social construct — it is a principle derived from biology and nature. Men tend not to use it as a social concept or organizing principle. Race becomes relevant, at least to me, as a proxy for civilization. If civilization is the outer limit of human social organization and race is the outer limit of group differences, it makes sense, and is indeed borne out, that different races make different civilizations. European civilization is different from East Asian civilization and so on. Obviously, religion plays an outsized influence on civilization but so do racial attributes. The West looks like it does — the people within it have the assumptions and customs that they do — because, in large part, it was created by a particular racial group (Whites) who themselves had collective abilities and temperaments that fit the civilization they created. The same is true for every other civilization.

I am a White (read: European) American who is comfortable in Western Civilization. One of the demeaning characteristics of the elitist crusade against race is that Whites like me are — ironically — told that our particular race and our particular civilization (Western) is uniquely depraved (which violates the seeming social canon that race does not exist as a category and, in any event, should never be used as a cudgel against people born into that non-existent category). I became racially-conscious later in life (at about the same time I discovered my fear of heights) because of the official racial bias and bile that poured forth from elitist circles upon me and my own. To distill this further, when I had the full complement of children that God would give me, I found the racial bias and animus against them far more offensive than it had ever been against me. If my racial consciousness is offensive, and I am sure it is, the people to be blamed are the militant “anti-racists” in positions of power that showered upon me and my own that we are somehow qualitatively worse human beings for being born White. I did not believe that was true for other races; I will not believe it about my own either.

If my racial consciousness was initiated through what was essentially a negation of the official elitist hostility towards Whites, my evolution has been a more nuanced view based upon the positives of belonging to this group and civilization. To put it differently, I may have started this path in protest of racism shown towards me, but I have ended it with an affinity towards my own. To be sure, this is not a matter of racial superiority (indeed, my religion will not countenance it), but it is a recognition that my people — that is, Whites — are reasonable in wanting the perpetuation of their civilization, which can only come if Whites perpetuate themselves as a group. Under conventional conversational mores, it is perfectly acceptable for an African-American to indicate his or her preference for a Black spouse or their children’s marriage to a Black man or woman; to swap out, however “White” for Black in that sentiment is to, evidently, ride with the Klan. In that sense, I have a strong preference that my White children marry others from my racial group. While Catholicism trumps race in terms of marriage for my children, race is something too in the way that I think about it. Perhaps nothing more offensive could be said by a White man today — the truth is that I care little for the opinion of the people who it would offend. I see now, in a way that I did not see before, that Whites add something special to the world that is worthy of perpetuation. And if I can indulge the thought a bit more, Whites are, as a group, an unusually empathetic group of people — a caring race — which is why, or so it seems to me, God chose them to be the main missionary engine of His Holy Church. There is a double irony there. Whites are depicted by Western elites and race hustlers as uniquely evil as a group — the truth is something far different. To be clear, Whites are not a “new” chosen people and other races have different gifts too that I do not deny. But my view is that my people — my extended kin in the form of Whites — have co-created a wonderful civilization that is laudable. It is something that I can say that I am proud of without any form of customary “White Guilt”. Indeed, I refuse that now.

So native Europeans — both in Europe and in the vast European diaspora — have much to be proud of in the accomplishments of their people and the civilization that they created. They have been on the forefront of virtually every civilizational advance — and what is more, they exported those advances. The Chinese, in particular, match Europeans in many regards in their civilizational greatness but as is well known, they famously built a wall around their civilization instead of sharing it. In any event, from virtually every field of human accomplishment, Europeans have done incredible things for which is more than acceptable to both take cognizance of — and be proud of — as a member of that group and civilization. The world, as it is, organizes itself in a model given to it by Europeans — in arts, sciences, technology, culture, and economics given to it also by Europeans. And the question remains, why did the world tilt in such a distinctively European way? While that is a complex question, it does strike me that there is something uniquely curious in Europeans — something restless and adventurous among them. In every endeavor of human searching, Europeans have been among the forefront of discovery. Why is that? Prof. Ricardo Duchesne’s Faustian Man.

In his own unique way, Alex Honnold is an exemplar of this intrepid racial type found among a class of Europeans who fueled Western Civilization’s greatness. To look at him is not to see any particular attribute of greatness — he is seemingly an ordinary man. But his inner drive is Herculean — it is positively Faustian. His desire for excellence is otherworldly. And what makes him so unique is there is almost no hint of vanity or gain — he undertakes this incredible effort only to satiate his innate inner need to do it. Europe has produced men like this in seemingly every generation, and they are the great men of their ages. They did it not for fame — not for money — not for acclaim but because their nature made them reach for something beyond them and focus upon it with a monomaniacal obtuseness that is incredible to behold. In Honnold, I saw Alexander the Great. I saw Julius Caeser. I saw Constantine. I saw Saint Augustine. I saw Charlemagne. I saw Richard the Lionhearted. I saw Jean Parisot de Valette. I saw Columbus. I saw Hernan Cortez. I saw Pizzaro. I saw Oliver Cromwell. I saw Jacques Cathelineau. I saw Napolean. I saw Ernest Shackleton. I could go on, but I won’t. There is fearlessness and restlessness in the greatest of my people that manifests itself in magnitude for nothing other than the greatness of the challenge and the iron will to see it through. And to those who would say that Christianity crimps Western man’s greatness, behold how many of our best men were devoted Christians. Christianity, notwithstanding whatever Frederich Nietzsche said, does not create men without chests. We have had many Christian European men much greater than Nietzsche to ever count.

All the greatest mountaineers were European men — simply because, as Oswald Spengler realized, the urge to explore, to reach the highest, to do what no man has done before, is strictly a White male attribute.

1. Michel-Gabriel Paccard and Jacques Balmat were the first to climb… pic.twitter.com/3tK7MQfck2

— Dr. Ricardo Duchesne (@dr_duchesne) October 12, 2024

Even though Alex Honnold, in his breezy California liberalism would balk at the comparison and the point, he is nonetheless prisoner to a legacy that runs through his blood. He is a man who would rather die than compromise. He is a man who seeks something impossible because it is impossible. That Christianity lost my people in the main means that it lost people of singular greatness like Alex Honnold. I may see things more clearly, and I think I do, but I will never touch the greatness of a man like him in this life. And it has little to do with rock climbing but everything to do with the spirit of a warrior willing to sacrifice — willing to not count the cost of the battle before fighting. Alex Honnold is great not because he free soloed El Cap, as incredible as that was, but because he both wanted to do it and was willing to suffer the privations that accompanied it until it was accomplished, or he died. And while he would disown me publicly for my racial acclaim, I am proud that he is of my own kind.

Oh, that the Church might gain men like him again and my civilization and people might rise again. That we may once more put that distinctive European proclivity towards greatness once again at the service of Holy Mother Church. When this greatness is married to grace — when this otherworldly resolve is fixed towards God — the world becomes a European project for Christ. Oh, that might it be again.

Saint Boniface, Pray for Us.

 

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Bernard M. Smith https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Bernard M. Smith2025-11-25 08:19:142025-11-26 07:01:54Alex Honnold, Free-Soloing, and a Christian View on Race

Katy Perry’s Horrible Music Cannot Be Turned Off: The Terrible, Degenerate Music Other People Listen to Matters

October 29, 2025/14 Comments/in Featured Articles, Western Culture/by Richard Parker

Author’s note: The caption “Entartete Musik” featured on this and other images means “degenerate music.” This along with greater condemnations of degenerate art were a prominent platform position of a certain political movement in the past. Some readers may recognize the stylized lettering from a certain progpaganda poster as well.

The cultural milieu any individual and society are immersed in is all encompassing and, in many important ways, inescapable. This pertains to so many aspects of modern culture: film, television, streaming, social media, and other forms of media. But it is perhaps no truer than in relation to music, particularly popular music. Just as there are so many facets of American Unkultur I despise with every fiber of my being, such contempt and disdain is exacerbated by how utterly inescapable so many of these elements are. I resent knowing who the Kardashians are, just as I resent knowing who Taylor Swift, Cardi B, and Katy Perry are. And with the announcement that this “artist” will be performing at the half time Super Bowl at the end of the football season, I now resent knowing who “Bad Bunny” is, or at least being familiar with his moronic stage name, and I do so without yet having been afflicted with what horrible “music” he or—more precisely—the studio executives, producers, and other handlers have doubtlessly created. And yet sentiments similar to “I resent knowing who any of these people are” all too often elicit a tiresome and utterly mindless response: namely, “Why would you care what other people listen to?” The reasons are as varied as they are obvious, and yet it is a concept that remains far too elusive to far too many. This essay will set forth some of the reasons why any sensible person should and invariably does care about the music others listen to, and how no one can just turn it off, at least not at an individual level.

As a key, integral component of the cultural milieu that envelops one and all, popular music promoted by advertising and mass media is largely inescapable. This belies the blithe but equally inane assertion that “if you do not like it, just turn it off,” “do not listen to it,” or other ridiculous responses to sensible protestations against modern “music” and American Unkultur more broadly. Obviously, to some degree, an individual does have a choice as to what he listens to, but that choice is far more limited than conventional wisdom supposes. Any number of scenarios in modern life involve situations where a person is a captive audience to music he rightly detests. A person can be shopping at a grocery or drug store and some horrible song comes on. Comedian Jim Florentine has a whole series in his podcast lamenting being exposed to what he regards as “Awful 80s Songs.” Readers with more agreeable taste in music may not agree with each and every song from the era he lambasts and ridicules, as some (but certainly not all or even most) popular music from the 80s is fairly listenable. But the general principle that the public is a captive audience to the music played in establishments open to the public nonetheless rings true.

How many have been shopping for groceries, sitting at a restaurant to enjoy a meal, fetching a modern car ride service, as well as engaged in other day-to-day activities before being suddenly exposed to “California Gurls” by Katy Perry, replete with its infamous, out-of-tune “millennial whoop” refrain that is not only grating but will remain in any person’s brain for hours or even days afterward: note hereinafter the word “girls” will be spelled correctly, as this publication will not abide the further degeneration of language at the behest of such pariahs. One time at a restaurant, that very song came on and I politely excused myself and pretended to take a phone call until the cursed auditory affliction had ended. In a grocery store or other shopping settings, however, such remedies are often not available. A person cannot just abandon a shopping cart or hand-basket and leave the store as quickly as possible, particularly if there are perishables among the items selected. The only choice is to sit (or stand) and take it. An Uber driver can be asked to turn off the music, but not all will comply. Or consider staying at a sprawling Scottish hotel and estate that just happens to have booked a wedding reception and the DJ, among other unfortunate selections, plays “Wannabe” by the Spice Girls at such a volume that it is even heard at a distance during a stroll through the estate gardens.

Other songs that are unpleasant to the ear include “You Got the Look” by Roxette and “Sussudio” by Phil Collins. On account of the finale of the somewhat overrated but still commendable series The Sopranos, the American public in particular has been subjected to a heavy barrage of “Don’t Stop Believing” that only subsided after a decade of it being constantly played in various public settings, although it is still regrettably heard somewhat regularly. Many of these songs although terrible are not nearly as bad as more modern fare.

By the same token, many of these horrible songs are admittedly matters of personal preference.1 A lot of the bad music, particularly music produced and peddled in recent times, transcends beyond mere personal preferences, however. Matters of art, music, and literature are often subjective, but some things go beyond that and are objectively awful. Consider for example how steak is prepared. Different persons may have different preferences for rare, medium rare, or medium, but medium well and above all “well done” steak is a ruined steak, and there are objective criteria that bolster this assertion:2 a “well-done” steak is dry, tough, and without flavor. The same principle applies to music. Children of the 80s, such as myself, will have different proclivities for different genres of music with each having its advantages and disadvantages. Some might prefer heavy metal, whereas others prefer indie-alternative, goth, and industrial as an expression of rebellion against the mainstream. But “Sussudio,” “We Built This City,” and other “earworms” are objectively awful.3 It may be difficult to identify and articulate what such objective criteria with precision, but they do exist.

“California Girls” as a Case Study of Truly, Objectively Awful Music and Harmful Messaging

Unlike some of the awful music described earlier, so much modern popular music crosses certain boundaries that places such degenerate culture beyond matters of taste and even the objectively awful into the category of things that should simply not be tolerated at all. A proper assessment of “California Girls” by Katy Perry in relation to this question requires a critical examination of the lyrics, the music video, and other elements associated with the song. That assessment and critique reveals whether disdain for this horrid song is a matter of personal preference, something objectively awful but more or less harmless, or is in the realm of expression that is not only objectively terrible but is also harmful content that should not be tolerated in consideration of first principles.

At the outset, irrespective of any subversive or disdainful lyrical or imagery conveyed as a message, the song is truly awful. As with the constellation of gynocentric pop singers propped up by the recording industry, inducing acute estrogen poisoning on the public, the song and production is obviously choreographed by recording studio producers and executives, and the “canned sound” production renders this unmistakable to the trained or discerning ear. Indeed, whereas legitimate music artists came about on their own, productions like this are planned, directed, and choreographed by the recording industry. One immediate “tell” of this is that Katy Perry did not write the song, it was “co-written” by committee, consisting not just of Perry and “Snoop Dogg” but Max Martin (real name Karl Martin Sandberg and the actual, real songwriter) and producers “Dr Luke” and “Benny Blanco,” real names Lukasz Gottwald and Benjamin Levin. As should be obvious to more discerning readers, the latter two are Jewish, an important fact that is by no means coincidental.

Early life check on Dr. Luke and Benny Blanco, real names Lukasz Gottwald and Benjamin Levin. Many such cases.

To further condemn this number as objectively awful, consider further how the refrain is a seemingly unending earache that likely has made some people’s ears bleed not only figuratively but literally as well. It is not only grating but is largely sung out-of-tune. Much worse, that horrible refrain has become known as the “millennial whoop.” Because of a unique propensity in human psychology to favor the familiar (better known as the mere exposure effect), and because this single proved so successful,4 recording studios have essentially mimicked that same refrain countless times over in various pop acts propped up by the industry since the release of this single. Indeed, the real, principal song-writer Max Martin (real name Sandberg) has written a plethora of hits for the league of mostly gynocentric pop stars that have infected what passes as popular “music” and American Unkultur more broadly. This propensity to offer nearly identical iterations of the same basic form of musical content has only worsened with the devastating effects that streaming and piracy have had on the recording industry. In response to these and other seemingly insurmountable challenges, the recording industry sponsors far fewer artists and even genres of music, concentrating its investment in a much smaller pool of artists that are more or less guaranteed to make money. Those artists are almost always the sort choreographed and staged by the industry, and its executives and producers. The lamentable success of this single and Katy Perry more broadly made this bit of induced ear-bleeding a veritable template, which has been closely mimicked if not copied whole cloth in a number of pop stars since. In this way, “California Girls” is not only a horrible song exceeding that of “Sussudio,” “We Built This City,” and other such auditory afflictions, it is the very nexus of modern era “musical” schlock, from which a million clones closely mimicking its progenitor have exploded and burst into the stream of culture and society at large.

This list of Billboard Number One Hits, all written by Max Martin, demonstrate how these “musical artists” are nothing of the sort as the term is properly understood. They are choreographed, planned, and then advertised by the music recording industry.

Some might contend the song and others like it are nonetheless harmless, in the same way a despicable cretin who eats a well-done steak is (more or less) harmless—that the song is simply a matter of taste, even if objective, universal criteria inform that the song is objectively horrible, in the same way that a “well-done” steak and “Sussudio” are horrible. A critical examination of the lyrics and most especially the music video however implores otherwise. Many phrases in the lyrics reveal how this song normalizes not just promiscuity but hyper-promiscuity. “We’ll melt your popsicle” is an obvious allusion to bringing a man (or men) to climax. Then there is this stanza:

Sex (sex) on the beach
We don’t mind sand in our stilettos
We freak in my Jeep
Snoop Doggy Dogg on the stereo, oh-oh

This is bolstered even further when placed in the greater context of other songs by Perry, including “Last Friday Night (T.G.I.F),” which includes the line “Skinny dipping in the dark then had a ménage à trois.”

These lines speak for themselves, although two things should be stressed. It cannot be argued that either the lines “sex on the beach” or how “we freak in my jeep” is imagined in the context of a loving, long-term relationship, or even a relationship at all.

Far more egregious, however, the song normalizes and condones miscegenation in both subtle and overt ways. The last line is of course an explicit statement that the sorts of hot, highly desirable young women described in the song listen to and like black, negrocentric rap “music,” most especially including that of Calvin Cordozar Broadus, the rapper’s real name. It also serves as a double entendre of sorts, as the verb “freak” in black slang can mean to dance in a particularly suggestive, provocative way, but it can also pertain to lewd sex acts. Even worse than the goofy use of black slang and explicit allusions to listening to rap music, both the lyrics and the imagery in the music video pair Broadus with Katy Perry:

Katy, my lady (yeah?)
Look at here, baby (uh-huh)
I’m all up on ya
‘Cause you representin’ California (ooh, yeah)

Other stanzas allude to miscegenation more broadly, pairing Black men with, if not White women explicitly, the hot, desirable “California girls” more abstractly:

Homeboys bangin’ out
All that ass hangin’ out
Bikinis, zuchinis, martinis, no weenies
Just a king and a queenie

Since when are young White men ever “homeboys?” Indeed, while the video features a number of very attractive women, most of whom are White but with a couple of diversity party favors, Broadus is the only male. He is presented as the archetypal pimp from 70s blackspoitation fare.

The lyrics are also objectionable for advancing Ebonics, black slang, and just bad English, however silly these lines are. In addition to “freak in my jeep,” “Cause you representin’ California (ooh, yeah)” is one prime example. Then there is “West Coast represent”—properly stated as “The West Coast represents,” you illiterate, uncultured pigs. In many ways these corny lines smack of the sort of cringe-inducing efforts by square conservatives to seem cool with laughable attempts at mimicking black culture and rap “music;” the extreme sex appeal and desirability of Katy Perry seems to override this, proving once again that the most desirable women have life on difficulty mode: tutorial.

Those who have read “Living in the 80s” may balk that there is moral inconsistency afoot. How can someone denounce “California Girls” for moral dissolution when that same individual favors classic Duran Duran or other, for lack of a better term, pop new wave artists of the 80s as well as the more artistically serious artists that comprise indie alternative more broadly? Although tame by contemporary standards, it is indisputable that the lyrics of “Hungry Like the Wolf” are indeed salacious, particularly with the sound of a woman moaning, ostensibly in orgasm, at the end.

There are several problems with such objections. First, Duran Duran is actually good music.5 Admittedly, such favor for Duran Duran, as with any artist or genre of music tied to a certain era and generation, is largely predicated on being a child of the 80s, as explained at further length below. On the other hand, with the passage of time, younger generations who did not come of age during their peak also enjoy such music. Much of the music and lyrics of Duran Duran may be wanting of substance, as Robert Smith of The Cure famously lamented, but it more than makes up for that in both style and listenability. Preference (not nearly a strong enough word in this instance) for Duran Duran is not merely a matter of taste and personal preference, in the same way that disgust and disapproval of a well-done steak is not. But aside from the fact that “Hungry Like the Wolf” and other favorites by Duran Duran are so eminently listenable, and accounting for how favor to such music is largely predetermined by being born in a certain time and place as an American Gen Xer, there are several important distinguishing factors. The sexual desire Simon Le Bon sings about is really about desiring one woman: “Woman, you want me, give me a sign.” When he states “I’m on the hunt, I’m after you,” it is in relation to that woman, at least in that particular instance.6 Beyond that, such lasciviousness is described in a more genteel manner. The line “Mouth is alive, with juices like wine / And I’m hungry like the wolf” could not be more different than Katy Perry talking about “melting your popsicle,” particularly with explicit references to “sex on the beach” and how “we freak in my jeep,” to say nothing of her mimicking a blow job in various moments in the video. At around 1:05 into the music video, Katy perry quickly runs her mouth and face along her forearms in an upward vertical motion, and then, after very quick cutaways, is shown again mimicking giving oral sex, with her hands to her face as if holding a phallus while pushing her cheek out with her tongue, all with a quick wink to the viewer: it happens so incredibly fast most viewers might miss it and indeed screenshots can only be captured when played at one quarter to one half playback speed.

Screenshots of Katy Perry mimicking a blow job, as described above.

Everyone knows that “Hungry Like the Wolf” is about sex and sexual desire, but it does not contain words with an explicit, sexual denotation, whereas “sex on the beach” and “freak in my jeep” do. Nor does it contain clumsy, abrupt allusions with the subtlety of a chainsaw or sledgehammer. And while Robert Smith of The Cure and others have disparaged the lyrical content of many Duran Duran songs, as most of the lyrics are non-sensical or at least leave much to be desired, “Hungry Like the Wolf” is not one of them. The quality of the lyrical content of “Hungry Like the Wolf” is brought in even stronger relief when compared to Perry, particularly with its use of Ebonics and black slang appropriated from so-called rap “culture.” While Perry is yet another avatar for American Unkultur in all its brash vulgarity and ugliness, Duran Duran—with a certain elegance and style—remains quintessentially British, in a proper sense, by its very gestalt.

Some who oppose the moral dissolution and ugliness of the modern world may disagree, but there must be balance between stodgy prudery on one hand and abject profligacy on the other. What Le Bon and Duran Duran describe in “Hungry Like the Wolf” is a healthy and essential part of normal sexual desire, and indeed part of the Life Force. It is imperative for both the individual and society that young White men and women desire one another, with a mind for certain carnal delights, tempered by countervailing social mores stressing the importance of loving, long-term relationships and an emphasis on marriage. That is not to say such fare is not exceedingly decadent, but expressions like this Katy Perry song are far worse and indeed are so utterly egregious that they cross many red lines for all the reasons discussed above. The song embraces hyper promiscuity, and does so not by mere reference or allusion, but in explicit terms denoted in the plain language of the lyrics.

Beyond that, the interracial element condemns the Katy Perry song as something that is truly morally and ideologically anathema. Matters of race, including expressions promoting race-mixing, are not just a matter of preference, or something reasonable minds can disagree on. They are a matter of first principles. To the extent supposed “inalienable rights” exist at all, they certainly pertain to those rights of race, blood, and soil, which includes freedom from racial imposters like Broadus or the recording, advertising, and other well-moneyed “industries” pushing miscegenation, above all pushing miscegenation on gullible, consensus-driven White women and even adolescent girls and children through the hypnotic power of mass media and modern popular music.

It cannot be emphasized enough that the song and music video normalize miscegenation and multiracialism. This is done by pairing Broadus with Perry not just as a musical duo but as a mutual sexual interest, bolstered and reinforced by the lyrical passages cited above, most especially “homeboys.” Multiracialism is further bolstered by the contingent of women dancers in provocative attire accompanying Perry, most of whom are extremely attractive White women, interspersed with a handful of diversity party favors, notably one single, solitary Black woman. These elements notwithstanding, the song is unmistakably geared first and foremost to White women, particularly suburban middle and upper middle class White women, and more particularly White adolescent and even “tween” girls. This is demonstrated in many different elements of the song’s lyrics and the video. Consider the allusion to driving (and arguably having sex in) jeeps, a fairly expensive automobile for young people. Vehicles like a jeep are generally made available to a certain sort of very privileged young White woman, a daddy’s girl, who gets a brand-new jeep or comparable vehicle on her sweet sixteen. That reference, reference to “sand in stilettos” connote an affluent lifestyle that is most applicable to upper middle- and upper-class White women. Consider also the title of the album featuring this single: Teenage Dream.

There are many factors contributing to how large swathes of White women have been utterly ruined, especially in the United States. The Daddy’s Princess phenomenon is certainly one of those factors, and it is a factor that this pop music schlock hones in with remarkable efficacy. Detractors will note that despite an overall aversion to black culture, credit is given where it is due with the nod to the timeless blues song “Summertime.”

Even for those who do not bother reading or listening to the lyrics, the video presents Broadus with Perry. She is seen dancing with him in a most suggestive way, while also “looking him over” with a desirous glance. One of the last segments shows Katy Perry along with several other girls buried in the sand along with Broadus, kicking their feet up and down. Such body language is an unmistakable sign of excitement, sexual excitement. These and other visual cues go well beyond subliminal programming, as the video explicitly and overtly links the likes of Broadus with Perry and the entourage of other hot women in her dance ensemble. It is also of note that this very same pairing, linking the likes of Katy Perry with some black rapper, was done yet again in a song called “Dark Horse,” featuring “Juicy J,” real name Jordan Michael Houston; the video depicts Perry as Cleopatra and features some of the same imagery indicating sexual desire between Houston and Perry.

Screenshots of the music video depicting how Perry and her dancers are paired with Broadus., all with exceedingly favorable body language by Perry in particular.

This matters because no matter how awful Perry’s music is and no matter how contemptible she is as both an “artist” and a person, it is indisputable that Perry was incredibly desirable in her heyday, and still is fairly attractive even in her 40s. As has been explained elsewhere by this author, women are consensus driven and are most influenced by whom they (in this and other instances) correctly perceive as the most alluring and desirable women. This phenomenon explains social proof also known as preselection, whereby women are not necessarily attracted to handsome or successful men, but are more precisely attracted to men desired by other attractive, desirable women. In plain terms, the video presents Katy Perry—who is (or was at the time) easily in the very highest echelon of female sexual allure—desiring Broadus and being receptive to his advances. Both the song and the video thus advance the insidious programming and indoctrination informing white women in particular that beautiful women like Katy Perry fuck black men.

A still from the music video to the aforementioned “Dark Horse.” Behold Katy Perry—those eyes, that mouth. Considering where she has been, however, one should think twice about any hypothetical prospect for intimate relations.

From Bad to Worse: A Spiral Forever Downward

In certain respects, musical fare such as “California Girls” is tame in comparison to a lot of “music” that now exists in modern popular “culture,” and that has been offered decades before. Those who have read “American Degeneracy Laid Bare” will recall how fourteen year-old blonde girls recited shockingly profane if not obscene lyrics by a black rapper. Those lyrics include lines like “7 bitches get fucked at the same time” and how he “can talk to a bitch / And get [his] dick sucked.” Readers of “What Consenting Adults Do Is Our Concern” will similarly recall the timeless, poetic lyrics of “Rules” by “Doja Cat:”

Said play with my pussy, but don’t play with my emotions (Emotions)
If you spend some money, then maybe I just might fuck ya (Fuck ya)
When I shake that ass, I’ma do that shit in slow motion (Motion)

Truly a poet laureate of our time.

Other lyrics by this “artist” are similarly profane. Consider “Cyber Sex,” with the line “Pussy all pink with a tan / And I play with it ‘til my middle fingers are cramped up.” Although somewhat less overt, the lyrics to “Juicy” are just as crass, even though profane language per se is avoided: “”He eat my fish like tekka maki, like a side of me with saké / So I put it in my mouth and suck it out like edamame, yeah.” Cardi B, another wonderous, mystery-meat specimen in a demographic that is becoming increasingly mongrelized and Africanized, is similarly infamous for the lines in “WAP:”

Yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah
Yeah, you fuckin’ with some wet-ass pussy
Bring a bucket and a mop for this wet-ass pussy
Give me everything you got for this wet-ass pussy

A further sample of these lyrics reads as follows:

Beat it up, nigga, catch a charge
Extra large and extra hard
Put this pussy right in your face
Swipe your nose like a credit card
Hop on top, I wanna ride
I do a kegel while it’s inside
Spit in my mouth, look in my eyes
This pussy is wet, come take a dive

This song features “Megan Thee Stallion,” who of course campaigned for Kamala Harris. The song “Intercourse” is similarly noteworthy, with a salient passage also encouraging marijuana smoking and excessive drinking as well as hyper promiscuity, all with the lewd crassness and abject vulgarity that is the hallmark of these “musical artists:”

Mixin’ weed with the liquor, creatin’ the chemistry
Takin’ shots back to back of the white Hennessy
I’m about what I say, so please do not tempt me, ayy
I’m so for real, I came no panties when he asked me to chill
I never gave a fuck ‘bout what them other girls sayin’
I just wanna know if the dick really hangin’
You ain’t gotta sugarcoat shit ‘less you’re lickin’ on me
If that’s the case, you need to get the liquor and the honey
Body right, pussy tight, come and put it on me
Sendin’ pics to your phone so you’re never lonely

Most recently, one Sabrina Carpenter—an attractive blue-eyed blonde and former Disney child star—has emerged as the latest female pop abomination, with similarly lewd, profane lyrics. Readers can peruse her lyrical content on their own, but it should be noted she has marketed a line of t-shirts, jerseys, and other apparrel with the name “Sabrina Carpenter” and the number “69.”

The cover art for Sabrina Carpenter’s album Man’s Best Friend, branded appropriately as entartet. The burgeoning pop singer is explicitly linked with race-mixing, like so many before. The producer is Jack Antonoff, of the same tribe as Gottwald and Levin.

These and other examples illustrate how tame “California Girls” is in comparison, but this may be reason to condemn the more subtle, less explicit offerings more vehemently. Several considerations inform this conclusion. First, the Perry single was released fifteen years ago. Despite its overt sexual allusions that are not just salacious but celebrate hyper-promiscuity, there was of course no meaningful response or reaction to these and other offerings because mainstream conservatism has been so incredibly inept and useless on matters of culture. And as is inevitably the case, society quickly became acclimated to such content, and deviancy was quickly defined even further down, as it always is.7 The failure to respond, in any meaningful or effective way, to offerings like “California Girls” or “Side by Side” by Ariane Grande8 paved the way for a new generation of figures in popular music, with content that is even more crass, more lewd, more profane; condemning such fare merely as utterly distasteful does not begin to describe the matter.

Beyond that, to the extent most pay little attention to lyrics at all, songs like “California Girls” are more effective and more dangerous because, in this idiotic society, so many fail to perceive these lyrics for what they are. In warfare, both soldiers and their hardware that are well camouflaged are, quite obviously, harder to detect and thus enjoy a much greater likelihood of the enemy being unable to react until it is too late. The same principle applies, in many ways, to subversive and degenerate cultural expressions in particular but really any written, visual, or multi-media work. That consideration informs why innuendo. double-entendre, allusion, and implication are so incredibly effective, both rhetorically and semantically.

An altered mage of the covert art for the album Teenage Dream. Behold the failed legacy of Tipper Gore and the “parental advisory explict content” warning. Such ineffectual measures have not even dissuaded parents from taking young, prepubescent girls to see Katy Perry concerts.

As confounding as it may be to those both capable and inclined to read and understand song lyrics, this explains, at least to some small degree, why parents are taking young girls to see concerts featuring Katy Perry, Ariana Grande, and the like. As utterly inappropriate and shocking as that may be, parents do take young girls to see these and other artists, and have for quite some time. Indeed, there are even indications parents are taking young girls to see the aforementioned Sabrina Carpenter, even allowing young prepubescent girls to wear “Sabrina Carpeneter 69” apparrel.9

To suggest that “California Girls” is at all subtle or at all comparable to linguistic camouflage might rightly be met with ridicule and derision, but accounting for how passive and stupid much of the American public is, and when compared to the outright pornographic lyrics recounted above, such fare has proven capable of succeeding in mainstream culture with few sounding the alarms. Even today, most people are shocked by that moment in Lost Children of Rockdale County where fourteen-year-old girls recount such lyrics, all while playing with “stuffies” to demonstrate to the interviewer their familiarity with various group sex scenarios. As confounding as it may be, almost no one is shocked by “California Girls” and other portents of American Unkultur. This is true even though that song also promotes hyper promiscuity and race-mixing in ways quite similar to “Luv in Ya Mouth,” the song recounted by those fourteen year old girls in Lost Children of Rockdale County. That makes it and other similar fare all that more dangerous precisely because the masses are so complacent to indecent and profane lyrics and content, provided that such expressions do not venture into truly explicit or obscene language or imagery.

Just Turn it Off? No One Can Turn This Music Off

It should be self-evident that the suggestion to “turn it off” or simply choose not to listen to bad music is no solution at all. Even if such content were not played in public (much of it is in fact played in public settings with ubiquity), it is still in the stream of culture, and has been for some time. This is particularly true of the loathsome Katy Perry single in question. The popularity of that song and comparable offerings are not merely limited to slumber parties of teen and even “tween” girls lip-synching along to the scandalous lyrics with a hairbrush as a prop microphone. As unsavory as that prospect is, this sort of music is wildly popular among adults, particularly adult women. This shit music has lamentably become the soundtrack of our lives. And as modern Unkultur only devolves further, truly profane and obscene music is often played and overheard in public, and is so with increasing frequency. This includes instances where racial minorities, most especially blacks, blast their horrible music on Bluetooth speakers in various public settings as well as the worst music imaginable being played in eating and drinking establishments open to the public. Tolerance for ever increasingly vulgar and degenerate music and lyrical content only serves to normalize it, which then causes the masses to become acclimated to it. And tolerating it only defines deviancy ever downward.

Beyond that, music profoundly affects both temperament and mood as well as social norms and mores. The military traditions of Europe and indeed most civilizations in world history have long understood how music affects mood, which is why these traditions have embraced the power of music to instill fervor and zeal for war or, in times of peace, readiness for war. The composition of soundtracks for films and the way music is implemented in film and television demonstrates this further. Viewers will often interpret the same exact scene in profoundly different ways depending on the tone and temperament of the soundtrack being played along with the video footage.

Similarly, consider the central role “boomer rock” has played not only in shaping and defining the many mad delusions that have typified the baby boomer generation, but culture and society more broadly, across the Western world in the wake of American hegemony and the infusion of its insidious cultural expressions into European culture and civilization. How much of a role has “Imagine” by John Lennon played in convincing tens if not hundreds of millions of people in Europe and the Anglosphere that the mad folly and civilizational ruin of open borders is somehow a good idea? “Sex, Drugs, and Rock N’ Roll” is not only a buzzword slogan, but captures the ethos of much of the popular music of that generation (and succeeding generations to some degree), as that ethos is installed and programmed into the masses by the ubiquity of such music. Sensible persons may rightly detest both “Imagine” and John Lennon and other artists advancing the same contemptible creed, but that will not change what a profound impact that and other cultural expressions have had both on the “culture” and mainstream norms and mores. Simply refusing to listen to “Imagine,” to the extent that is even possible in an absolute sense (it is in fact not possible, as has been shown) changes none of this. Nor does personal aversion to Broadus—aka “Snoop Dogg”—detract from how he has been allowed—planned, even—to become a cultural icon, from sponsorships to Winter Olympics coverage to having his voice featured in ai voice generation services, to so much more besides.

In relation to both bad music that simply offends good taste but ultimately pertains to matters of personal preference as well as music that is truly repugnant for moral and ideological considerations, it is an inescapable axiom that the individual and society will be profoundly affected by the sorts of music embraced by large contingents of that society, and will do so in ways that are difficult to fully and perfectly appreciate or understand. This is particularly true of adolescent and young men in the sexual and dating and marketing place. Those who came of age in the 90s who rightly detest rap were almost invariably hampered in the dating and sex game by the sheer numbers of white women who do like this contemptible, negrocentric, vulgar filth. In current times, the same principle applies in relation to the numbers of white women who are not only fond of Taylor Swift but are zealous—militant even—in their patronage for the cultural and musical pariah. The number of such young women are seemingly legion. These and other such examples demonstrate how popular but undesirable music preferences of the masses will affect young men who balk at this and other garbage. The choice is to either feign amicability to such fare, try one’s luck by cavalierly and defiantly declaring “No, I hate Taylor Swift” or “I hate rap music,” or limiting one’s prospects to the ever diminishing pool of otherwise attractive women who detest such auditory and cultural afflictions. Further consider the ramifications of a society whereby college-educated women not only listen to Taylor Swift but read People magazine and various celebrity gossip rags, a culture, or rather state of Unkultur, where entities like Access Hollywood and TMZ not only exist but enjoy widespread popularity, even among those who are supposedly educated.10

The insistence that those who object should simply “not care what music other people listen to” or that “people who do not like it should just turn it off” is further undermined by the critical discernment that what is perceived as individual choice is far more limited than supposed by conventional wisdom. As explicated in “Thrust into It All: The Individual Defined by Culture and Circumstance,” the time and circumstance any one person is born into plays a much greater role in any person’s predilections and tastes than individual disposition or temperament. This is why young people who came of age in the roaring 20s were generally quite fond of hot jazz music, why teenagers in the silent generation generally liked “doo wap” and other popular music in the 50s, so on and so forth. Practically no one other than a certain segment of “The [NOT The] Greatest Generation” and older segments of the “The Silent Generation”11 can stand Lawrence Welk, let alone enjoy and seek out such sappy goofery with half-ass smiles and so much fra-le-lah-la-la; in fairness, many in that generation partial to more respectable big band and even jazz acts were not fond of such sickly sweet, childish whimsy that is not all that different than the inane children’s tunes sung by Barney the Dinosaur. It is the case however that no one born after about 1935 can stand that horseshit, thus proving again that the single greatest factor predetermining fondness or disdain for any artist or genre is the time, place, and era one is born into.

Further consider that people generally are drawn to what others like and what others do, and this is true perhaps most of all as it pertains to music. This is true of human psychology generally, but is particularly true of women who are consensus driven. The reasons explaining the “Swiftie” phenomenon are indeed confounding and impossible to understand fully, but much of it is explained by consensus driven conformity and the ad populum phenomenon. Indeed, Taylor Swift is a colossal psych-op in various ways. Consider allegations and rumors that her original single was propped up by her very affluent father who bought up 40,000 copies of her album to get her name on the charts. It is of note that these assertions persist despite concerted but unconvincing efforts to “debunk” or “fact check” them, just as it is of note that her father bought shares in the recording label. Whatever one concludes on that matter, the purchase of album and single copies to create the impression of popularity and consensus is a known tactic employed by various recording studios and executives.

Swift’s lamentable popularity has since been bolstered by a continuing and unrelenting advertising and publicity campaign, including the obnoxious manner in which NFL games featuring the Kansas City Chiefs constantly cut away to Swift and her entourage in a luxury booth whenever Travis Kelce, her then boyfriend and now fiancé12, would make even a nominal play. In accordance with the herd mentality, large numbers of people are susceptible to this. If they were not, the many billions expended in advertising campaigns would be a colossal waste of money. These and other considerations reveal that very often such regrettable predilections and taste in music is far less a matter of personal choice and much more about various external factors that envelop both the individual and society at large.

Beyond what one chooses to listen to by way of record or cd collection, streaming, or digital audio “hoarding,” that music which is prevalent in any given cultural milieu in a particular point of time is not only inescapable, but defines both that cultural milieu and that particular era and historical period in which it exists. Just as hot jazz music was an indelible part of the urban fabric in many American cities in the 20s and 30s, so the horrible music of today is an indelible part of the dreadful state of culture today. The manner in which music defines an era and a generation is well understood intuitively, even if only a select few can articulate how this is so. That very principle is exemplified by how the best cinema that uses music from a time period to convey that sense of time and place, from the music heard in 1955 Hill Valley in Back to the Future, to the selections chosen for different years and different eras in Goodfellas and Casino. This principle is also observed in films made in a particular era, such as Fast Times at Ridgemont High.

As with any other component of Kultur and Unkultur, music, as a cultural expression, has a profound impact on our social mores and mannerisms. Music, more so than perhaps any other facet of culture, has a profound, almost hypnotic effect on mood and disposition. A near universal celebration and love for genres and artists defines people and more particularly a generation. Similarly, more cultured and enlightened individuals and factions in a balkanized, fragmented, and dystopic society are only further alienated and estranged by the embrace of music that is rightly alien or repugnant to them. These and other considerations implore that what others listen to—that is what society as a whole listens to—matters, and matters a great deal. It matters in the same way that culture is so very important, all-pervasive even.

In this way, absurd suggestions such as “why do you care what music other people listen to?” or “just turn it off” are part and parcel of the same destructive ethos of indifference and hyper-relativism, imploring that the individual and society should not care about any elements of the cultural milieu in which everyone is intractably immersed in. It is the same, tired, and preposterous suggestion that no one should care about society or culture at all. This inane “argument” applies to so many facets of our daily life that stem from culture. No one should care, the argument goes, that people’s attire devolved from what it was in decades past to much of the abject slobbery so pervasive today. Or that smoking marijuana is not only legal but has become mainstream and thus seen as banal, just as no one should care about the myriad other vices and other destructive behaviors engaged in by individuals and society alike, that what “consenting adults do” is no one’s concern. Nor should they care that music has devolved in disastrous fashion. Instead of classical music and some of the genres enjoyed by both sides of World War II to some of the more respectable exemplars of 80s new wave and indie alternative, society is now defined by music that is not only god awful in terms of musical content but conveys any number of subversive, destructive messages, messages that are transforming and corroding social norms and mores for the worse. And society continues to devolve ever further downward in the absence of any meaningful response. Above all, the absurd suggestion insists that no one should care in the slightest that some of the most desirable and alluring white women have been weaponized against their own civilzation by these elments in the culture, both as figures in the constellation of pop stars producing such schlock and the legions of women who are hypnotized by these elements. As has been demonstrated time and again, nothing matters more than culture. Culture envelops all, and music is a key, integral component of culture’s all-encompassing power and influence.

Other articles and essays by Richard Parker are available at his publication, The Raven’s Call: A Reactionary Perspective, found at theravenscall.substack.com. Please consider subscribing on a free or paid basis, and to like and share as warranted. Readers can also find him on twitter, under the handle @astheravencalls.


1 I submit that as much as I hate “Don’t Stop Believin’” it has some modicum of artistic and musical value. Such disdain is therefore a personal preference, an utterly correct personal preference that can be argued with many observations and facts, but still ultimately a matter of personal preference. “Sussudio,” “We Built This City,” and others however are objectively awful, as further outlined in footnote three.
2 The subject is beyond the scope of this essay, but the matter is, or should be, utterly beyond dispute. This is demonstrated by how most reputable steak houses refused to prepare a steak well done, a practice sill embraced by some, but regrettably by fewer and fewer.

3 Once again, the precise particulars bound up in why and how this is so are beyond the scope of the essay, as such matters have defied precise articulation and summary by many of the great thinkers and critics of the ages. Some inditia as they relate to this song are of note however. First and foremost, both songs have not withstood the test of time, and were even disliked by some when they were released. Both are reguarly featured in lists of the worst songs ever. “Sussudio” is regularly chastised and ridiculed by Jim Florentine and other comics. “We Built This City” is regularly featured as the first in such lists of worst songs of all time. This is not entirely dispositive, as many of these critics laud other horrible music.

Both songs have meaningless—and awful—lyrics that have similarly been chastized and ridiculed, but that cannot be all of it as both Duran Duran (lyrics are not awful but often not great either ) and Cocteau Twins (whose music really has no lyrics at all) prove. It is also indicative that “We Built This City” is probably the single greatest exemplar of selling out, remarkable even for the baby boomer set that that ensemble was a part of. The same singer, Grace Slick, was, of course, behind “White Rabbit,” a hippy baby boomer anthem for drug use and 60s culture. Unlike the other modern pop songs afflicting us that are objectively awful, disdain for that song stems from personal preference and ideological and moral reasons as the song; as much as I dislike it personally, the song has musical and artistic value and was written and composed from a legitimate artistic, creative process. “We Built This City” was not written out of such a process, but was written and choreographed simply to make a hit, to make money. Slick even stated she hates it but sings it (or did sing it) because people liked it at the time. Another indicator that that song is objectively awful is that it is almost never heard among the many auditory afflictions that plague public life because it is disliked even by the lemmings among us.

4 Alas, the song achieved massive commercial success. The single topped the Billboard Hot 100 for six consecutive weeks, sold over 5.7 million digital downloads in the U.S. by 2012, and earned a 5x Platinum certification from the RIAA. Globally, it reached number one in multiple countries, including Canada, Australia, and the UK, with over 12 million equivalent units sold worldwide. The video has over 800 million views on Youtube and is featured among spotify’s list of songs streamed one billion times.
5 Of course, many dislike Duran Duran, including artists I regard with much greater favor, especially Robert Smith of The Cure. But dislike or disdain for Duran Duran is merely personal preference, predetermined to a large degree by extertnal facors such as the time and place one is born into. Those who doubt the objective musical value of classic Duran Duran are invited to listen to “New Moon on Monday” and “Union of the Snake,” as just two examples. The lyrics of course leave much to be desired substantively and might as well be regarded in the same way one regards Elizabeth Fraser’s innovative “baby talk” that was a hallmark of that Cocteau Twins sound. The musical structure of these and other Duran Duran songs however is beyond reproach. Layered, almost stillleto keyboarding creates a polyphonic collage of sounds that borders on the symphonic, replete with an infectious melody. The wide range of notes from different instruments but especially keyboarding firmly removes it from the sort of repetitive, canned garbage that recording studios invariably prop up as part of their tried and proven formula for creating successive billboard hits. The masses who like Katy Perry, Taylor Swift, et al. are dumb and classic Duran Duran is sublime.
6 This is not to deny Simon Le Bon was infamous for his womanizing, and rumors persist he was anything but faithful to Yasmine after marriage. Critical analysis should once again invoke the death of the author, or in this instance death of the musician and songwriter. The plain text of the lyrics are completely compatible with a worldview that acknowledges the importance of men and women seeking certain carnal delights, tempered by seeking long-term relationships with an eye for marriage. The fact that Le Bon is shown in the music video pursuing a woman of a mixed Black and Asian ancestry is also addressed in “Living in the 80s.”
7 Readers familiar with this author’s work will also be familiar with this critically important concept that remains little understood by far too many. Defining deviancy down is closely related with the Durkheim Constant, which posits that any society, no matter how virtuous or profligate, will have the same quotient of what that society regards as deviant, even as each society has vastly different moral standards and mores. As a result, if deviant behavior is not properly sanctioned and deterred, society slowly loses its ability to regard such behavior as deviant, and that formerly deviant behavior then becomes mainstream. More outlandish, extreme behavior then moves up on the periphery of social behavior that is deviant, but not inconceivable. A crucial phenomenon associated with this process is that as society defines deviancy ever further downward, eventually what was once mainstream and uncontroversial becomes deviant. This is because any society and civilization must have some behavior it regards as deviant, to fill the quotient of deviant behavior envisaged by the Durkheim Constant. This is seen today insofar as opposition to interracial sex and relationships, even opposition to so-called gay marriage is now deemed as socially and morally unacceptable in much of mainstream society today. In addition to other essays discussing this vital concept, see Slouching Towards Gomorrah by Robert Bork, most particularly the introduction.
8 That song is about a threesome. Right-winger Black Pigeon Speaks has a video about how parents in Britain were taking young girls to see Ariane Grande. The video may have been deleted by youtube.
9 One would also hope they would not allow even teenagers to see the likes of Doja Cat—real name Amala Ratna Zandile Dlamini—and the others mentioned above, but given that people are taking six year olds to see Sabrina Carpenter, there is little reason to believe most even upheld these most minimal of standards, to the extent one can call them standards at all. More importantly, if an adolescent in particular becomes enamored with subversive or degenerate cultural elements such as these, there is very little parents can do. Often times, such measures simply cause them to rebel harder. The solution therefore has to be at a macro, societal level. Cultural problems require solutions geared towards the culture.
10 Readers of this author may remember the discussion in “Against Democracy,” noting that the German word “Bildung” denotes both education and being cultured. To whatever extent such women are educated, they are not cultured.
11 Those generations are generally regarded as born between 1901-1927 and 1928-1945, respectively.
12 More skeptical readers are quite sensible to conclude this is a sham engagement. Whether Kelce is gay or has some other proclivities he wishes to keep from the public and is using Swift as a “beard,” or whether it is choregraphed as a joint venture between Swift’s handlers and the NFL to draw audiences to both Swift and the NFL is open for speculation. But something is almost certainly afoot.
https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Richard Parker https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Richard Parker2025-10-29 11:21:582025-10-29 11:55:25Katy Perry’s Horrible Music Cannot Be Turned Off: The Terrible, Degenerate Music Other People Listen to Matters

CJ Miller Interviews Prof. Ricardo Duchesne on “Greatness and Ruin”

July 8, 2025/5 Comments/in Featured Articles, Western Civilization, Western Culture/by CJ Miller

The Cover Spread of Duchesne’s Latest Book, Greatness and Ruin

12000 words

Q: Hello, Dr. Duchesne.  Thank you for granting this interview.  If it’s all right by you, I would like to start with a few personal questions, to help the reader get to know you a bit.  Can you tell us a little about your personal background? Anything about your life or career before coming to Canada? I know that you are originally from Puerto Rico. How/why did you end up coming to Canada?

A: I was born in Puerto Rico to parents of diverse heritage. Wikipedia’s biographical information is inaccurate.  My father, a medical doctor, was of Afro-Puerto Rican, French, Spanish, and Portuguese descent. My mother, purely British by ancestry, was born in India, not of “Anglo-Indian” descent. They met at the Sorbonne in Paris, where they studied before relocating to Madrid for my father’s medical training.

At 14, following my parents’ divorce, I moved to Canada with my mother and two sisters. I have pleasant memories of my childhood in Puerto Rico. My father often took us (wife and family of six children) on Sunday outings around the island, or to animated gatherings at my grandparents’ home. My father, one of fifteen siblings, came from a musical lineage; his father is recognized as one of the two great classical-jazz composers of Puerto Rico. His mother would spend most of the day cooking great meals. My mother, quintessentially British, lived in a world of eccentricity and imagination. Though not studious, I was drawn to my mother’s large book collection, captivated by their looks, sometimes wondering about their contents, though I rarely read as a child.

Q: I think it would be interesting to learn a little about your intellectual journey. Was there anything noteworthy in your high school and/or undergraduate days? What made you decide to go into academia, and into sociology in particular?

My early years in Canada, interspersed with nearly a year in Spain, were marked by liberality. From ages 14 to 18, I immersed myself in nightlife, indulging in drinking and drugs, barely scraping by academically. By 19, exhausted by this lifestyle, I was captivated by Plato’s Republic and its vision of a perfected mind. In college, two years before McGill University, I embraced Marxism, committing to a minimum of three hours of daily reading to compensate for my lack of academic background. This discipline led to strong college performance, but at McGill, I reverted to old habits, earning a B- average in my first two years while remaining a keen reader of Marx and contemporary Marxist thinkers, including Latin American politics. I revered Lenin as history’s greatest revolutionary.

A Portrait of the Professor as a Young Marxist

At 22 or 23, after dropping out of university, I contemplated an academic career. While working part-time, I devised a rigorous self-study plan, devouring great novels, philosophy, and works on historical materialism, Nietzsche, Natural Law, economic history, and the history of the sciences. Nietzsche’s ideas, though clashing with my Marxism, kept me thinking beyond my leftist inclinations. For three years, I lived a near-solitary life, cycling, reading in parks, and meeting my girlfriend, whom I would later marry.

Q: What were some of your early intellectual interests and influences? When and how did you begin to develop views that diverge from the academic mainstream? Did you always stand out in any ways from your colleagues and the general intellectual climate, or did you only become “out of place” in academia after expressing your views?

A: My intellectual approach diverged from the mainstream as I pursued broad, historical studies over any disciplinary specialization. I enjoyed the study of the histories of a wide range of subjects, whether mathematics, philosophy, or economics. I was building up a library through purchases in second hand books stores. In retrospect, I can see now—I still have many of these books—how the study of the history of these subjects likely implanted in me the sense that most accomplishments had come from Europe, since in those days most books were naturally Eurocentric. I also read overviews about human evolution, agriculture’s origins, civilizations, modern science, and the Industrial Revolution. Returning to complete my BA, I majored in History, focusing on Europe, while taking diverse courses. My Marxist convictions persisted, culminating in an MA thesis defending a Marxist interpretation of the 1789 French Revolution.

I was lucky to find an interdisciplinary program at York University, Toronto, for my PhD studies. I still did not want to become an “expert” in any particular field. This program was called “Social & Political Thought.” I studied a bit of everything: philosophy, economics, history, political science, and sociology, resisting the fascination of the other students with postmodernism, feminism, and postcolonialism. Drawn to Hegel’s historical approach, I saw thought (and debates about the ultimate questions) as comprehensible only through their historical development. My dissertation, a phenomenological analysis of the Marxist “transition from feudalism to capitalism” debate, traced how “classical” Marxist claims evolved toward “post-Marxism” in the degree to which the major contenders in this debate were conceptually compelled (in light of the evidence) to incorporate ideas from Adam Smith, Max Weber, and other non-Marxist thinkers.

When I was hired as a sociologist at the University of New Brunswick in 1995, I identified as a liberal cultural Marxist. Sociology gave me ample room to sustain my interdisciplinary interests, allowing me to teach diverse courses—sociology of law, economic development, historical and political sociology—without specializing. This generalist approach, while fulfilling, relegated my publications to second- and third-tier journals. By 1999, I found a huge but definitive subject I could focus on in the “rise of the West” debate, engaging revisionist scholars online who challenged Eurocentric narratives with multicultural perspectives. My defense of Western achievements, infused with Nietzschean, Weberian, and Hegelian influences, sparked much debate among academics advocating inclusivity and multiculturalism.

Even as a Marxist PhD student, I had been uneasy about increasing third-world immigration to Toronto and Montreal in the early 1990s. My further readings on Western history from a comparative perspective, coupled with the multiculturalist push to downplay Western contributions, eventually pushed me towards conservatism, in a quasi-libertarian way. I came to believe that humanity’s highest achievements were at odds with inclusivity and leftist ideologies.

Q: Can you speak to some of the pressures you faced in your career for your views, and the reception of your work among your colleagues and students?

A: I kept my ideas about race, White identity, and immigration private up until about 2018. Mind you, I did show open support for Trump, walking with a MAGA hat around campus, which infuriated a few professors. I also gave a lecture at my university to a packed audience about Trump in early 2017, where I brought up immigration issues.

All in all, however, they still saw me as a conservative who authored a book, The Uniqueness of Western Civilization (2011), cherishing this civilization for its cultural and intellectual achievements. It was in late 2012 that I began exploring the links between the devaluation of Western achievements, the rise of multicultural world history, and the politics of diversity and immigration. By early 2013, I frequently visited online platforms such as American Renaissance, Occidental Observer, and Counter Currents. Although Uniqueness addressed the political dimensions behind the push for a multicultural historical approach, I now saw with clarity that this push was not solely about “new findings” or “new methodologies” by leftist revisionist historians; it also aimed to reshape curricula, to produce a new world history at the service of the growing racial diversity in the West.

A striking double standard was apparent in this whole debate around race: revisionist historians readily linked Western global expansion to “White supremacy” but reacted with hostility when I associated Western accomplishments with “White Europeans.” I first observed this in online exchanges on H-World, H-Net’s world history forum, as well as in academic conversations, conference discussions, and email correspondence.

As I explored controversial websites and delved into race realism and White nationalism, I withdrew from discussing politics with colleagues at the university, limiting myself to the non-racial themes of Uniqueness. This was no great loss; I recall only one professor there with whom I had meaningful intellectual exchanges. As I had already been promoted to full professor in 2008, I felt no pressure to publicize my research. Thus, I maintained a low profile regarding my involvement in dissident circles, including numerous activities and invitations, barely saying a word, if any, about my subsequent books, Faustian Man in a Multicultural Age and Canada in Decay, when they were published in 2017.

Opposition to my pro-Western views initially came externally through grant rejections and severed ties with former leftist colleagues as I developed the ideas leading to Uniqueness. Later, conservative circles distanced themselves when I began addressing race and immigration. After Uniqueness appeared, I was invited to speak at Princeton University in 2012, and several American conservatives praised its scholarship. However, they disengaged once my critiques of immigrant diversity became clear. Steven Balch, who wrote a long, glowing review of Uniqueness, contacted me about joining Texas Tech University’s Institute for the Study of Western Civilization, which he had just been hired to create. Yet, upon learning of my evolving views, he cut off communication.

Q: Before things came to a head in 2019, did you already have a sense that many of your colleagues and students were against you?

A: Things began to deteriorate with my colleagues during 2018, as they learned about my book Canada in Decay, which was then a best seller, and I told them about it. Opposition to my ideas came earlier from the bigger campus at Fredericton when they learned about a video interview I did on 2014 criticizing academics for their lack of critical thinking about immigration issues. I was on the Saint John campus of the University of New Brunswick. In 2015, members of the sociology department at Fredericton wrote a letter to a major newspaper objecting to my views. They also wrote a formal complaint against me (with many signatures coming from academics from other universities) to the president of the university. University administrations, however, tend to take student complaints far more seriously. There had been no complaints against me from any students.

It was really my effort to push through the dissertation of a student, Clare Ellis, that revived the opposition against me in the Fredericton campus. It is a long, complicated affair. Suffice it to say that they hated the thought that a student had managed to produce a dissertation about immigration replacement in Europe, with very high evaluations from external supervisors, while the Fredericton examiners engaged in petty nitpicking, which I ridiculed in replies. In the end, they were compelled, if reluctantly, to pass the dissertation. They could not deny it was based on extensive research and citations. (Arktos has now published this dissertation, under the title, The Blackening of Europe, in three volumes).

It was a guy named Bernie Farmer, well known in radical leftist activism, and founder of The Canadian Anti-Hate Network, who orchestrated, in 2019, a united opposition against me, first in Fredericton, and then in Saint John. This included an open letter signed by over 100 academics published in the media, a few articles, and some radio discussions.

Q: From my understanding, the university basically pressured you into taking early retirement following complaints from students and staff, and an open letter by your colleagues demanding your dismissal. Were many of the people making these demands people you knew personally? Were there any that surprised you?

A: There were no complaints from students. I was not pressured into early retirement by the administration. I just knew it would not have been possible for me to work in a department where every one of my “colleagues” had signed the open letter, and filed other complaints, including numerous professors in departments below and above the floor where my office was located. This toxic environment compelled me into early retirement. In a way, there were no surprises. I understood the risks I was taking, and expected something to happen at some point. It confirmed my realization around 2013 that the West is absolutely committed to immigration and diversity, and will ostracize anyone who talks about replacement of Whites.

Q: You have written extensively about the plight of White Canadians, and been very outspoken about the downsides of our policies of mass immigration. As an immigrant to Canada yourself, what makes you so passionate about the cause of demographic replacement in this country? Or is it more the case that you are concerned about the demographic collapse of Whites in the West in general, and simply extend that concern to the country you live in now?

A: I am equally concerned about demographic replacement across the West, not just Canada. Native Canadians tend to be concerned about Canada, which is understandable since they have a stronger Canadian identity than I do. While I “feel” for Canada more due to the many years I have spent here since high school, I tend to have a cosmopolitan Western outlook, caring more or less equally for Australia, New Zealand, Germany, Sweden, Spain, or England. Sometimes I wonder why I care so much about immigration replacement considering that I am an immigrant born on a small island in the Caribbean, with some non-White blood. Perhaps it is my “genetic memory,” my majority European ancestry, combined with my admiration and identification with the intellectual and cultural heritage of Western civilization. Civilizations have declined in the past, like China, Japan, and India, but they have managed to rise again. The West will never again be the West in a few decades if trends are not reversed. The argument for endless immigration, Black and brown pride, and White compliance, goes against my sense of fairness, pride, and dignity.

Q: As you mentioned previously, Uniqueness was less controversial upon its publication than your subsequent works, and even received a mixed but overall balanced reception, with positive reviews in relatively mainstream journals. Do you think this was solely due to the emphasis on culture rather than race, or was the intellectual climate in academia generally less restrictive towards such material back then? How did the intellectual climate change and develop between that time and your retirement?

A: Uniqueness would not have been reviewed, certainly not as favorably, if it had equated Western civilization with the “White race.” Its focus on cultural, economic, demographic, and geographical factors—without drawing on race realism—allowed it to be positively received by reputable journals such as The European Legacy, Journal of World History, Cliodynamics, Academic Questions, Canadian Journal of Sociology, The Independent Review, Policy, and The Dorchester Review. Six of these reviews, of which five were very positive, were extended essays. (It received long reviews in alternative right journals as well). For a long time now, the liberal academic establishment has excluded publications that explicitly link Western achievements to racial categories. Certainly, the 2016 U.S. presidential election, and the Black Lives Matter riots of 2020, heightened the hysteria of academics against “systemic racism.” Psychology remains the only social science discipline where journals may tolerate race-realist perspectives on IQ, provided they are presented in a strictly scientific, nonpolitical manner within expert circles. However, even in psychology, the intellectual climate has grown increasingly restrictive. Scholars may still explore race realism, but only by adopting a libertarian stance or confining their work to a purely technical lexicon, avoiding political language or affiliations.

Q: Uniqueness was not an explicitly racialist book, and certainly not antisemitic, but you did set up several thinkers as intellectual antagonists, including Frank, Boas, Adorno, Horkheimer, and Wallerstein, all of whom happen to be Jewish—and many would argue that they do not simply “happen to be,” but that in fact their Jewishness is a major influence on their reasoning and a motivation for their intellectual pursuits. Of course, you address many other thinkers, but Jews feature prominently in the intellectual antagonists you address in Uniqueness. Did this occur to you at the time? You mentioned (and it is clear from your books) that your ideas on race largely crystallised after publishing Uniqueness. Is this also the case with your familiarity with the so-called Jewish question?

A: Before writing Uniqueness, I had read two excellent articles by Kevin MacDonald, and was familiar with IQ race realism. While I did not object to these perspectives, though I felt uncomfortable with their political implications, I deemed it unnecessary to incorporate them into my arguments. I also recognized that some Jewish scholars, such as David Landes, whom I discuss favorably in Uniqueness, were supportive of Western civilization. Mind you, in reply to Brill, the publisher of Uniqueness, I actually listed Kevin MacDonald’s journal, The Occidental Quarterly, as a potential reviewer. They did send a review copy to him, and he wrote a long review. We have kept in communication to this day, after he sent me a copy of the review late in 2011. I met him a few times, and consider him a most esteemed academic colleague.

It was only after publishing Uniqueness, as I elaborated in Faustian Man in a Multicultural Age (2017), that I gained a clearer understanding of the relationship between race and the rise of the West. I realized that Eurocentric scholars in the debate over the West’s rise framed it as a “universal civilization” grounded in liberal values, open to assimilation by any immigrant. Initially, I shared this view of the West as a universal liberal civilization. However, shortly after Uniqueness was published, I began to see that this philosophical stance aligned with policies promoting immigration-driven demographic replacement, a position I could no longer endorse. I was convinced that a Western world with a marginalized White population would cease to be Western.

This induced me to think further about the relationship between liberalism and immigration. The view I took in Faustian Man, and elaborated at length in Canada in Decay, written later but also published in 2017, was the standard one within dissident circles: that the West had come under the domination of a cultural Marxist ideology. Liberalism had long existed with strong immigration restrictions, and White identity affiliations. Only in recent years did I reach the view that liberal capitalism has a universalist progressive logic, and that this logic eventually pushed it towards open borders and racial diversity, after past traditional norms and identities were seriously weakened.

Duchesne Speaking at an American Renaissance Conference

Q: As someone who has been familiar with your work for some time, I could kind of observe that shift in thinking between your earlier work and G&R.  Uniqueness reminded me in some ways of another book that was very much in the same vein, namely Civilisation: The West and the Rest by Niall Ferguson, though of course Uniqueness was much more academic in tone compared to the sleek pop-historiography of Civilisation, nor did it really share Ferguson’s counter-Jihad (i.e., Zionist) focus on a supposed clash of civilisations between the West and the Islamic world.  Nonetheless, there are similarities.  Ferguson posits several “Killer Apps”—namely competition, science, private property, medicine, consumerism, and the Protestant work ethic—as the defining features of Western culture that led to the rise of the West.  This is also somewhat in same vein as Joseph Henrich’s idea of the West as WEIRD (Western, Educated, Industrialised, Rich, and Democratic).  In G&R you are critical of Henrich’s almost monocausal attribution of these traits to what he refers to as the medieval Catholic Church’s “Marriage and Family Program” (especially its repression of polygamy and cousin marriage).  I do tend to agree with your critiques of this overemphasis on the church’s role, but at least Henrich offers a plausible explanation, whereas Ferguson offers no explanation of why or how (or even from exactly whom, racially speaking) these “killer apps” might have arisen.  Can you speak to the similarities and differences between their hypotheses and your own?

A: Uniqueness has certain affinities with Ferguson’s Civilisation: The West and the Rest in its endorsement of the “Eurocentric” argument that individual rights, free markets, Enlightenment values. However, in a review I wrote of Ferguson’s book in early 2012, I am quite critical of his book for two reasons: first, I now realized that many pro-Western historians, including Ferguson, were often right-wing liberals or neoconservatives who framed the West’s values as universally replicable; second, as articulated in Uniqueness, the West’s distinctiveness predates modernity, stretching back to ancient times.

Ferguson’s book implies that Europe was an undeveloped backwater until its economic rise in the 1500s, ignoring a rich legacy of intellectual and artistic achievements. These include the Greek invention of dialectics, philosophy, historical writing, and tragic poetry; the Hellenistic advances in natural sciences, such as Aristarchus’s heliocentric hypothesis and Euclid’s Elements; and Roman innovations like republican governance and legal concepts of personhood. By ignoring this heritage, and that of the Middle Ages, Ferguson reduces the West to a set of modern “apps”—liberal values detachable from their cultural roots.

In my review, I rejected the notion that Western liberal values are universal tools that any culture, regardless of history or ethnicity, can adopt. These values, along with the West’s broader achievements, are uniquely Western, inseparable from its historical and cultural trajectory. I also challenged Ferguson’s view of the United States as a “propositional nation” defined solely by universal ideas rather than ancestry, customs, or ethnicity.

The novelty and interpretative power of Joseph Henrich’s The Weirdest People in the World (2020) lies in his demonstration that Westerners created very different liberal institutions, or civic associations, freed from kinship networks and norms, because they were psychologically different. Liberal institutions did not create liberal individuals; rather, liberal individuals created liberal institutions. By “liberal individuals,” Henrich means individuals with a greater “neurological and psychological” set of capacities, marked by reduced nepotism, greater trust, fairness, and cooperation with strangers. He maintains that these traits emerged in the Middle Ages after the Catholic Church dismantled polygamous kinship networks, imposed monogamy, and encouraged marriages based on voluntary decisions. This shift fostered civic institutions like guilds, universities, and chartered towns, grounded in impartial rules and merit rather than tribal loyalties.

However, Henrich’s claim that this psychological transformation arose incidentally from the Church’s prudish concerns about polygamy or its self-interested land grabs via excommunication is unconvincing. As I argue in Greatness and Ruin, the Greeks, Romans, and early Christians had long recognized monogamy’s civic benefits, such as reducing blood feuds over inheritance. These earlier arguments suggest a deeper, more intentional cultural evolution toward monogamy, challenging Henrich’s view of it as an “unintentional” byproduct of ecclesiastical policy.

Q: It is clear that, whether we’re talking about “killer apps” or WEIRDness, the consensus seems to be that certain Western cultural traits seem almost destined to bring about liberalism.  There is a logical progression from burgeoning individualism to liberalism, just like there is from liberalism to the West’s predicament today, as you mentioned.  Still, you once believed that liberalism, perhaps in a more conservative form, was basically compatible with nativist policies and White identity.  With G&R, you have come to view it more skeptically, seeing ethnic nationalism as fundamentally incompatible in the long-term with the progressive logic of liberalism.  What precipitated this shift in your thinking?

A: Liberalism is inherently a progressive ideology that seeks the full emancipation of individuals from pregiven collective identities, whether traditional or biological. In other words, liberalism did not actualize its ideals the moment the first liberals came to power with the Glorious Revolution of 1688, or the French Revolution of 1789. Liberalism initially coexisted with customs, rituals, religious beliefs, and nativist sentiments, which kept its progressive logic in check, and gave early liberal societies a very traditional character by the standards of today. Over time, however, the emancipatory project of liberalism eroded these “backward prejudices,” fostering a purer liberal order that views racial equality and immigrant diversity as essential to achieving equal liberty for all, regardless of sex, religion, or race.

To understand the West, one must adopt a historicist perspective. Particularly since the early modern era, or the Renaissance, the West has been a dynamic civilization defined by continuous change and innovation. Concepts like feudalism, capitalism, individualism, democracy, representative government, and liberalism lack transhistorical meanings; their nature and significance evolve with their temporal context. Judging these phenomena by a single historical instantiation ignores their variability. This lack of historical awareness may explain why scholars like Paul Gottfried argue that the contemporary West is dominated by “cultural Marxism,” a distinct ideology. Gottfried remains attached to the classical liberal version witnessed in the Anglo world of the nineteenth to early twentieth centuries, though he occasionally equates liberalism with the pre-1960s or pre-1980s West.

This does not imply that all self-identified liberals in our times embrace liberalism’s latest formulation. Today, liberals broadly divide into left- and right-wing camps. Right-wing liberals favor earlier versions of liberalism and view leftist excesses as deviations from the path of liberty. Yet, conservatives have historically accommodated progressive achievements, only recently resisting “wokeness” via a populist rebellion. Most conservatives, nevertheless, still regard ethno-nationalism, immigration restrictionism, and White identitarianism as illiberal ideologies to be excluded from the public sphere.

Consider Eric Kaufmann, a self-described right-wing liberal who critiques woke politics while defending Western civilization for the sake of “truth and freedom above ideology.” Upon closer examination, however, it is clear that Kaufmann opposes only the excesses of wokeness (aggressive censorship, rigid diversity mandates, and open borders) because they provoke populist backlashes that threaten stable, multiracial liberal democracies. He is not alone. Prominent liberal intellectuals like Konstantin Kisin, Steven Pinker, Sam Harris, Jonathan Haidt, Yascha Mounk, and Niall Ferguson share this perspective.

Q: In G&R, you mentioned that Traditionalists “have been the only ones—think of De Benoist, Kerry Bolton, Alexander Dugin—to carry a frontal attack on liberalism as such, holding its inherent individualism responsible for undermining every cultural, racial and sexual identity in the West.”  You also make several critiques of this school of thought, especially of their failure to address the stagnation of non-Western cultures, stating that they “have not been able to grapple consistently with the ways in which the traditionalism of the West has always coexisted with some degree of individualism, monogamous families freed from polygamous kinship networks, equal civic status, and participation in politics for free adult males—what is now known as a ‘civic-republican’ form of liberalism, in complete contrast to the non-Western world.”  Nonetheless, it seems to me that the total rejection of liberalism in this way of thinking had its influence on your thought, or at least was something you had to grapple with.  I remember listening to previous interviews of yours in which you brought up Dugin specifically, and your main critique of his Fourth Political Theory was that he professed to synthesise a new political theory by borrowing only the best elements from the previous theories, but in fact, you asserted, he had borrowed very heavily from communism and fascism, while taking nothing from Western liberalism.  I think your critique was basically accurate, (and I think part of the reason Dugin does this is simply due to Russia’s historical circumstance, including its age-old inferiority complex towards Europe), but nonetheless he is a very interesting thinker, even if one finds much to disagree with.  Did your views on Dugin change between that interview and when you wrote Greatness and Ruin?  What is your overall assessment of his political thought as it relates to liberalism?

A: In a 2014 review of The Fourth Political Theory, written under a pseudonym, I critiqued his blanket condemnation of liberalism, and his heavy reliance on Marxist and post-modern critiques. In a 2020 interview, I noted that his “fourth political theory” absorbed some “positive” contributions of communism (critique of individualism and capitalism) and fascism (concept of ethnos), but rejected everything associated with liberalism (preferring the concept of “social freedom,” or freedom of the group, over individual freedom). By 2022, however, I recognized Dugin’s insight that liberalism is the West’s dominant ideology. This led me to conclude that wokeness is not a new leftist or “cultural Marxist” phenomenon, but the culmination of liberalism’s progressive logic. Many Western dissidents (race realists and White nationalists) criticize Dugin for dismissing race as a construct, rejecting fascism and White nationalism, and advocating a multipolar geopolitics that some view as “third worldist” opposition to Western hegemony. These critics, I believe, overlook the historical and cultural context from which Dugin’s ideas emerged.

As a Russian cultural nationalist, Dugin views the post-Soviet American push to spread liberal hegemony into Eastern Europe and Eurasia as an existential threat, aimed at fragmenting Russia and imposing liberalism. I view Russia as predominantly European, with 80–85% Slavic peoples and significant Western cultural elements. This is why I support his cultural nationalism against American neoconservative values. Russian Slavs retain a natural ethnocentrism, and both Putin and Dugin embrace Slavic identity within the Russian federation, though not White nationalism, which is incoherent to Russia’s historically-based multiculturalism and its experience fighting the Germans during World War II. Unlike Western multiculturalism, which is driven by a progressive ideology, Russia’s diversity is an organic historical reality.

By the same token, while I appreciate Dugin’s Russian perspective, I also recognize that race realism and White identity are valid approaches in the Western context, where Whites are set to become a minority if the West does not make a decisive break with liberal capitalism.

Q: Great insights.  I could not have summed up my own views on Dugin better myself.

You make frequent reference to Hegel in your work, and both Uniqueness and Greatness and Ruin draw heavily from Hegel’s ideas on the genealogy of reason and the development of man’s intellectual faculties throughout history. You argue convincingly in Greatness and Ruin that Hegel’s philosophy of the development of the human mind is specific to the cognitive experience of Europeans. Do you agree that, especially in light of his attempts to reconcile the contradictions of some of the most important developments in European thought—namely classical philosophy, Christianity, the Enlightenment, and Romanticism—Hegel could be considered primarily (if perhaps not self-consciously) a philosopher of the European mind? Would you consider yourself a Hegelian?

A: Uniqueness has a long chapter titled “The Restlessness of the Western Spirit from a Hegelian Perspective” arguing that Hegel’s Phenomenology of Spirit (1806) should be read as an account of the developmental experience of the Western spirit rather than of the human spirit as such. This should be obvious enough. The historical allusions of this book are almost entirely to philosophers, literary works, poems, scientific treatises, political and military figures from Europe. In our age of equality of rational capacities and rights, Hegelian scholars cannot but pretend that the Phenomenology is an exposition of “human experience and cognition.”

Granted, Hegel, like every other European philosopher, wrote in terms of the rational essence of “mankind-in-itself” and of the rational nature of humans to become self-aware of themselves as the agents of their conceptual creations and activities. Europeans have always expressed themselves in universal terms, projecting their intellectual experiences onto humanity, and, indeed, presupposing that Europeans, in their higher state of cognition, should be the standard by which to make judgements about humanity in general.

Once we connect this text with what Hegel says in more explicit terms in his “Lectures on the Philosophy of History,” which presents a comprehensive view of world history through the lens of his philosophical ideas, it is hard to deny that the basic truth contained in the Phenomenology is that the West is the only civilization in which “freedom” and “reason” have progressed over the course of history.

The Phenomenology of the Spirit is a work that seeks to capture, in a comprehensive manner, the developmental experience of the idea of freedom in its intrinsic association with the developmental experience of reason. What I learned from this text, which allowed me to go beyond the narrow reduction of Western uniqueness to economic growth and modern science, is that the intellectual history of the Western spirit cannot be comprehended as a substance, a state of being, but as an “activity.” Non-Western civilizations can be reasonably identified in terms of one or two major philosophical experiences, “the Confucian worldview,” the “Hindu Mind,” the “Talmudic” world of Jews, or the “Islamic experience” of Muslims, in their essence, with subsequent intellectual variations occurring primarily within these currents, or in combination with a few other relatively static currents, such as Buddhism, or Sunnism versus Salafism in Islam.

In contrast, the mental experience of the West can be known only by knowing it as an experience that engendered in the course of time multiple philosophical schools, through a dialectic of theses, anti-theses, and syntheses. At the base of this dynamism, as I came to understand with greater clarity while writing Greatness and Ruin, is the discovery of the mind by the ancient Greeks: the realization that humans have a faculty that is singular to the human species, which consists in the ability of reason to create methods for proper reasoning, concepts and values, over which it can adjudicate as to their validity and morality.

It was really from the first flowerings of reason in ancient Greece that Hegel detected an inner necessity (a “dialectical” logic) in the philosophical development of humans, which he traced to the nature of reason per se to become actually what it was potentially from the beginning. Prior to the Greeks, humans had barely become conscious of their rational consciousness. Human consciousness started to display a restless disposition—its true potentiality and nature—when it came to “discover” itself as a faculty in its own right in ancient times. For it was then that reason apprehended its capacity for self-reflection, to think for-itself, in terms of its own volitional abilities, ceasing to accept passively the existence of norms, gods, and natural things as if they were “things-in-themselves” beyond its own reflective judgments.

This rational spirit would remain in a state of dissatisfaction and alienation, restlessness and unhappiness, continually seeking a new solution, in its effort to overcome and sublimate every contradiction within its thinking, and every non-conceptualized unknown it encountered. The Western self could not feel “at home” in the world until it got rid “of the semblance of being burdened with something alien.” The Phenomenology views every major Western outlook—Roman stoicism, skepticism, Catholic scholasticism, Cartesian rationalism, British empiricism, German idealism, and romanticism—not as isolated or timeless viewpoints, but as evolving “moments” in the effort of human selfhood to become what it is intrinsically: the free author of its own concepts, values, and practices.

The Phenomenology thus exhibits the ways in which diverse but interrelated outlooks held sway and conviction for some time, only to be seen as limited in their inability to provide answers consistent with the demands of beings that are becoming increasingly aware of themselves as the free creators of their own beliefs, laws, and institutions. Europeans, in Hegel’s grand scheme, only became what they are potentially—rationally self-conscious agents—when they came to recognize themselves, in modern times, as free in their institutions and laws, and as the ultimate decision makers as to what is true, rather than relying on “natural laws” mandated from above.

For Hegel, this stage had been reached in his own time, in the post-French Revolution era of Europe. It is not that there would be no more history after him (no further debates about, for example, how widely free speech should be extended). Liberal institutions would continue to develop, improvements and adaptations to different national experiences and events would occur. His point was that Europeans would no longer accept a political order that denied the equal liberty of individuals to express themselves as free rational agents.

Hegel, however, was not a libertarian or a relativist who believed in value pluralism. As I will explain in response to the next question, he was a communitarian liberal who believed that the state should play a key role in creating a sense of cohesion and belonging among citizens, rather than allowing the business world, and freewheeling individuals, to be in charge of the foremost ideals of a society.

I agree with Hegel that only Europeans became conscious of their consciousness. This is the foundation stone from which I try to make sense of the unique historical trajectory of Europeans. In this respect, I am a Hegelian. Of course, as I show in Greatness and Ruin, there are currently many other thinkers, treatises, debates, historical and psychological findings, with keen insights about the “second-order thinking” of Europeans and other unique psychological traits. However, I don’t believe there is a grand purpose in history. We can see meaningful patterns, identifiable stages in Western history, but history is unpredictable. Most humans are barely able to think for themselves; Africans and Indians, non-Western peoples generally, are now a huge majority in the world, and their ways of thinking are very different, even if they have modernized or are modernizing. Apart from Western technology and affluence, the historical experience of the West means very little to other civilizations. Samuel Huntingon was correct that modernization should not be confused with Westernization. AI, globalization, mass immigration, and race mixing inside the West, are creating a world that is unpredictable and very different from the world Hegel experienced.

Q: It is, of course, far beyond the scope of this interview to come up with exactly what it would look like, but do you think Hegelian dialectical methods might be fruitful in reconciling European ethnic self-preservation and cultural coherence with the “liberalising” tendencies of individualism, universalism, et cetera, that seem to be intrinsic to Western culture?

A: In my judgement, Hegel belongs to a group of German thinkers, idealists and historicists, who understood the value of modernity, freedom, the use of reason, and the value of open inquiry, while believing that societies could not be founded solely on the free choices of individuals abstracted from their ethnos and ancestral community ties. They emphasized the “social rights” of the community or ethnos. In chapter 10 of Greatness and Ruin I examine the ideas of German historicists, their critique of liberalism, though not Hegel’s own critique.

Hegel, we can say, is a liberal communitarian who advocated for “social rights” within a political order that would reconcile the individualist aspirations of citizens with the need of humans for community ties, a sense of belonging, ancestral ties and historical rootedness. Today, in the West, liberal communitarians are multiculturalists who identify “social rights” with economic equality, welfare provisions, and the removal of “socially constructed” differences between the sexes and races.

Charles Taylor, one of the major Canadian theorists of multiculturalism, and an admirer of Hegel, has readapted Hegel’s ideas to serve progressive ends, while discarding or suppressing his traditionalism and nationalism. Hegelian scholars generally have put forth a Hegel that views “social rights” as rights for greater equality in a multicultural setting, a Hegel that synthesizes the atomism of free markets and private rights with a state that ensures social rights for diverse peoples and promotes the “collective economic good” of society.

It is true that Hegel argued that being recognized as a citizen while living in abject poverty limited individual self-expression, insomuch as this was a result of the actions of powerful citizens having complete freedom of contract without any social rights protecting workers in the form of state regulations. But there is more to Hegel’s concept of social freedom. When Hegel writes about a shared conception of the good, he does not mean economic goods only; he means as well cultural collective goods, a sense of peoplehood (Volk) that can be guaranteed only by a national state. Hegel appeals to the idea of national identity as the glue that can tie otherwise rational private citizens by virtue of their belonging, through birth and ethnicity, to a single culture.

Current interpreters of Hegel, notwithstanding the merits of their works in organizing and clarifying Hegel’s extremely difficult ideas, rarely mention or willfully misread Hegel’s emphasis on national identity. For example, Frederick Neuhouser, in his book, Actualizing Freedom: The Foundations of Hegel’s Social Theory (2000), argues that Hegel could not have appealed to a sense of national belonging “akin to bonds of brotherhood” since such bonds would be rooted in a “prereflective attachment,” which is supposedly inconsistent with a post-Enlightenment culture in which individuals accept only communitarian identities that are “consciously endorsed through a process of public reflection on the common good.”

I disagree. Neuhouser should know that the “bonds of love” that unite Western families are not purely “free” and “rational,” even as the union of husband and wife are freely decided rather than coerced by unreflective customs. There is a strong natural bond between parents and children and between men and women as sexual beings who can reproduce children, not to mention the multiple customs that regulate the marriage ceremony and child-rearing. There is also a strong natural (but no longer prereflective) bond uniting people with the same historical ancestry, territorial roots, and language within one nation. This bond is consistent with a rationally free subject. The subjection of “pre-reflective bonds” to rational examination does not necessarily entail the creation of a nation based on “propositional values.” Thinking critically about “prereflective bonds” means that these bonds can no longer be seen as unknowable, mysterious forces that control the affairs of men; it means that we now know their nature, that we can explain why we individuals tend to be more attached to people of our own ethnicity and historical lineage. It means that we have rationally explained studies about in-group attachments, biological dispositions, and genetic determinants.

Q: With the proliferation of technology, rising literacy and rates of education, and the global homogenisation of culture due to American media power, to what extent do you think non-Western peoples might be moving towards Western modes of thought, including individualism and higher-order thinking?

If, as you argue in Greatness and Ruin, the development of the Western mind underwent a process of Piagetian development to arrive at higher-order self-conscious thought, do you think it is likely that certain other peoples might undergo a similar development, perhaps even at an accelerated rate, since Western culture has already “paved the way” towards this level of self-consciousness?

You quote Hegel: “In development, nothing emerges but what was there originally in germ or in-itself.” You assert that the telos of consciousness is “to make consciousness explicit to itself, to reach self-consciousness,” and that “the seed of man’s apprehension of himself as the only being that can become aware of his capacity to self-determine [is] already there inside man as such” (p. 147), but that this “implicit capacity only started to become explicit and actual with the ancient Greeks, and never manifested itself anywhere else.”

Would you say, then, that this germ, this potential for self-consciousness, exists in man as such—that is to say, in all peoples? You give a plausible genealogy of the development of European self-consciousness reaching all the way back to the Indo-Europeans. Is the development of higher-order thinking in Europeans, then, purely a result of this cultural Piagetian developmental process—culture and consciousness building upon itself—and unique to Europeans purely because of the cultural processes that we have undergone? Or is the germ, the potential, different across different people groups, such that, for example, African Pygmies never could have undergone a similar development of consciousness, no matter what cultural experiences and processes they underwent? Do you think it is potentially a case of culture influencing genetics, and vice versa?

And, at the risk of asking an impossible question here: what do you think is the relationship between innate cognitive potential (of a people) and cultural development of consciousness?

A: One would think that, if I agree with Hegel that the potential for self-consciousness exists in man as such, I would agree that Western culture has ‘paved the way’ for second order thinking, self-consciousness, and a high level of creativity among non-western peoples with the spread of modernity. Yet, in Greatness and Ruin, I seem to suggest that the introspective consciousness of Europeans—the disposition to examine one’s own thoughts and feelings, and what Joseph Henrich calls the “WEIRD” Western traits for intentionality, trust of strangers, and lack of ingroup identity—are too deeply wired into the psychology of Europeans to be replicated among non-western peoples simply through proper socialization. Henrich is also ambivalent about this. On the whole, his thesis is that, with modernization, creation of liberal institutions open to merit and based on universal rules and equality of rights, humans will exhibit “WEIRD” dispositions. But he also brings up research showing that second- and third-generation immigrants in Europe from Muslim nations (and other cultures with strong kinship networks) have not assimilated. For Henrich, it comes down to the persistence of kinship networks. If they are “demolished,” then we get “weird” humans.

But it looks like things are more complicated. In China, despite the promotion of nuclear families and monogamy through policies like the Marriage Law of 1950, and the one-child policy (1979–2015), which aimed to reduce extended family networks, kinship systems still remain strong and deeply rooted in Confucian principles, emphasizing filial piety, patrilineal descent, and extended family obligations like ancestor worship and bloodline. Kinship norms remain strong across many other non-Western nations.

I still don’t see the same level of individuality among Asians, Africans, Mestizos, and Muslims, despite adoption of monogamy, some liberal institutions, and modernization. I don’t see the same degree of what Charles Taylor called the “inner depths” of the Romantic movement in Europe, in his book Sources of the Self (1989). This refers to a very uniquely European modern understanding of the self as having a profound, inward or “authentic” dimension, feelings and moral sensibilities. The self in Chinese and Japanese cultures remains more tied to social roles and pre-modern philosophies, external rules and expectations.

Genetics matters, of course. Populations with low average IQs can’t attain a profound inwardness, beyond superficial consumerism and narcissistic forms of self-expression. It can’t be denied, however, that nations like China and Japan today exhibit high scientific reasoning and formal operational thinking, with significant achievements particularly in applied science. Japan has won 28 Nobel Prizes in science, making major contributions like the bullet train (Shinkansen, 1964), lithium-ion batteries (1980s), and robotics (ASIMO). China is currently a leader in fields like quantum computing, CRISPR gene editing, and 5G technology.

It can be argued, nevertheless, that China and Japan excel in applied and technical fields like engineering and materials science), but not in more “creative” fields like theoretical physics or biology, where Western scientists still dominate. A 2018 Journal of Creativity Research study found that Japanese students score lower on measures of “creative ideation” compared to American students, which has been attributed to a focus on consensus and rule-following. Japan and China mainly excel in continuous improvement or “iterative refinement” rather than “disruptive innovation,” as witnessed in American tech-driven breakthroughs in Silicon Valley). Similarly, a 2021 study in Frontiers in Psychology found that Chinese students show “high convergent thinking” (problem-solving within rules) but “lower divergent thinking” (generating novel ideas), as compared to Westerners.

The West remains the citadel of political liberalism and pluralism. China is an illiberal culture with a surveillance state. China’s social credit system and extensive digital monitoring create a highly controlled environment, which suppresses individual self-expression. While Japan’s post-World War II constitution guarantees freedoms of expression, association, and thought, making it de jure a liberal democracy, its culture remains deeply collectivist, emphasizing group harmony, deference to authority, and social roles over personal expression.

While I can see a high tech, AI/genetic engineering world taking us in directions never anticipated, with the full participation of East Asians, I don’t anticipate seeing again in history the high level of creativity Europeans exhibited in the invention of all the fields of knowledge, multiple philosophical outlooks, exploration, and mapping of the world. This will remain the singular legacy of Europeans.

Q: Earlier, you mentioned the “uniquely European modern understanding of the self as having a profound, inward or ‘authentic’ dimension.”  This reminded me of something I’ve been mulling over for some time, and I’d like to get your thoughts on it:

Do you think there is a sort of trade-off between self-consciousness and authenticity?  I sense that White people often understand (intuitively, though often not intellectually) that other people-groups have more kinship-based ways of thinking, and to some extent even admire or envy them for the “authenticity” of their cultures, traditions, and kinship bonds.  Is the White liberal yearning for “authenticity” a mere romanticisation of a lower level of consciousness, a sort of “noble savage” ideation?  Is it, in effect, a yearning for a return to the smothering womb of undifferentiated selfhood, a shirking of the responsibility that comes with higher consciousness?

Anecdotally, as a child growing up in an already very multicultural and racially diverse environment, I often looked at the natural, unexamined (and thus totally self-confident) ethnic identity of my non-White peers with a degree of envy.  It seemed like a source not only of pride, but also of strength, reassurance, certainty, something they could always fall back on, so to speak.  They were just so sure of who they were and what people they belonged to, and I didn’t see the same thing among any assimilated White Canadians.

I agree with your assessment in Greatness and Ruin that this sort of unexamined, purely instinctual, kinship-based tribal identity is probably not possible for Whites to ever truly return to; the collective European mind has undergone a developmental process that makes this type of thinking alien to us, which is both to our advantage and our disadvantage, as you have laid out.  However, I feel that the awakening of ethnic nationalism in the Romantic era was, to an extent, a subconscious response to this problem: a yearning for the authenticity of unexamined ethnic tradition and belonging.  Ironically enough, the rise of ideological Nationalism was largely driven by intellectuals romanticising (and often embellishing) the supposed unexamined traditions of peasants to construct ethnic national identities.  (I do not say ‘construct’ in a dismissive way; the identities of modern ethnic nations had organic roots in history, culture, kinship, etc.; they were ‘constructed’ in the sense of being self-consciously ‘synthesised’ to some degree from diverse regional customs for the political expediency of binding together ethnic nation-states.)  I do see the irony here in the self-conscious attempt to construct unconscious ethnic/national identity, but I do not think it is necessarily a contradiction.  Modern ideological Nationalism, while it is based in organic cultural and kinship groups, is also a liberal idea to some extent, or at least could not have come into being without liberalism.

If self-consciousness and a degree of individualism are inherent to the Western mind, then perhaps ideological Nationalism can strike a balance between these elements on the one hand, and the power (and human need) of belonging and identity on the other hand.  Just because the identity is to some degree self-conscious and intentional, does not mean it lacks all authenticity.  Total universalist individualism is ruinous for us; total, unthinking, kinship-based tribalism is impossible for us; it seems to me that some sort of self-conscious Nationalism is the best way forward, whatever form it might take.  What are your thoughts on this?

A: Since about the 1960s, you are correct, a lot of progressive Whites have come to identify “authenticity” with non-Western cultures, holding an idealized image of Native American “environmentalism” or African tribal vibrancy, echoing Rousseau’s noble savage and the Romantics’ nostalgic imaginings of the Middle Ages as an Eden of organic unity. They have identified the West, by contrast, as “artificial” and “soulless” in its corporate-driven consumerism and careerism.

However, when I write about the “uniquely European modern understanding of the self as having a profound, inward or ‘authentic’ dimension,” I have in mind another aspect in the Romantic longing for authenticity as the expression of one’s unique, inner self. Behind Rousseau’s imagining of the “noble savage” and the Romantic longing for the organic unity of the Middle Ages, I find a modern rebellion of the individual against the Enlightenment’s cold rationalism and the stultifying effects of industrial mechanization. The Romantics framed their rebellion as a return to an imagined natural authenticity in pre-modern man, unaware that they were a product of Western modernity, expressing a novel variation of the Western longing to be oneself, to create one’s aesthetics and values, rather than to conform to societal expectations and prescribed social roles.

The idea of living an authentic life is essential to the philosophy of existentialists like Sartre and Camus. With the collapse of monarchy and religion, followed by increasing scepticism about the ability of reason to create universal values to ground human societies and give meaning to one’s life, existentialists, including Nietzsche, radicalized the meaning of authenticity as the complete transvaluation of all prior beliefs and the creation of one’s lifestyle in a world that was otherwise absurd and meaningless. We are condemned to be free. We have a choice to be either free in an authentic way, original and true to one’s chosen purposes, or to follow the average man’s predilection to accept external dogmas and remain unoriginal (“bad faith”).

Liberal pluralism, in its own political way, accepts the meaninglessness of the world, the inability of Western peoples to reach consensus about the “good life” or the “highest” values. The state should simply create a public sphere in which everyone can do their own thing without infringing on the rights of others. The only commitment can be to the plurality of values in a state of tolerance.

The current Western projection of an authentic organic life to non-White cultures is a reflection of the alienation Westerners feel in their hyper individualized societies. Humans, including Westerners with their individualist psychologies, have a longing to be rooted somewhere, to belong in a community. As liberalism eviscerated every tradition which hitherto sustained our liberal societies for many centuries, until recent decades, leaving Western individuals alone in the “absurd” world Camus wrote about, they were drawn to seek communitarian ties in the pre-modern world and in more traditional non-Western lands.

Liberal multiculturalism, which is based on a school of thought identified as “liberal communitarianism,” is a product of this mindset. Charles Taylor and Will Kymlicka effectively told White Canadians that bringing vibrant and authentic cultures from the non-White world would give Canada a communitarian identity that Anglo-capitalist liberalism could not provide. By not demanding assimilation from foreign immigrants and from the nationalistic Quebecois, and allowing them to enjoy certain collective rights to their cultural traditions and folkways, Canada would become a more culturally vibrant nation. Immigrants and Quebecois would in turn be encouraged to join this multicultural liberal order, agreeing to respect the rights of individuals to free expression rooted in Anglo liberalism—that is, to be open to the right of members of their ethnic communities to make their own cultural choices. For a time, most Whites bought into the idea that attending multicultural festivals and the like would give them some collective meaning and authenticity. But with the outright swamping of the nation with endless streams of new immigrants, many are feeling more alienated than ever, as their neighbourhoods and cities have turned into ethnic enclaves and rootless melting pots without substantial ties. This is happening across the West.

Just a few years ago, as one can read in my extended review of Joseph Henrich’s The Weirdest People, published in June 2022, I believed that nationalism, the creation of ethnic-cultural states by Europeans, could strike a balance between their individualism and the inescapable longing humans have to belong to a community of people with strong ethnic and cultural bonds. The nation states of the West, after all, were quite liberal a few decades ago despite their White-only immigration policies. As you point out, nationalism emerged within evolving liberal states; and in its inception after 1789, nationalists did not call for civic liberalism alone, but insisted that the creation of nationalist states should be grounded on the actual historical reality that territorial states in Europe were rooted in common ancestral ties and historical experiences. They were not mere constructs of the imagination. Liberalism was compatible with ethno-nationalism. I defended this view in my book Canada in Decay.

I now think it will be very hard to recreate national ethno-cultural states within the framework of our liberal institutions. It is not accidental that across the West, not in only one or two Western states, liberal governments eventually agreed, after World War II, to delink their states from any ethnic group and even any cultural tradition. We are now in a “post-national” stage, in which calling Canada a “liberal Western nation” is deemed to be exclusionary. In Canada in Decay, I attributed this to the “march through the institutions” of cultural Marxist ideologues. But now I see it as the progressive unfolding of liberalism. A state that prioritizes an ethnic group is simply incompatible with the principle of individual rights.

I can’t see how, in our times, the state of France, for example, would abolish Article 1 of the Constitution, which emphasizes equality before the law for all French citizens “without distinction of origin, race, or religion.” This would entail a restoration of the Vichy fascist regime, which would entail a declaration of war against the existing order. I can’t see either how the United States would reject integration (Brown v. Board of Education, 1954). Integration is rooted in the 14th Amendment (1868), which provides a constitutional basis for laws ensuring equal protection for everyone regardless of race. Rejecting the 14th Amendment and Brown v. Board of Education would entail a huge upheaval.

It would also entail accepting a prolonged breakdown in the capitalist economy, which would require a very strong political movement to stand up to global capitalism, which would require, moreover, a sizable proportion of White men with high levels of “V” and “C”. Australian millionaire Jim Penman writes (in his 2014 book Biohistory) about two temperamental traits, labeled “V” (vitality, high testosterone, aggression, risk-taking) and “C” (sexual restraint, control of children, family orientation, work ethic), which are both essential for the creation and maintenance of civilizations. These two traits have declined considerably in the West. I have a hard time envisioning a rejection of liberalism under low levels of V and C.

However, liberalism is decomposing, tensions are rising, and a climate may be emerging in which V levels will rise among White men, and that may open unanticipated possibilities.

Q: Do you think it will be possible for the West to walk back from the precipice it is on and achieve a better balance between its universalism and individualism, and reverence for its heritage? What do you think this might look like?

A: My hope comes from the expanding failures of liberalism. We were promised—rooted in the moral ideals of liberalism—that Western nations could overcome the divisions and conflicts associated with World War II, racial segregation in the United States, and millennia-old ethnic tensions across Europe, with the implementation of immigrant multiculturalism, the promotion of equal cultural rights to “disadvantaged minorities,” the elimination of White-only immigration policies, and the creation of societies in which everyone, regardless of racial and religious identities, would eventually enjoy equality of liberty and opportunities as individuals. Diversity was inherently a good: the more diversity, the more progressive and liberating Western nations would become.

Well, for some years now many Western leaders have been compelled to admit, if implicitly, that increasing diversity does not necessarily entail increasing harmony. Racial and cultural tensions have grown across the West. Blaming “systemic racism” and “White supremacists” no longer carries the same powers of persuasion among large segments of the population as it has for the last two or three decades. In Greatness and Ruin, I outline many other failures of liberal capitalism. This ideological order, after bringing great dynamism and prosperity for many centuries, has reached a moral dead end, notwithstanding continuing innovations and GDP expansion.

But now that liberal progressivism has eaten up, deconstructed, and trashed the traditions, customs, and rituals that sustained this society for centuries—attachments to family, country and God—things are falling apart. When William Butler Yeats wrote “Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold” in his poem The Second Coming, published in 1920, he could not have imagined a breakdown of liberal societies permeated with foreign immigrants educated to identify native Whites as targets for permanent reparations. We are rapidly reaching civil war-like conflicts. I agree with David Betz, a mainstream academic at King’s College London, that Britain could see civil war within five years.

This is the source of my optimism, which is rooted in my pessimism about the ability of Whites to break away peacefully, through elections and reforms, from this liberal reality. As far as Western elites see it, the die is cast; the West has been racially diversified; liberalism guarantees equality of rights for everyone. Racism is basically illegal. The West is a multicultural civilization based on the separation of culture (not just religion) and the state. Culture is a choice. The state has no right to impose any values other than the value that everyone has a right to choose their values as long as they accept the equal rights of others. In other words, the state has a right to ensure that everyone accepts multicultural liberalism in the public sphere. Those who reject this order can be marginalized.

Even conservatives don’t see it as a problem that the White populations of many Western nations are already set to become a minority within a few decades. They think it is quite insulting to insinuate that non-Whites are “less Canadian” or “less American” or “less British.” As long as non-Whites embrace “German values” or “Swedish values,” it will be the same. That is, as long as immigrants embrace the values of multiculturalism and equality of choice, the West will remain the West.

It is true that White citizens in Western nations never voted to become a minority. Many want immigration to be reduced. Our liberal order allows voters to ask for less immigration. Remigration, however, is not allowable. I think the Trump administration, as it is, understands that deporting 20 million or so illegals is extremely difficult within this order. Expedited mass deportations will require illiberal measures incompatible with legally established American values. Stephen Miller’s “narrow interpretation of liberalism,” which prioritizes rule of law and national sovereignty for deporting criminals, seems to work only for non-working illegal immigrants, but not for working illegals.

So far, as of June 2025, Trump’s deportation numbers are less than 200,000. Most of these deportees had criminal records. These deportations were justified in terms of Miller’s arguments, as a proportionate response to lawbreaking. But deporting 20 million would require authoritarian measures, such as sweeping raids, detention camps, and “legal shortcuts,” which counter liberal principles like due process, pluralism, and individual rights. “Targeting” communities of “Latinos” would “undermine equal protection under the Fourteenth Amendment.” Deporting working “undocumented” immigrants (those integrated into the economy and paying taxes) would clash with free market values. Identifying and detaining millions in workplace raids would be seen as invasive authoritarian surveillance measures. Liberal capitalism cherishes free markets, diversity, and mobility. Deporting 20 million would require invoking something like the Insurrection Act or declaring a national state of emergency to deploy military forces.

We see a similar situation in the actions of the Italian leader Giorgia Meloni. The liberal media identifies her as “far right,” and, accordingly, it set into motion a way of reabsorbing her into the liberal order away from radical measures; indeed, it has managed to use her populist beliefs to strengthen and streamline Italy’s role within this regime. Since taking office in October 2022, only 50,000 illegal migrants were deported. Yet, at the same time, a 2023 decree regularized 450,000 undocumented migrants already in Italy in order to meet “labor shortages.” Legal immigration quotas have been expanded. Some estimate that 280,000 “irregular” migrants, mainly Africans, have landed over the last 32 months. The “Mattei Plan” has bribed African rulers (for example, in Tunisia, Ethiopia, Nigeria) with a payment of 5.5 billion euros to encourage voluntary returns and “address migration’s root causes.” Today, Meloni is being celebrated for her “economic pragmatism,” E.U. alignment, labor policies, tax cuts and “digitalization.” She is “optimizing” Italy’s needs within the global liberal order. In appreciation, she obtained 194.4 billion euros from the E.U.’s Recovery Fund.

To the question “What do you think this (taking on liberal multiculturalism) might look like?”— let me respond by way of what Nayib Bukele, the President of El Salvador, has accomplished. Keep in mind, though, that Bukele has been dealing with criminals, not legal citizens, and that in El Salvador liberalism has not penetrated deep into the psychology of the population, and that many illiberal customs remain strong. What his actions show me is that a Western leader will have to act in even more authoritarian ways if he is to clean up the mess liberals have caused with mass immigration and wokeness. Bukele successfully accomplished his goals (while gaining the support of over 90% of the population) by suspending some constitutional rights and limiting due process. He had no choice, indeed, but to declare a state of emergency multiple times, curtailing the right to legal counsel, freedom of association, and privacy in communications. His administration conducted mass detentions of over 85,000 on the basis of “uncorroborated allegations,” going against the “presumption of innocence and due process.” (I am quoting the words liberals in the West have used condemning his actions.)

He had to restrict judges’ ability to offer alternatives like bail or house arrest; to impose virtual hearings often involving hundreds of defendants at once, with little opportunity for effective defense. Detainees have been frequently unaware of charges, with lack of access to legal representation. Bukele had to limit judicial autonomy, replacing corrupt Supreme Court individuals with loyalists, a policy he extended to lower courts. These actions are “contrary to liberal ideals of an independent judiciary protecting individual rights.” There have been many “human rights violations,” with families often denied information about detainees’ whereabouts, “undermining equal protection under the law.”

Moreover, Bukele’s government had to curtail freedom of expression by criminalizing reporting on gang activities, with journalists facing surveillance. He had to employ the military to “intimidate” political opponents, once threatening the legislature with armed forces to pressure lawmakers. He had to use propaganda to encourage citizens to report suspected criminals, which “fostered a climate of fear and informant culture, undermining liberal values of privacy and community.” His “unconstitutional pursuit of re-election in 2024” further eroded “democratic norms.”

This is what allowed him to be successful: authoritarian control over all branches of government and civil society, controlling key institutions like the Supreme Court and Attorney General’s office, and thus the weakening of the system of “checks and balances.” This is what allowed El Salvador to escape decades of corruption, violence, and fear.

My optimism, then, is based on the failure of liberal multiculturalism, though I don’t see a way out within the order of liberalism, and believe the West must experience the most revolutionary changes witnessed in history to transcend its current reality. History, however, is full of surprises, and we can’t anticipate what AI and genetic engineering will do.

Q: It sounds like what you see as a possible way for the West to correct course, pragmatically speaking, are more authoritarian policies within the framework of liberal democracy to curtail immigration and deport illegal immigrants and criminals on a large scale. This is certainly plausible and desirable to those concerned with the demographic future of the West.

What about in the realm of ideas? What do you think is the likelihood of illiberal ideas gaining mass acceptance? Anecdotally, in both online discourse and casual conversation with everyday people, I see racial awareness and even the beginnings of familiarity with the Jewish issue spreading rapidly, the latter especially among young people. I don’t have any numbers on this, nor do I believe some sort of “great awakening” is right around the corner, but I do believe that every year, more people are becoming open-minded to these ideas; the sacred cows of liberalism are losing relevance; the holocaust begins to be seen not as a unique evil that grants the Jewish people special victim status for eternity, but as a historical anecdote, a tragedy of war like any other, and its narrative and claims are even coming under more scrutiny, closer to the mainstream than ever before. Instead of kumbaya cultural harmony, we see, as a result of mass immigration, ethnic conflicts being imported from the motherland to play out on Canadian soil (see for example the conflict between Sikh and Hindu nationalists over the issue of Khalistani separatism). This also disproves the left-liberal notion that all non-Whites share common interests opposed to those of the “White oppressor.” As Whites become a plurality in their own countries, instead of the mainstream or the “oppressor,” we become just another racial group among many. The youth of both the hard left and right see “liberal” almost as a slur, and put little stock in the promises of democracy or the “rules-based international order.” Do you think that, eventually, illiberal ideas and more group-oriented ways of thinking could begin to supplant liberal individualism among Whites, or is it too deeply rooted in the Western mind for anyone but fringe tendencies to move beyond it?

A: It’s true that an increasing number of prominent X “influencers” and conservatives, like Matt Walsh and Charlie Kirk, are now, in the last month or so, calling for an end to legal immigration, admitting that anti-Whiteness is widespread, and suggesting that the United States must remain majority White. A very noticeable momentum against immigration replacement is palpable on X and among everyday Whites. Saying that I don’t see a way out of this mess “within the framework of liberal democracy” may seem out of step. To be clear, I believe it is possible to “curtail immigration and deport illegal immigrants and criminals,” though not “on a large scale” without a strong re-evaluation of our liberal values and adoption of authoritarian measures.

This effort, to deport 15 or 20 million illegals, will produce a groundswell of opposition in the U.S., creating a civil war-like situation. Now, add to this, a plan to remigrate millions of legal Muslim, Asian, and African immigrants, with families, in all the largest territorial areas of the West. These possibilities are nowhere in the horizon of nations like Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. Never mind efforts to deal with the failure of integration in the U.S.. We can’t avoid widespread societal conflicts. Liberalism is deeply entrenched in all the institutions, the schools, universities, publishing houses, newspapers, law courts, political parties, Google, AI, police departments, and the military. Mere feelings, online posts, and the revitalization of dormant ingroup instincts among Whites are not enough. We need organized movements, political parties, with clearly articulated illiberal ideas, principles, and policies. Liberal populism is not enough. As I indicated in the case of Meloni’s Italy, populism lacks a cohesive ideological alternative; it cannot but operate within the framework of liberalism, easily softened and employed by those in power to meet the larger ends of liberal diversity. Things will unravel and skid out of control. Opposition to deeply held liberal institutions and beliefs will grow. Alternative ideological outlooks may emerge.

Q: Great answers, and a lot to think about.  Dr. Duchesne, thank you for your time.  And to the reader, in addition to Greatness and Ruin, please check out Duchesne’s earlier books, and his website https://www.eurocanadians.ca/ .

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 CJ Miller https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png CJ Miller2025-07-08 11:31:522025-07-08 11:34:42CJ Miller Interviews Prof. Ricardo Duchesne on “Greatness and Ruin”
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