Nine White American Voices

In a recent article entitled “The American Political System and White Racial Discourse,” I suggested that White advocacy dialogue and debate

[m]ake room for American voices—Thomas Jefferson and James Madison, and (I’m thinking out loud) Emerson and Thoreau and Mark Twain and Edgar Rice Burroughs (the Tarzan author) and Teddy Roosevelt and H.L. Mencken and . . . oh, I don’t know, just somebody besides Julius Evola, you know? American thinkers, Nathaniel Hawthorne, Walt Whitman, Teddy Roosevelt, Ernest Hemingway, somebody.

In the week since—it’s now December 22nd—I’ve asked myself, “Who are White ‘somebodies’ you think ought to be heard?”   Of course, the possibilities are virtually endless, but I’ve got to start somewhere and nine people come to mind at the moment: philosopher, essayist, and lecturer Ralph Waldo Emerson; novelist and short story writer Ernest Hemingway; Civil War combatant William T. Anderson; film director Sam Peckinpah; poet Emily Dickinson; artist and art educator Robert Henri; U.S. Congresswoman Jeannette Rankin; cartoonist Steve Ditko; and country singer Hank Williams.  In that order, I’ll deal with them here to the extent I can given the space limitations I’m working with.   You can Google and check Amazon and libraries to look into them further if you’d like.

As you read through this material, I invite you to be vigilant to what comes up for you: thoughts, feelings, images, memories, observations, insights, questions, issues, goals, things-that-need-to-be-done.  Get clear about all that, put words to it, and discern what significance, if any, it has for you.

Ralph Waldo Emerson

Ralph Waldo Emerson (1803–1882) was an American essayist and lecturer.  He was a prominent figure in an American form of philosophical idealism called Transcendentalism.  His address to a Harvard audience in 1837, published with the title The American Scholar, has been called America’s “intellectual Declaration of Independence.”  One of Emerson’s major writings is the essay Self-Reliance, which he included in a book published in 1842.   Excerpts from that essay:

  • To believe your own thought, to believe that what is true for you in your private heart is true for all men—that is genius. A man should learn to detect and watch that gleam of light that flashes across his mind from within, more than the luster of bards and sages.
  • There is a time in every man’s education when he arrives at the conviction that envy is ignorance, that imitation is suicide, that he must take himself for better, for worse, as his portion; that though the wide universe is full of good, no kernel of nourishing corn can come to him but through his toil bestowed on that plot of ground which is given to him. A man is relieved and gay when he has put his heart into his work and done his best, but what he has said and done otherwise shall give him no peace.
  • Trust thyself: every heart vibrates to that iron string. Accept the place the divine providence has found for you, the society of your contemporaries, the connection of events. Great men have always done so and confided themselves childlike to the genius of their age, betraying their perception that the absolutely trustworthy was seated in their heart, working through their hands, predominating in all their being.  We are now men and must accept in the highest mind the same transcendent destiny, not minors and invalids in a protected corner, not cowards fleeing before a revolution, but guides, redeemers, and benefactors, obeying the Almighty effort and advancing on Chaos and the Dark.
  • Whoso would be a man must be a nonconformist. He who would gather immortal palms must not be hindered by the name of goodness but must explore if it be goodness. Nothing is at last sacred but the integrity of your own mind.
  • Honor is venerable to us because it is no ephemera. It is always ancient virtue.
  • Live no longer to the expectation of these deceived and deceiving people with whom we converse. Say to them, I have lived with you after appearances hitherto.  Henceforward I am the truth’s.  I must be myself.  I cannot break myself any longer for you.   If you can love me for what I am, we shall be the happier.  I will not hide my tastes or aversions.  If you are noble, I will love you; if you are not, I will not hurt you and myself by hypocritical intentions.  If you are true but not in the same truth with me, cleave to your companions; I will seek my own.  I do this not selfishly but humbly and truly.  It is alike your interest, and mine, and all men’s, however long we have dwelt in lies, to live in truth.  Does this sound harsh today?  You will soon love what is dictated by your nature as well as mine, and if we follow the truth, it will bring us out safe at last.
  • Insist on yourself; never imitate. Your own gift you can present every moment with the cumulative force of a whole life’s cultivation, but of the adopted talent of another you have only an extemporaneous half possession. That which one can do best, none but his Maker can teach him.  Where is the master who could have taught Shakespeare?  Where is the master who could have instructed Franklin, or Washington, or Bacon, or Newton?
  • That which a man is does always by necessity acquire; and what a man acquires is living property, which does not wait upon the beck of rulers, or mobs, or revolutions, or fire, or storm, or bankruptcies, but perpetually renews itself wherever the man breathes. It is only as man puts off all foreign support and stands alone that I see him to be strong and to prevail.  Nothing can bring you peace but yourself.

Ernest Hemingway

In both public and private writings, Ernest Hemingway increasingly reasserted his distaste for politicians, re-emphasized his abiding lack of faith in governmental solutions to social problems, and reaffirmed his personal and artistic independence from political parties and ideologies.

No one would call Hemingway a sophisticated political thinker, but novelist John Dos Passos was wrong to conclude that he had “no consistent political ideas.”  From adolescence to old age, his ideas were remarkably consistent.  They stemmed from main currents of American political thought—principally from the libertarian tradition of Jefferson and Emerson, salted by the philosophical pessimism of Alexander Hamilton and Henry Adams.

Hemingway agreed with Adams that power was poison.  Like Jefferson, he welcomed integration into a small group or family or village and expounded the virtues of as little government as possible.

With the Transcendentalists, Hemingway thought that government could provide no panaceas for social ills.  What was needed was a whole man, uncompartmentalized, unspecialized, a modern Thinking Man—a god to drive the half-gods out of the political arena as the great bullfighter would drive the fake messiahs from the bull ring.

Ideally, the individual man, like the individual family, should be left alone to confront his destiny.  At the root of Hemingway’s support for individual liberty lay a longing for a golden, mythical past in which each man—for him as for Jefferson, the self-sufficient man—lived free, unencumbered, and in harmony with nature.  This ideal closely approximates the one Hemingway’s heroes in his fiction seek but do not find, as the complicated modern restraints impinge and can only be escaped at the moment of death, when the heart that beat to the sway of the Gulf Stream or against the pine-needled floor of the Spanish forest stops.

Bloody Bill and Bloody Sam

A pro-Confederate guerrilla fighter during the Civil War, William T. Anderson unleashed untamed brutality toward Union soldiers and pro-Union partisans that prompted the nickname Bloody Bill.   Film director and screenwriter Sam Peckinpah (1925–1984), whose explicit depiction of feral violence during the 1960s and ’70s evoked controversy, was called Bloody Sam.

“You Federals have just killed six of my soldiers, scalped them, and left them on the prairie,” Bloody Bill declared. Earlier, federal troops had murdered his father and sister and destroyed the family property.  “From this time forward, I ask no quarter and give none.  Every federal soldier on whom I put my finger shall die like a dog.”

On September 27th, 1864, Anderson presided over the slaughter of federal troops in Centralia Missouri.  Most all of the federal soldiers had been stripped naked and lay twisted and crooked in their death agonies, pinned down like bugs by bayonets, eyeless, earless and had dark oozing holes where their mouths had been.  Many lay with heads flattened into mush or smashed open like melons.  There were those with no heads, which had been cut off, stuck on rifle barrels, or placed atop fence posts and tree stumps like jack-o’-lanterns.  If a corpse had a head, it was likely someone else’s.  Here and there were bodies lacking hands and feet or arms and legs.  Worst of all was the naked body of a soldier whose genitals had been sawed off and stuffed into his mouth.  His contorted face testified that this had been done while he was alive.

Bloody Sam’s film Straw Dogs, distributed in 1971, tells the story of an American academic David Sumner on a research grant in Cornwall, England.   Sumner endures the ridicule, harassment, and cruelty of five men from the village who persist in the face of his posture of kindness and reasonableness and his attempts to placate and ingratiate them.  Things escalate to the point that two of the men rape Sumner’s wife and attack the house he is living in.  The half hour climax of the film depicts Sumner slaughtering them all, one by one, the last by ramming his head into a giant animal trap and springing its jaws on his neck.  Said Peckinpah, “David Sumner is a guy who finds out a few nasty secrets about the world and about his situation and about himself.”

Emily Dickinson

If I can stop one heart from breaking,
I shall not live in vain;
If I can ease one life the aching,
Or cool one pain,
Or help one fainting robin
Unto his nest again,
I shall not live in vain.

Robert Henri

Robert Henri (1865–1929)—pronounced Hen-rye, birth name Robert Cozad—was an American painter.  Shortly before his death, the Arts Council of New York chose him as one of the top three living American artists.  Henri was also a popular and influential teacher of art.  Henri’s ideas on art, life, and education were compiled from lecture notes by a student, Margery Ryerson, in a book entitled The Art Spirit, though Henri is listed as the author. Below are excerpts from the book.   Henri is not just talking about someone who creates paintings or sculptures; he is talking about a way to live in the world regardless of one’s vocation.

  • The question of development of the art spirit in all walks of life interests me. I mean by this the development of individual judgment and taste, the love of work for the sake of doing things well, the tendency toward simplicity and order.
  • When the art is alive in any person, whatever his kind of work may be, he becomes an inventive, searching, daring, self-expressive creature. He becomes interesting to other people. He disturbs, upsets, enlightens. He opens ways for a better understanding.  Where those who are not artists are trying to close the book, he opens it.  He shows that there are still more pages to be read and to be written.
  • Artists do not forget the present in looking backward or forward. They are occupied wholly with the fulfillment of their own existence. Because they are engaged in the full play of their own existence, in their own growth, their fruit is bountiful.
  • Artists should study their own individuality to the end of knowing their tastes. They should cultivate the pleasures so discovered and find the most direct means of expressing those pleasures to others and thereby enjoy them over and over again.
  • An artist can’t be honest unless he is wise. To be honest is to be just, and to be just is to realize the relative value of things. The faculties must play hard in order to seize the relative value of things.
  • The best art the world has ever had was left by men who thought less of making great art than of living completely with all their faculties in the enjoyment of full play.
  • Find out what is really important to you. Then sing your song. You will have something to sing about and your whole heart will be in the singing.
  • What is life to you? What reasons and principles have you found? What are your deductions?  What projections have you made?  What excitement, what pleasure, do you get out of it?  I should like to see every encouragement for those who are fighting to open new ways.  I should like to see every living worker helped to do what he believes in the best he can.
  • You have to make your statement of what is essential to you, an innate reality not a surface reality. Choose things seen and use them to make your statement.
  • Reduce everything you see to the utmost simplicity. Let nothing but the things that are of the utmost importance to you have any place.
  • Each individual needs to wake up and discover himself as a human being with needs of his own. He needs to look about, to learn from all sources, to look within, and to invent for himself a vehicle for self-expression.
  • An artist must educate himself. He cannot be educated. He must test things out as they apply to himself. His life is one long investigation of things and his own reactions to them.
  • All art that is worthwhile is a record of intense life. Each artist’s work is a record of his special effort, his search, his findings, in language that best expresses that. The significance of his work can only be understood by careful study: no crack-judgments; looking for the expected won’t do; and we can’t even trust the critics with the best reputations.
  • The real artists are too busy with just being and growing and acting like themselves to worry about the end. The end will be as it is. Their object is intense living, fulfillment.

Jeannette Rankin

Jeannette Rankin (1880–1973) was the first woman elected to the U.S. House of Representatives to represent an at-large district in Montana.   After she was elected, she said, “I may be the first woman member of Congress, but I won’t be the last.”  She was the only member of Congress who voted against declaring war on Japan after the attack on Pearl Harbor.  When asked by incredulous interviewers how she could have done such a thing, she declared that war was a barbaric relic of the past and absurd and immoral, and that there are better ways to resolve international disputes than violence, and that she was not going to send mothers’ sons to be blown to bits in some distant land.  She was mocked and ridiculed and shunned and in the next election voted out of office.

Steve Ditko

Steve Ditko, who died in 2018, is deemed by cartoon insiders to have been one of the supreme stylists in the history of the form.  In the 1960s, Ditko drew Spider-Man, and as time went along, made both character and plot contributions to the Spider-Man series.  In his half-century career, Ditko worked on a number of other characters and series, including The Hulk, Iron Man, and Dr. Strange.

The success of the Spider-Man movies brought new prominence to Ditko’s work among the general public.  Then over eighty, Ditko was barely getting by on social security and a veteran’s pension.  He could have improved his financial stress by selling his original artwork and accepting private commissions to re-create his old work, but he would have none of that.  To Steve Ditko, there was a right way to do things and a wrong way.  It’s one or the other, right or wrong, period.  Things aren’t relative: what is right and true is right and true here, there, in the past, and now, and for you and me and everybody else, no qualifications, no exceptions.  He was determined to do things the right way regardless of the negative consequences that may result.   He refused to do anything that compromised his principles, his honor.

One’s work should reflect the outer edge of one’s current beliefs, insights, and commitments, thought Ditko.  Recreations of his old work would have been going backward.  When the Spider-Man films came out, he pressed for credit as the character’s artist, but he didn’t push for financial gain and made it clear that he had long since abandoned the character and was now engaged with other projects.

Ditko turned down lucrative work starting up the Star Line of children’s books over the issue of whether being heroic is a decision rather than an inherent part of the make-up of a few special individuals that can be revealed but not chosen.  He believed that being a hero isn’t a matter of special grace, something you are born with à la Superman.  Being a hero is something that every one of us can choose to become by the way we conduct our lives.  Even though it will likely take rigorous preparation and diligent hard work and personal fortitude to become a hero, it is nevertheless possible for all of us, in our own way and in our own circumstance, to be heroic.  We can do more than fall at the feet of heroes, insisted Ditko.   We can become heroes ourselves.

Ditko was asked to work on a new series called Dark Dominion.   Depicting the supernatural was a violation of his beliefs and he quickly ended his association with the project.  He also turned down an assignment drawing the Transformer coloring book anthology because the central character for the series was a vampire.  To Ditko, this life is it.  What you see is all there is.  What you do with this life is all there is going to be.  What you accomplish in your private and public existence and its consequences is the only legacy you will ever leave.

A comic book organization scheduled a ceremony to give Ditko an award for a distinguished career in comics, but he refused to attend.  He was honored in absentia, and without his knowledge or approval, someone accepted the award on his behalf.  Thinking Ditko would be pleased, the person who accepted the award sent it to him.  Ditko phoned him and said, “Awards bleed the artist and make us compete against each other.  How dare you accept this on my behalf!”   Ditko sent the award back.

Ditko, very old, and unwell, to the end, sat every day at his drawing board drawing pictures the best he could, in the most honest way he could, and self-published them.  He could have been working for major publishing outlets that had the resources to promote and distribute his creations effectively, but they wouldn’t do it in a way he believed in.  With no mainstream publishing outlet, very few people would get to see his work, but he did it anyway.

Hank Williams

Hear that lonesome whippoorwill
He sounds too blue to fly
The midnight train is whining low
I’m so lonesome I could cry

I’ve never seen a night so long
When time goes crawling by
The moon just went behind the clouds
To hide its face and cry

Did you ever see a robin weep
When leaves begin to die?
Like me, he’s lost the will to live
I’m so lonesome I could cry

The silence of a falling star
Lights up a purple sky
And as I wonder where you are
I’m so lonesome I could cry

Tontos podem sempre ficar mais tontos

Há alguns dias, foi em 8 de dezembro, o diário The Washington Post publicou artigo com o título “Why doesn’t Argentina have more black players in the World Cup?”, ou seja, “Por que a Argentina não tem mais jogadores pretos na Copa do Mundo?”. A autora é uma tal de Erika Denise Edwards, professora na Universidade do Texas, câmpus de El Paso.

Só pelo título do texto já se pode notar duas coisas. Primeira: a confirmação do que diz a letra do tango Cambalache: “qualquer um é doutor, qualquer um é senhor”. Segunda: a ignorância dos ianques a nosso respeito: eles não sabem nada sobre nós.

A autora, uma tonta, adjetivo que fica perfeito nela, não se inteirou de que, na Argentina, a lei do ventre livre data de 1813. Isto se deu, pois, 150 anos antes da aprovação de lei semelhante nos Estados Unidos. Ela não sabe que os pretos se mesclaram com os brancos, não sabe que dessa mescla surgiram os “morochos”. Esse tipo de simbiose foi tão notória que ainda se recitam nas áreas rurais os versos seguintes:

La desgracia de los negros no es tener la piel oscura

La desgracia de los negros es que quieren a las rubias.

A tal professora ignora que “Negro” é palabra afável na Argentina. Aqui os amigos podem se tratar de “negros”, como quando dizem “Está fazendo o quê, negro?” ou “Como vai, negro?”. Existe também a expressão “Negro de merda”, é verdade, mas os liberais é que se expressam dessa maneira e o fazem por referência ao povo peronista. Antigamente, esses liberastas chamavam os peronistas de “cabecitas negras”.

Na Argentina, não existe o problema racial que carcome as entranhas dos Estados Unidos. Se fôssemos acreditar no que vemos nos filmes americanos, seríamos levados a pensar que a população dos Estados Unidos tem a pele escura. A realidade é bem outra. Os negros lá não se caldearam com os brancos. O famoso melting pot não deu em nada. A teoria do crisol das raças não se confirmou. O tal cadinho não fundiu nada e acabou derretendo.

Por isso é que os antropólogos sociais de lá lançaram a teoria do multiculturalismo. Segundo esta, o povo não se pode conceber como uma grande maioria, mas sim como muitas pequenas minorias. Segue daí a política de transfusão racial que vai substituindo a antiga maioria dos brancos anglo-saxões protestantes por negros, hispânicos, italianos, irlandeses, árabes… Minorias e subminorias e minorias de subminorias sexuais também são promovidas (novas letras estão sempre sendo somadas ao legebetário: LGBTQIJX2…). Também minorias cosmológicas são muito bem recepcionadas no espírito da diversidade. Este é o caso, por exemplo, dos terraplanistas.

Nós formamos uma sociedade aberta, livre e contraditória. Vivemos suportando uma inflação anual de 100%. Nosso país tem a segunda maior planície cultivável do mundo, mas os pobres são metade da nossa população. Os recursos pesqueiros do nosso litoral estão entre os mais ricos do planeta. Evidentemente, temos também os governantes corruptos mais aladroados de todo o mundo. Além disso, sabemos que esses bandidos nunca verão o Sol nascer quadrado. Os negros não estão entre os nossos problemas. Nossas contradições são de outra ordem, que não envolve o conflito racial, felizmente.

De qualquer modo, há que reconhecer o interesse e a gravidade da temática racial. Aliás, eu quero fazer uma sugestão àquela tonta do The Washington Post. Proponho que ainda antes do fim da Copa do Mundo, se der tempo, ela publique um outro artigo de denúncia sobre a questão da discriminação racial, mas de perspectiva inversa. O título do libelo acusatório poderia ser este: “Por que a seleção do Congo não tem jogadores brancos?”.

___________________

Fonte: BUELA, Alberto. Artículo breve [mensagem pessoal]. Mensagem recebida por <chauke.filho@yandex.com> em 13 dez. 2022. Autor: Alberto Buela (um arkegueta, aprendiz constante). Título original: Siempre se puede ser un poco más tonto. Telecorreio do autor: buela.alberto@gmail.com. Versão brasilesa: Chauke Stephan Filho.

O “putsch” de Reuss na Alemanha

Suponho que o leitor esteja informado dos estranhos acontecimentos que se passaram na Alemanha, recentemente, quando o príncipe Henrique XIII de Reuss e uma vintena de seus conspiradores foram detidos pela polícia política do regime dominante em Berlim. Toda a mídia do sistema dedicou suas manchetes ao suposto pronunciamento de um conciliábulo de radicais de direita empenhados em subverter a sublime ordem da República Federal da Alemanha, a qual serve de modelo para todas as democracias modernas.

Espanta, mas encanta, a reaparição na história do minúsculo e extinto Principado de Reuss, cuja linhagem foi fundada por Erkenberto, senhor de Weida. O imperador Henrique VI decretara que todos os descendentes varões dessa casa chamar-se-iam Henrique. Até o ano de 1300, esses príncipes, que dominavam Weida, Gera, Schleiz e Plauen, foram conhecidos como “Reussen”, ou seja, “Russos”. Isso se deveu ao matrimônio de Henrique de Plauen com Chwihowska, filha de Brzetislav IV Chwihovsky e da princesa ruríquida Maria. No século XV, passaram a ter assento no Colégio de Príncipes do Sacro Império Romano-Germânico como burgrávios de Mísnia. Algumas gerações depois, a casa de Reuss se dividiu em três ramos e conseguiu sobreviver a Carlos V, a Luís XIV, a Frederico o Grande, a Napoleão, a Metternich e a Bismarck. Até 1918, os príncipes de Reuss foram cabeças de gato [ou cabeças de rato, isto é, chefes menores, mas autônomos, por oposição a “colas de león”, ou seja, rabos de leão, metáfora do ditado espanhol para significar chefes menos autônomos de poderes maiores (n. do trad.)] do II Reich, quando seu pequeno Estado se dissolveu na Revolução de Novembro. Todas essas referências, eu as colhi do Almanaque de Gotha, mais confiável do que as tendenciosas e infectas Wikipédias da vida. Os meus familiares mais antigos e tradicionais me diziam que o melhor guia para o conhecimento das coisas da bonne compagnie [círculos sociais da nobreza], guia infalível mesmo, era o velho almanaque de Justus Perthes, o referido Almanaque de Gotha. Não duvido, eu sou fiel às palavras, tradições e preconceitos de meus antepassados. O pequeno problema é que o Gotha deixou de ser publicado na II Guerra Mundial e meus dados possivelmente estejam desatualizados. Melhor assim.

O caso é que, neste último mês, as redações de periódicos alemães começaram a receber informes da polícia política dando conta de uma operação secreta em curso contra um perigosíssimo núcleo de conspiradores, formado pelo príncipe Henrique e uma vintena de zelotes. Foi dado destaque especial à presença da juíza Birgit Malsack-Winkemann na célula subversiva. Ex-deputada do AfD [Alternative für Deutschland: Alternativa para a Alemanha, partido de direita da Alemanha (n. do trad.)], essa senhora foi representada como uma perigosa terrorista, uma Calamity Jane, una Monja Alférez, uma Bonnie sem Clyde, una Hanna Reitsch, uma espécie de Lara Croft. Apesar de um pouquinho avançada em anos, já quase na melhor idade, as credenciais que lhe confere seu conhecimento das artes marciais e da operação de comandos especiais, além de sua habilidade como franco-atiradora, capacitaram-na para tomar de assalto (sozinha!) o Bundestag, “informa” a mídia escrota do regime alemão. Nunca se viu uma trama tão bem ideada desde aquela do famoso Walter nos tempos de O Grande Lebowski. O plano era genial e só a traição de um delator pôde arruiná-lo: cerca de setenta macróbios alemães iriam tomar o controle de um país com 80 milhões de habitantes.

Claro que as perguntas não tardaram. O chanceler social-democrata Scholz não pode deixar de ser parabenizado por haver salvo a democracia alemã — e toda a Europa — de tão perigosa circunstância, mas algumas questões não foram bem explicadas. A primeira é que um segredo conhecido de todas as redações dos periódicos não é um segredo. Qualquer operação verdadeiramente grave é levada a cabo sob rigoroso sigilo, não é anunciada até no Bild. A polícia política do regime alemão cometeu falha grave ao dar tanta publicidade a uma diligência tão delicada. Por outro lado, um putsch de verdade, como aquele de Kapp (1920) ou Hitler (1923), se organiza com o apoio do exército, ou de parte dele, por questão bem simples: sem o apoio dos militares, qualquer intentona golpista está destinada a fracassar. Quando se tenta derrubar um regime pela força, o que não pode faltar é isso mesmo, ou seja… Força. Não que escasseassem militares na reduzida e seleta tropa do príncipe Henrique, na Agincourt particular do prince Harry de Reuss, mas eram velhos milicos já reformados e sem acesso a nenhum armamento mais pesado do que a barriga deles. Sem dúvida, a democracia europeia corre perigo de subversão violenta, haja vista a recente onda de atentados por carta-bomba aqui na Espanha e os golpes de Estado na Alemanha. Devemos, pois, reforçar os poderes da polícia secreta para vigiar a tresloucada militância da extrema direita. Em lugar de atacar os moinhos de vento do islamismo, o melhor a fazer é combater as odiosas realidades das conspirações soberanistas. Estas, sim, devem estar no centro de nossas preocupações como objeto de nosso mais veemente repúdio.

Curioso, também, é o pensamento do príncipe Henrique: conforme este aristocrata, o Principado de Reuss foi suprimido de forma ilegítima por um golpe de Estado (a Revolução de Novembro de 1918), e a atual Alemanha, além disso, não é Estado soberano, pois segue ocupada por seus vencedores ianques, que mantêm a enorme base de Ramstein (50 mil homens), além de outras em Ansbach, Pirmasens, Husterhohe, Weilimdorf e Wiesbaden. A situação colonial da Alemanha decorre do Tratado de Paris (1947), que impôs as condições draconianas da paz, quando já não havia nenhum Estado alemão independente com o qual negociar. A própria Lei Fundamental de Bonn renegava a soberania nacional e a cedia às potências ocupantes, no caso de existir um regime que não fosse do agrado dos vencedores.

A Alemanha que rechaçou há um século o Diktat de Versalhes assume hoje com íntima e firme convicção sua condição de escrava dos Estados Unidos. Um dos grandes erros de Stalin foi pensar em reconstruir a nação alemã, unida e neutra, depois da Guerra.. Nem os anglo-saxôes nem os seus lacaios, como Adenauer, um antigo separatista renano, estavam dispostos a isso. E continuam não querendo uma Alemanha livre. Nessas condições, o príncipe Henrique exige que se restaure um Estado alemão soberano, que lhe seja devolvido Reuss, e que se estabeleça um processo constituinte na Alemanha, concomitantemente ao estabelecimento de verdadeiro tratado de paz com as grandes potências.

Eis o verdadeiro crime do príncipe Henrique: desejar devolver a independência e a soberania à Alemanha. No momento em que Scholz sacrifica a indústria e o bem-estar dos alemães aos interesses dos Estados Unidos, alguém pode imaginar o impacto que pode ter a pitoresca negação da submissão teutônica aos interesses ianques? Não haverá alemães que agora perguntam por que devem sacrificar seu presente e seu futuro no altar dos objetivos puramente egoístas dos Estados Unidos? Não haverá alemães buscando entender o porquê de a Alemanha se encontrar desarmada, quando sofre guerra comercial de Washington, que lhe ataca com verdadeira sanha? Ainda que não seja mais a nação ganhadora dos prêmios Nobel, decerto haverá ainda alguns crânios dolicocéfalos na Alemanha, sobretudo no Leste, que possam conceber a arriscada ideia de recuperar a independência nacional e pôr abaixo o vergonhoso edifício social-democrata, cujo vigamento tem base nas crateras escavadas pelas bombas dos ocupantes ianques. Eles existem, sim, e parece que são cada vez mais numerosos. Essa é a chave para o entendimento do episódio que a mídia representa como estranho e atentatório, buscando demonizar o inofensivo e excêntrico príncipe Henrique. Trata-se de uma mensagem de advertência que o regime alemão manda para os patriotas e dissidentes mais sérios.

Fonte: El Manifiesto. Autor: Sertorio. Título original: El “putsch” de Reuss en Alemania. Data de publicação: 11 de dezembro de 2022. Versão brasilesa: Chauke Stephan Filho.

Jews Who Deny Jewish Guilt for Soviet Crimes Will Go To Hell

A couple of weeks ago, Jewish conservative Dennis Prager went “death con 3” against Nick Fuentes. Although he didn’t produce a quote or a source, Prager accused Fuentes of claiming that a mere “few hundred thousand” Jews were killed in the Jewish Holocaust rather than the canonical figure of six million. The shamelessly manipulative title of his article says it all: “If Holocaust Deniers Don’t Go to Hell, There  is no God.” It’s as if Dennis Prager has a direct line to the Big Man Upstairs, and is informing the unfortunate Mr. Fuentes of the toasty place waiting for him once he buys his Nazi farm in the sky.

The article was certainly a lazy piece of White shaming. Prager could not spare an insult for Black “death con” coiner Kanye West who last month trumpeted his denialism more noticeably than did Fuentes. Prager basically called Jewish Holocaust denial a sin and a lie. He said it was anti-Semitic. He dredged up quotes from Generals Dwight Eisenhower and George Patton, who witnessed actual Jewish suffering and death at the end of the Second World War. Then after a For Dummies summary of anti-Jewish atrocities and a tragic personal anecdote which may or may not have happened, Prager damns Fuentes’ soul to eternal hellfire.

I wonder if Prager’s editor or his readership realize how pernicious this article is. If someone is going to Hell anyway, how much of a sin would it be to strip him of his rights, or incarcerate him without trial, or even kill him? That would be nothing compared to what God has in store for him. It fact, it would be doing God’s work here on Earth. Was Dennis Prager inciting violence against Nick Fuentes? Was he giving the old wink-wink, nudge-nudge to people who might oppress him? Or was he using the Jewish Holocaust like a carrot and stick to coerce Christians into not annoying the American Jewish elite?

See, goyim? Repeat the words “six million” a bunch of times and ya got it made. And if you don’t, well, not only will we make your life be a living Hell, but after you die, you’ll face the real thing.

Either way, it was gob-smackingly arrogant on Prager’s part to assume the role of supernatural traffic cop, determining who gets to go where until the end of time. Does this mean that a person who thinks a mere half million died will be banished to a deeper circle of Hell than someone who sticks to the still-scandalously low tally of 4.5 million? Note also how Prager is directing traffic away from free inquiry. He’s not encouraging people to examine the data and come to their own conclusions. Instead, he and God are pronouncing the mainstream Jewish Holocaust narrative as gospel. Question it even in good faith, and lose your soul.

Well, since one bad turn deserves another, I think I will relieve Monsignor Prager at the intersection of Heaven and Hell and start directing post-reaper traffic in a wholly new direction: If you’re Jewish and you deny Jewish complicity in the formation and atrocities of the Soviet Union, which wasted over 80 million lives over 70 years, then you are evil, you are going to Hell, and you really shouldn’t be too surprised when people start resenting you for it. It’s that pesky little anti-Semitism thing—which never seems go away, does it?

Here is a brief bullet list of things Jews everywhere should feel guilty for (and unlike the sanctimonious obscurant Prager I will provide sources in case anyone wishes to investigate further):

  • Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn describes many 19th century Russian Jews as energetic organizers of revolution. These Jews were, radical, violent, and unstable people who did not shy away from becoming “detonator[s] for the revolution” in both a literal and figurative sense. Contemporaneous sources claim that anywhere from one quarter to one half of all left-wing radicals in pre-revolutionary Russia were Jews. (Two Hundred Years Together, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn. Chapter 6, unofficial translation published at www.twohundredyearstogether.wordpress.com)
  • Jews were vastly overrepresented among the Bolsheviks taking part in the October Revolution. Vladimir Lenin himself attested that the presence of so many intelligent and well-connected urban Jews “saved the Revolution at a difficult time.” (The Jewish Century, Yuri Slezkine. Princeton University Press, 2004. p 155 & 224.)
  • Solzhenitsyn describes how the first Soviet secret police, known as the Cheka, was not only disproportionately Jewish but thoroughly dedicated to terror. It routinely meted out the death penalty without trial, and murdered innocents by the thousands. In striving towards its goal of the “physical extermination of all servants of Czarism and capitalism” the Cheka annihilated entire villages. In the Crimea from 1917 to 1921, which became known as the “All-Russian Cemetery,” the Red Army, led by the Jew Leon Trotsky and his Jewish subordinates Ephraim Sklyanksy and Jacov Sverdlov, murdered between 120,000 and 150,000 people. (Two Hundred Years Together, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn. Chapter 16. Columbus Falco, translator)
  • Solzhenitsyn demonstrates how overpopulated with Jews the early Soviet administrative leadership was. This includes the politburo itself and various executive committees, central committees, and revolutionary congresses. (Two Hundred Years Together, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn. Chapter 18. Columbus Falco, translator)
  • In 1932 and 1933, Lazar Kaganovich, Stalin’s Jewish yes man, was instrumental in the deportation and incarceration of over 268,000 Cossacks and other villagers in the Northern Caucasus. (The Black Book of Communism, Courtois et al. Harvard University Press, 1999. pp 162-163)
  • In 1932, the Jew Naftali Frenkel oversaw the construction of the White Sea-Baltic Canal, and worked to death around 200,000 gulag slaves. Jews made up the majority of the camp’s chief overseers. (Stalin’s War Against the Jews, Louis Rapoport. The Free Press, 1990. p 44)
  • Jews were overrepresented in the murderous Soviet security apparatus during the Great Terror of the 1930s . 42 of the NVKD’s 111 top officials were Jews, and 12 of the NKVD’s 20 directorates during this time, including the gulag system, were headed by Jews. Over two million people lost their lives during the Great Terror. (The Jewish Century, Yuri Slezkine. Princeton University Press, 2004. p 103 & 254.)
  • “An Israeli student finishes high school without ever hearing the name ‘Genrikh Yagoda,’ the greatest Jewish murderer of the 20th century, the GPU’s deputy commander and the founder and commander of the NKVD. Yagoda diligently implemented Stalin’s collectivization orders and is responsible for the deaths of at least 10 million people. His Jewish deputies established and managed the gulag system.” (“Stalin’s Jews,”, Sever Plocker. YNet News, 2006)
  • From 1925 to 1933, the Jew Filipp Goloshchyokin ran the forced collectivization in Kazakhstan, causing a famine known as the “Goloshchyokin genocide,” which killed between one and two million people. (“The Kazakh Famine of 1930-33 and the Politics of History in the Post-Soviet Space”, Elena Volkava. The Kennan Institute, Undated)

This list is hardly comprehensive, but I’m sure it’s enough to demonstrate that unless Dennis Prager also insists we not deny Jewish complicity in the above, he has no room to lecture anyone on how to get into Heaven or Hell.

The double standard here is that Jews get a free pass on collective guilt while White Christians do not. And yes, gentiles have their fair share of guilt from the early Soviet period. But not only were Jews overrepresented among the worst Soviets, but without them, according to Lenin, the most murderous regime in modern history up to that point would never have existed at all. How could any Jew not feel at least a little bit guilty over that?

One can argue that I take the same For Dummies approach Prager does, and then chide me for not digging deeper for nuance. Perhaps this or that particular Jew was not as guilty as he seems (as is probably the case), or perhaps circumstances were a bit more nebulous than I portray (as reality often is). I happily concede this. On the other hand, when gentiles try to ascertain similar nuance with the Jewish Holocaust—and perhaps wish to revise down that six million figure a smidge, or question some of the dubious scholarship surrounding Auschwitz, or note that Amon Göth might have been maligned just a tad in Schindler’s List—they meet with belligerent resistance from Jews like Prager. And Prager is one of the more moderate ones. So if gentiles are prohibited from investigating the Jewish Holocaust for humanizing nuance, why should any gentile give a whit if Jews try to do the same with the Holodomor and the Gulag Archipelago?

Finally, one can argue that the large number of Jews killed by the Soviets (1.5 million during the Stalin era, according to Louis Rapoport) balances out the Jewish perpetrators of the above crimes. The Jewish people, therefore, should be exonerated. If so, then the much larger number of White gentiles killed by the Nazis during the Second World War must also balance out whatever atrocities the Third Reich committed. Such an argument exonerates White people from their sins just as the Jews exonerate themselves from theirs. This should also force Dennis Prager to stop using the Jewish Holocaust as a weapon to control his political opponents.

He should probably stop doing that regardless, lest one day he realize that the person most likely going to Hell is him.

The Outrageous Statements of Jewish Israeli Homosexual Transhumanist Vegan Yuval Noah Harari

In a recent The Occidental Observer essay titled “Life Without Jews: The Amazing Adventures of Israeli Trans-Pedophile and Tampon-Fetishist Jonathan Yaniv,”  author Tobias Langdon recounts the grotesque and perverted—and typically Israeli Jewish—behavior of this being who had the “attention of millions of people around the world” for just one of his/her vile acts.

Inspired by the topic, here we will examine the outrageous behavior of another Israeli Jew who has attracted the attention of many millions around the world. Yuval Noah Harari is described as an “advisor” to the globalist transhumanist cult of power known as the World Economic Forum, whose Executive Chairman Klaus Schwab has openly stated it is developing “a fusion of our physical, biological and digital identities” for all humankind. Amazingly, Harari’s public statements, many of them made from the main stage at the annual World Economic Forum conference where he has become a favorite keynote speaker, are far more outrageous and outraging than even Schwab’s. Almost half the age of Schwab, Harari at 46 is less likely to be an “advisor” than a spokesman for the sociopathic transhumanist futurology the World Economic Forum is not only envisioning, but increasingly imposing over today’s world through its many partners.

Harari’s popularity and influence is immense. From his About website:

Prof. Yuval Noah Harari is a historian, philosopher, and the bestselling author of Sapiens: A Brief History of Humankind, Homo Deus: A Brief History of Tomorrow, 21 Lessons for the 21st Century, and the series Sapiens: A Graphic History and Unstoppable Us. His books have sold 40 Million copies in 65 languages, and he is considered one of the world’s most influential public intellectuals today.

The World Economic Forum’s bio on Harari further boasts that he has published with the Guardian, Financial Times, the New York Times, the Atlantic, the Economist and Nature magazine. New York Times is of course by the Jewish Sulzberger family, the Economist is still 21% owned by the Rothschilds with Evelyn de Rothschild Chairman for over fifteen years until the late 80s, Nature magazine was co-founded by the early transhumanist Thomas Huxley (grandfather of Aldous Huxley, author of Brave New World), the Guardian “has continued its long-standing tradition of liberal [i.e., radical] politics” (primarily globalist), and the Atlantic is currently majority-owned by the Emerson Collective which promotes non-White immigration, works to “combat the achievement gap among students of color,” and engages in “philanthrocapitalism.” Harari has found suitable outlets for his transhumanist ranting, and/or they have found him.

Harari’s first popular book Sapiens is derived from lectures he gave to his undergraduate world history classes. He began his academic career in the program of the Israeli Defense Forces known as Atuda, which allows high school graduates to defer their mandatory conscription in the IDF to attend university, provided they study topics applicable to the military. Harari published such works as “Strategy and Supply in Fourteenth-Century Western European Invasion Campaigns” in the Journal of Military History, and “The Concept of ‘Decisive Battles’ in World History”, among many others. He was exempted from IDF service due to “an undisclosed health problem” but nothing “catastrophic.”

He lives with his husband on a moshav, an agricultural co-operative, outside Jerusalem. Being gay, he says, helped him to question received opinions. “Nothing should be taken for granted,” he has said, “even if everybody believes it.”

Harari’s husband is also his agent and manager, Itzik Yahav. “He likes to say, ‘You don’t understand—Yuval works for me!’” Yahav declined an invitation to have Harari participate in the World Economic Forum, at Davos, in 2017, because the proposed panels were “not good enough.” A year later, when Harari was offered the main stage, in a slot between Angela Merkel and Emmanuel Macron, Yahav accepted.

At his 2018 addresses at the World Economic Forum, Harari’s outrageous statements found their greatest reach. He participated in four speaking events that year, including two panels titled “Questioning Our Human Future” and “Putting Jobs Out of Work.” It was Harari’s keynote lecture “Will the Future Be Human?” that should concern the rest of humanity most. This is Harari’s opening statement:

We are probably one of the last generations of homo sapiens. Within a century or two, Earth will be dominated by entities that are more different from us than we are different from neanderthals or from chimpanzees. Because in the coming generations, we will learn how to engineer bodies and brains and minds.

Harari speaks with certainty and even excitement about processes for which humanity should have a choice. In his view however, this transhumanist future is inevitable.

  • “This will be decided by the people who own the data. Those that control the data control not just the future of humanity, but the future of life itself.”
  • “We have reached the point where we can hack… human beings and other organisms.”
  • “…the rise of machine learning and AI are giving us the necessary computing power. And at the same time, advances in … brain science are giving us the necessary biological understanding.”
  • “You can really summarize 150 years of biological research since Charles Darwin in three words: Organisms are algorithms.”
  • “When the infotech revolution merges with the biotech revolution, what you get is the ability to hack human beings.”
  • “You will not be able to hide from Amazon, Ali Baba and the Social Police.”
  • “Once we have algorithms that understand me better than I understand myself, they could predict my desires, manipulate my emotions, and even take decisions on my behalf. And if we are not careful, the outcome could be the rise of digital dictatorships.”
  • “If democracy cannot adapt to these new conditions, then humans will come to live under the rule of digital dictatorships. Already at present, we are seeing the formation of more and more sophisticated surveillance regimes throughout the world.”
  • “By hacking organisms, elites may gain the power to re-engineer the future of life itself. … This will be the greatest revolution in biology since the beginning of life four billion years ago.”
  • “Science is replacing evolution by natural selection with evolution by intelligent design. Not the intelligent design of some god above the clouds, but our intelligent design. … These are the new driving forces of evolution.”
  • “If we don’t’ regulate (data), a tiny elite may come to control not just the future of human societies, but the shape of life forms in the future.”
  • “As a historian I can tell you two things about the past: … it wasn’t fun … and it’s not coming back. So nostalgic fantasies are really not a solution.”
  • “We had better call upon our scientists, our philosophers, our lawyers and even our poets—or especially our poets—to turn their attention to this big question: how do you regulate the ownership of data? The future not just of humanity but the future of life itself, may depend on the answer to this question.”

Thus Harari ends his address to the WEF in 2018 with a big question. But there can be little question that the answer of who will regulate the data is those “elites” he appears to warn us about. They are the partners in the WEF, which include the world’s most powerful corporations, the governments of most  current nations of the globe, globalist “think tanks” and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), the world’s military and intelligence agencies, and above all, the most wealthy and powerful Jewish banking family dynasties that top the pyramid of power. These are the “elites” who will own and control the data, and from that, everything else. Harari must know this, since he is their spokesman. Knowing his people will dominate the elite, a digital dictatorship is a future he is looking forward to.

Looking through these key statements, we see that Harari dismisses God more thoroughly than Nietzsche, and replaces Him with the technocratic “elites” which include Harari himself. This is a distinctly Judaic concept. He impresses the inevitability of his technocratic future, and asserts that we cannot return to an unpleasant past to avoid the challenge. He ascribes an omnipotence in the future to those who own the data, and conveys a helplessness among the rest of humanity before this ultimate power over all of life. The god-like “elites” are watching, and there will be no escape.

Harari allows for no glitches in the programs, no side effects from the technologic hacking of humanity, no machine failures, no problems except “digital dictatorships.” Critiques of his books however are more scathing. Canadian Professor of Anthropology Christopher Robert Hallpike stated in a review of Sapiens that:

…one has often had to point out how surprisingly little he seems to have read on quite a number of essential topics. It would be fair to say that whenever his facts are broadly correct they are not new, and whenever he tries to strike out on his own he often gets things wrong, sometimes seriously. … [W]e should not judge Sapiens as a serious contribution to knowledge but as ‘infotainment’, a publishing event to titillate its readers by a wild intellectual ride across the landscape of history, dotted with sensational displays of speculation, and ending with blood-curdling predictions about human destiny.

This past summer,  Current Affairs magazine published “The Dangerous Populist Science of Yuval Noah Harari,” which stated: “The best-selling author is a gifted storyteller and popular speaker. But he sacrifices science for sensationalism, and his work is riddled with errors.”

Last month the German Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung called Harari a “brand” created by his partner to sell everything from comic books and children’s stories to videos (a distinctly Jewish approach), and that his fans treat Harari like a “pop star” despite his grim message that humans are obsolete and machines will replace us.

Harari was back as a featured speaker at the World Economic Forum in 2020. He was introduced by the IDF-trained Israeli Jew Orit Gadiesh, who calls herself the “chairman” of Bain Capital (once headed by Mitt Romney), and as I reported in this TOO essay, is on the Board of Trustees of the World Economic Forum. Harari spoke along with the long-time Prime Minister of the Netherlands Mark Rutte, on the topic “How to Survive the 21st Century.” He may have surpassed his 2018 address in outrageous quotes.

  • “…three problems pose existential challenges to our species … nuclear war, ecological collapse and technological disruption.”
  • “…technology may also disrupt human society and the very meaning of human life in numerous ways, ranging from the creation of the global useless class to the rise of data colonialism and of digital dictatorships.”
  • “…automation will eliminate millions upon millions of jobs.”
  • “…the automation revolution … will be a cascade of ever bigger disruptions.”
  • “In the past, humans had to struggle against exploitation. In the 21st century, the really big struggle will be against irrelevance. And it’s much worse to be irrelevant than to be exploited. Those who fail in the struggle against irrelevance will constitute a new useless class. People who are useless, not from the viewpoint of their friends and family of course, but useless from the viewpoint of the economic and political system (sic).  And this useless class will be separated by an ever growing gap from the ever more powerful elite.”
  • “…AI will likely create immense wealth in a few high tech hubs, while other countries will either go bankrupt, or become exploited data colonies.”
  • “…the other major danger we face is the rise of digital dictatorships, which will monitor everybody, all the time.”
  • “We humans should get used to the idea that we are no longer mysterious souls. We are now hackable animals.”
  • “If this power (to hack human beings) falls into the hands of a 21st century Stalin, the result will be the worst totalitarian regime in human history.”
  • “If we allow the emergence of such total surveillance regimes, don’t think that the rich and powerful in places like Davos will be safe.”
  • “…the ability to hack humans might still undermine the very meaning of human freedom.”
  • “…humans will simply not be able to understand the computers’ decisions … [H]umans are likely to lose control over our own lives, and also lose the ability to understand public policy.”
  • “What will be the meaning of human life when most decisions are taken by algorithms?”
  • “If we fail to conceptualize the new hell quickly enough, we might find ourselves entrapped there with no way out.”
  • “…AI and biotechnology will give us god-like abilities to re-engineer life, and even to create completely new life forms.”
  • “Our intelligent design is going to be the new driving force of the evolution of life. In using our new divine powers of creation, we might make mistakes on a cosmic scale. ”
  • “Of course this is not a prophecy. These are just possibilities. Technology is never deterministic.”
  • “To do something effective, we need global cooperation. All the three existential challenges [nuclear war, ecological collapse and technological disruption] that we face are global challenges that demand global solutions.”
  • “If we allow such an arms race to develop in fields like AI and bio-engineering, it doesn’t really matter who wins the arms race. The loser will be humanity.”
  • “In the 21st century, good nationalists must also be globalists.”
  • “If we return there now (the jungle of constant war), our species will probably annihilate itself.”
  • “I very much hope that we can rely on the leaders assembled here, and not on the rats.”

Some of this—even quite a bit of it—may come to be true. We are already seeing increasing gaps between elites and everyone else, surveillance is continually being refined, and already there are powerful forces that seek a dictatorship, digital or otherwise and are eager to rid the public square of traditional freedoms such as free speech. But Harari’s is certainly a dystopian vision that should be resisted at all costs.

The main pattern of Harari’s discourse is fear requiring globalism as a solution. This is the old Hegelian dialectic we have seen many times before, most recently with the Covid pandemic virus as the fear (another invisible menace), and lockdowns and vaccines as the solutions. Harari here admits the possibility of mistakes, but never suggests that his technocratic near future is anything but inevitable. Machines will take over human jobs, and the “useless class” will grow. This is by no means inevitable however, as National Socialist Germany showed with its program of restricting mechanical labor and promoting manual labor in the building of the Autobahn, in order to improve and eventually all but eliminate unemployment. Harari’s techno-future could be heaven, or it could be hell, and even the “rich and powerful” and the “leaders” in Davos could be subject to the hellscape. The closer they are to the peak of the global hierarchy, the more closely they will be watched. That’s how Stalin did it.

Stalin (Dzhugashvili) also had his Jewish “advisors,” and, as the Darling of Davos, Harari will excel among the technocratic elites beside Klaus Schwab, who also was mentored by Jews such as Henry Kissinger and Hermann Kahn, and who also incited fears of global catastrophe. Schwab cites Jewish author Jean-Jacques Servan-Schreiber, who wrote The American Challenge, as a great influence, and Harari cites Jewish author Jared Diamond of Guns, Germs and Steel as his literary influence. As a spokesman for instilling and normalizing the 4th Industrial Revolution that will make humans “hackable animals,” Harari will never become useless like so many of the rest of us. His mad ravings are worshiped among the WEF power elites as revelations straight from the master Machine. But among the rest of us normal humans, Harari must appear a sickly vegan degenerate homosexual  Israeli Jew holding dangerous sociopathic delusions of dystopian grandeur.

Civic Nationalism’s Last Gasp?

The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America
Victor Davis Hanson
Basic Books, 2021

Reviewed by Nelson Rosit

Is Victor Davis Hanson Donald Trump with a Ph.D. in classics? There are certain parallels between the author of The Dying Citizen and the forty-fifth president. While Professor Hanson uses the rubric “citizenship,” Mr. Trump uses the acronym MAGA to describe a renewed civic nationalism that might provide enough centripetal force to hold together this multi-ethnic entity called the United States for a while longer.

Hanson (b. 1953), grew up in the San Joaquin Valley and pursued an academic career. He is now a professor emeritus of classics at Fresno State and a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution, a conservative-leaning think tank. Hanson’s latest book is a cogent articulation of the present policy positions of the establishment Right. It can be used to gauge the policy departure from the McCain-Romney Republicanism of the recent past. The important question, however, is: Can “true citizenship”/MAGA/civic nationalism provide any utility for the cause of White America?

VDH realizes that the United States is in crisis. He terms 2020 a revolutionary year, and believes only shock therapy can save the country. His quick assessment of ailments includes growing economic inequality, open borders, the rise of tribalism, the increasing power of a bureaucratic Deep State, and expanding globalism, all of which threaten to undermine American society. Of course, such a diagnosis begs the question: What is the treatment regimen? No nostrum is prescribed.

In his Introduction Hanson makes some common-sense observations: Self-governance is not an easy task, and to have rights people must assume responsibilities. I think the Founders made the point succinctly when they stressed the need for civic virtue to make a representative republic succeed.

Being a classicist, Hanson gives the reader some ancient history. Athens is usually identified as the first democracy. “Consensual government did not appear until about twenty-seven hundred years ago, most prominently in Athens, twenty-five hundred years after the beginning of large urban settlement in the Near East” (6). At least with VDH you do not get theories such as the African origins of Greek civilization as found in Black Athena,[1] or the Iroquois League being the model for American federalism.

The first chapter deals largely with economics, and, from a conventional-Right perspective, Hanson is pretty solid in this area. A strong middle class is essential for political and social stability. Judging from the context of his remarks Hanson includes the more established blue-collar workers in this middle class. The present economic system features stagnant wages and a raising cost of living that squeezes the middle. Massive immigration at home and outsourcing abroad has contributed to economic insecurity, and Hanson believes this has played a role in the decline of marriage. The author notes that most economic experts—men such as Paul Krugman and Larry Summers—state that high-paying production jobs are leaving America, and not coming back. Hanson does not buy that argument, and neither did former president Trump.

De-emphasizing Race

Chapters Two and Three discuss immigration and ethnicity (tribes), and here Hanson shows his respectable conservative stripes. He is against massive immigration, especially when many enter illegally, because it makes assimilation more difficult. Though he knows better, VDH still proclaims American exceptionalism and the magic dirt theory. He admits: “The few unusual countries, ancient and modern, that have tried to unite diverse tribes without imperial coercion have usually fared poorly” (106). The author does not identify those countries that have not “fared poorly,” but in any case, I would remove the modifier ‘usually’ from the above quote. I would also add that the American empire is definitely willing to use coercion to make its multi-ethnic state work. But if one has faith that the United States will be the exception the laws of history then you believe everything will work out in the end. The magic dirt corollary posits that when natives from dysfunctional societies such as Somalia and El Salvador reach the U.S., they will not replicate the cultural characteristics of their homelands, but will instead become model Americans. So far, all the data are against the magic dirt theory.

Due to the author’s belief in assimilation, he differentiates between multiracialism which he approves and multiculturalism which he opposes. A racialist would counter that culture is, in part, a racial construct. Large numbers of migrants who are genetically distant from the majority population make assimilation impossible. But VDH sees tribalism as “reactionary to the core” while clinging to his utopian hopes for these genetically distant migrants: the answer to growing tribalism in the United States is “true citizenship . . . that diminishes the power of ethnic identification and race” (112).

Hanson rightly criticizes the Left for trying to rewrite American history. Yet he indulges in the same practice to support his assimilationist project. He claims: “The United States has always cherished its universally applicable melting-pot ethos of e pluribus unum” (107). Of course, the U.S. has not always had a universalist ethos (e.g., the 1924 immigration restriction law), and the phrase e pluribus unum originally referred to uniting the several former colonies into one nation.

Later in the chapter VDH to “talks the talk” by castigating cultural Marxism and social justice warriors, but he misses the main point. He asks, “So why has twenty-first-century American race and gender victimization supplanted doctrinaire Marxist class oppression in the culture of resistance against established norms?” The reality is that it’s all about destroying White political and cultural hegemony, but Hanson, as a mainstream conservative, can’t accept that. He notes that “Today’s social justice warrior apparently would not wish to empathize with a West Virginia coal miner but prefers instead CNN anchor Don Lemon or billionaire rapper Jay-Z” (115)—implicitly referring to the White working class, but not discussing the obvious racial dynamic of a multi-racial left-liberal elite opposed to the White working class.  In fact, it is racial. Is the man being willfully blind? A little further on Hanson almost stumbles upon the answers his own question, but again the obvious conclusion eludes him. He notes that “old Marxism had once sought to transcend race” (117). Yes, it tried, but it failed to transcend race, and a similar fate will befall the author’s solution of “true citizenship,” because race is an essential human characteristic.

VDH realizes the purpose of the Left’s “assaults on traditional commemoration—from holidays to statues to eponymous street names—is to redefine the past as a way of recalibrating the future” (119)—George Orwell said it best in Nineteen-Eighty-Four: “Who controls the past controls the future: who controls the present controls the past.” But he fails to note these assaults are part of the war on White America The denigration of traditional heroes is, in effect, a psyop against White America.

In keeping with his non-racial civic nationalism Hanson believes “the worst thing about identity politics as currently practiced by the left is that it has stimulated the rise of identity politics on the right” (125). Okay, the Right is always responding to developments on the Left. I would call this a law of political science: The Right is always reactive, though not necessary reactionary. So Edmund Burke, father of modern conservatism, was reacting to the French Revolution, Mussolini was reacting to Lenin, and the January 6th rioters were reacting to the George Floyd riots of 2020. VDH claiming that White self-defense against attacks is worse than the attacks themselves! But race does not really exist, so what is the fuss about? Ignoring all the population genetic studies showing clear genetic clusters corresponding to traditional racial categories, he resorts to simply asserting that “it is difficult to agree upon a definition of what ‘white’ actually is, given that it is not necessarily aligned with superficial appearance” (127). I guess that if it cannot be defined to VDH’s satisfaction, it doesn’t actually exist.

The Deep State

Once Hanson gets away from the issue of race, he begins to make more sense, and in Chapter Four he deals with the Deep State. For decades mainstream political science textbooks have discussed the vast discretionary authority wielded by unelected, upper-level bureaucrats, not to mention the power of the military-industrial complex. However, when the Right began to criticize these entities as the Deep State, it was immediately labeled nothing but a conspiracy theory. Likewise, one can celebrate the growing ethnic diversity of America, but if it is termed “The Great Replacement,” it is a conspiratorial hoax. In his opposition to powerful centralized bureaucracy and other unelected institutions, I detect some libertarian leanings in his attitude toward government. My own view is that government is simply a vehicle; who is behind the wheel is what matters. There’s nothing inherently wrong with centralized government. Government is a vehicle that can take you where you want to go, or it can careen off a cliff.

Trump

Hanson is generally pro Trump in a nuanced way. In 2019 he published The Case for Trump in which he wrote that, although a flawed character, the president had a coherent agenda and had implemented much of it.[2] By 2019 almost everyone on the Dissident Right was very disappointed with Trump, some bitterly so. There were several reasons why Trump failed to meet expectations, and certainly opposition from the Deep State was one. In 2016–17 Trump, the tough guy New York real estate mogul, was a babe in the woods.

As a political novice who ran against both the Democrats and the GOP establishment Trump struggled to find talented and loyal administrators to fill top executive branch positions. His newly appointed National Security Advisor Ret. General Michael Flynn was the victim of a “government ambush” (171). The legitimacy of Trump’s 2016 election was questioned by the Russian Collusion Hoax. Robert Mueller put together “perhaps the most high-powered and experienced team of investigators even assembled by the Department of Justice” (174). After 22 months and 40 million dollars no Russian collusion with members of the Trump campaign was found.

After the failure of the Mueller investigation, impeachment was the next tactic used to hamstring the Trump presidency and render him un-reelectable.  During the Trump administration members of the executive branch exhibited “an unabashed audacity” in resisting the authority of the president. For example, former FBI Director James Comey wrote a book, A Higher Loyalty, which “publicized the deep state’s sanctimonious notion that violating laws and protocols in service of its own purported higher ethical agendas . . . was more than justified” (184).

The Constitution

Hanson shares with American conservatives a reverence for the U.S. Constitution. It is almost a fetish. I certainly hold the Founding Fathers in the highest esteem, but if the Constitution is our salvation, we would not be in the predicament we are in now. The Constitution is open to differing interpretations, and it can be and has been amended. Nevertheless, the document does act as an impediment to radical change from the Left. Hanson sums up the Left’s position: “[W]hy let old white men of a bygone age continue, from their graves, to impose their ossified values on a far more enlightened, ethnically and racial diverse, and knowledgeable twenty-first century nation?” (217).

According to Hanson several parts of the Constitution are vulnerable to being dismantled or circumvented. The Electoral College, an integral component of our federalist system, is one example, and the erosion of the First Amendment through “hate speech” restrictions is another. The technique used in the latter case is “freedom of speech, not reach.” The First Amendment prohibits government interference with free speech, but the Left believes that “the media, publishing, and especially Big Tech . . . have the right—and sometimes the responsibility—to apply codes of conduct and censorship in their own domains” (243). The Left also believes in the legitimacy of applying pressure on media companies to censor speech by government actor, as indicated in the recent revelations on the role of the FBI in getting Twitter and other media companies to censor the Hunter Biden laptop story, and the role of the Biden administration in getting Twitter to censor Covid-related opinions. Abridgment of the Second Amendment is also a concern of the author who believes that “the Founders in some sense saw the Second Amendment as the most important of the Bill of Rights” (251).

Another legal issue worrying Hanson is what he calls the new nullification, or what could simply be termed selective law enforcement. There are sanctuary cities that “seek to render elements of federal immigration law null and void” (254). Then there is the “de facto nullification” of giving rioters “space” for violent protests involving assaults, looting, and arson. The practice became official policy in April 2015 during the Freddie Gray riots in Baltimore when than mayor Stephanie Rawlings-Blake ordered city police to stand down in the face of mayhem. This approach became widespread in late spring and summer of 2020 during the Floyd riots when virtue-signaling mayors in cities such as Minneapolis, Portland, and Seattle refused to enforce laws protecting lives and property. In the case of Minneapolis, the pronouncements of Mayor Jacob Frey actually helped to incite violence in his city.

Globalism

Chapter Six deals with globalism. Here is, perhaps, one of the big changes that has occurred within the conventional Right since the McCain-Romney days. (Of course, Mitt Romney is still a Republican senator, so obviously the transformation was only partial). Under true citizenship/MAGA, the globalist policies of free trade, open borders, and offshoring have been replaced, at least in theory, with America First. Hanson defines globalism as simply “putting global concerns above national interests” (269). Globalism, championed by Western elites, dilutes VDH’s concept of true citizenship. Globalists are “post-citizens” who wish to transcend the boundaries of race, sex, and nationality. According to the author, organizing international relations around nation states is not ideal, but it “is the least pernicious system compared to the alternatives” (272).

It is not just that globalism has hurt the US with “lost jobs, investments, control over borders, and national cohesiveness,” it has resulted in “eroded indigenous customs and traditions the world over” (281). Hanson continues: “the global creed has destroyed the ancient idea of localism and regionalism as central to the human experience.” Globalists do not value the “unique traditions, ancestries, local histories—and differences” of particular locales (302).

The hubris of the globalists is particularly galling to VDH. They see themselves as the new elite whose education, training, and values entitle them to guide world affairs. Despite their lofty opinions of themselves, the author observes that the globalists of WHO failed completely to contain Covid-19. VDH considers NATO as part of, and perhaps a principal enforcer of, the globalist project. He quotes NATO’s first Secretary-General Lord Hastings Ismay who described the organization’s mission as “to keep the Russians out, the Americans in, and the Germans down” (297). No mention of containing communism. The Great Replacement is one of the results of globalism. Hanson does not use the term, but he relates how Bill Kristol, the Jewish neo-conservative pundit, declared that there was “a need to replace an increasingly pathological American white working class” with immigrants (291).

Epilogue

The book ends with an epilogue obviously written sometime after the main text. Here Hanson again discusses Trump, along with the 2020 election, January 6th, and the Biden administration. Though generally supportive, VDH expresses mixed feelings about the former president who could be “an idealistic populist, a rank cynic, a canny pragmatist, neither, or a combination of the three” (324). Once more, Trump was a bit naive, he “under-appreciated” and at times “seemed oblivious” to the political forces arrayed against him (326). Being a political outsider, he had no cadre of experienced and knowledgeable people to fill key administrative positions. Plus his “mercurial persona” and “often off-putting behavior” made him difficult to work with.

Hanson expresses doubts regarding the legitimacy of the 2020 election. Tens of millions of people voted by mail “with far less audit of signatures, addresses, and deadlines” than in the past. Voting by mail is “fraught with dangers of fraud and a general inability to authenticate voter eligibility and identification” (336).

As for the January 6th capitol protests, Hanson points to an obvious factor that the mainstream media and the political establishment refuse to acknowledge. By justifying the violence during the so-called “racial reckoning” of 2020, the Left created the climate for the assault on the capitol in January 2021. The protesters that day were poorly led, if indeed there was any real leadership at all. Some thought that violence was the way to be heard, that this was the way it is done now, this is how you do it. They did not realize that those rules only applied to the other side. As VDH puts it: “[T]he Left had for months contextualized the mayhem of Antifa and BLM and therefore should not have been surprised when others were emboldened to follow their violent example. The public was left with the general impression that, for political reasons, violence in the streets was being condoned and perpetrators not held to account for their illegal actions” (340).

Conclusion 

So, having considered Hanson’s “true citizenship,” which I have equated with MAGA/civic nationalism, we return to the question posed at the start:  Is this movement an on ramp to explicit White advocacy? Or is it a dead end? As Yogi Berra opined: “It’s tough to make predictions, especially about the future,” but I believe Trumpism will fade and will prove to be the last gasp for civic nationalism.

There are several reasons for this prediction: It will be difficult to have Trumpism without Trump, and his future is uncertain at best. For all his faults Trump is an authentic personality and seemed to have a unique ability to incite the Left. Meanwhile possible successors, such as Ron DeSantis, smack of opportunism. Of course, the Romney wing of the Republican Party never went away and they are working day and night to return to the pre-2016 business-as-usual approach. But the main reason that civic nationalism will fail to deliver is its refusal to face the reality of race and the importance of racial differences in human affairs.

Whatever happens, politics will not return to pre-2016 status quo ante. There are long-term trends, such as political and social polarization, that appear to be accelerating. Political violence, practiced by the Left since the “long hot summers” of the 1960s and more recently taken up by Antifa and BLM, has spread to elements of the political Right and could intensify. Due to selective law enforcement, however, violence, other than in self- defense, is likely to be counterproductive for the Right. Is there a role for the Republican Party to move a White agenda forward? As alluded to above, the neo-conservatives are working hard to regain full control of the party, and they hold the purse strings. But do they have the votes? American political parties are subject to change—a century ago, the Democrats were the White man’s party, and the Republicans, the party of Lincoln, received the Black vote. In any case, voting is without risk or cost and takes very little time or effort so any return on such a small investment is a plus.

In the final analysis electoral politics will only go so far in bringing about fundamental societal change. As Andrew Breitbart wrote: “Politics is downstream from culture.” People need to live the change they want. One encouraging trend sees White Americans moving to areas of the country that they find more politically and socially congenial, hopefully creating supportive networks. Liberal journalist Bill Bishop has termed this The Big Sort.[3] While others call it an ingathering.[4] This is where Hanson’s true citizenship might be most applicable, becoming civically engaged at the local level to build healthy White communities.


[1] Martin Bernal, Black Athena: The Afroasiatic Roots of Classical Civilization, Rutgers University Press, 1987.

[2] Victor Davis Hanson, The Case for Trump Basic Books, 2019.

[3] Bill Bishop, The Big Sort: Why the Clustering of Like-Minded America is Tearing Us Apart, Mariner Books (2009).

[4] See for example: Eric Paulson, “Nine Reasons for an Ingathering,The Occidental Observer (November 3, 2010).

Extremismo judeu: a quinta-coluna

O perigoso extremismo de Israel não tem por fundamento nenhuma figura individual mais influente de sua política, não deriva de nenhuma eminência parda ou vermelha daquela sociedade, como bem escreveu Joshua Leifer no seu artigo intitulado Israel’s New Kingmaker Is a Dangerous Extremist, and He’s Here to Stay, publicado em The New York Times no dia 07NOV2022. Ao contrário de supostas fontes pessoais do ódio, o que existe em Israel como causa principal de seu extremismo é o próprio supremacismo judeu em si mesmo. Esta forma de dominação ramifica-se no corpo político de praticamente todos os países do Ocidente. O governo sujeito a tal controle acabou sendo designado pela redução já bastante conhecida de ZOG, ou seja, Zionist Occupied Government [acrônimo aportuguesado: “Zogue” (n. do trad.)].

A mídia zogue apregoa, ilimitadamente, que os Estados Unidos estariam infestados de terroristas da extrema-direita doméstica. No entanto, faltam evidências para a comprovação dessas afirmações, a não ser que se considere como “evidência” a palhaçada que se passou no circo que foi o “julgamento” daqueles envolvidos nos acontecimentos do 6 de Janeiro [de 2021] por seleta comissão parlamentar. O referido artigo do NYT indica claramente que, na verdade, o país mais coalhado de racistas, etnonacionalistas e terroristas domésticos de extrema-direita é Israel. Eles podem.

A esquerda liberal, buscando tocar o terror psicológico, alardeia, apoplecticamente, que Trump houvera encarnado o espírito de Hitler. Ao contrário disso, porém, e na mesma medida, os fatos vistos a maior distância temporal mostram que nunca houve a menor possibilidade de Trump dar uma de Hitler e agir como um führer. Trump não tem o genoma de um homem forte. Ele é só um vulgar narcisista representando o papel de demagogo que o zogue lhe determinou. O verdadeiro totalitarismo vem do acatamento dos democratas à “autoridade” dos judeus, determinados a destruir a nossa sociedade por suas despóticas políticas “plandêmicas” e seu absolutista marxismo cultural. A intenção deles é superar as limitações da nossa natureza, pelo que seu cajado segue nos tangendo para os horizontes mais distantes e amplos do transumanismo de seus sonhos molhados.

O artigo de The NYT refere que existe amplo acordo entre os judeus quanto à “necessidade” de “remover ou transferir os árabes para fora de Israel”. Em que isso difere do Acordo de Transferência de Haavara, nos anos trintas, que resultou da colaboração entre nazistas e judeus? Sem nenhuma evidência a seu favor, os gasistas do holocausto (perdoem o trocadilho) querem fazer crer que o esforço para expulsar os judeus da Alemanha terá consistido numa política de extermínio dos judeus. Ah! Essa é boa! Isso aí é só um típico caso de projeção (Freud explica). Na verdade, a agenda da expulsão e do extermínio é aquela que o Estado Judeu vem implementando há décadas, impiedosamente, contra os palestinos.

No intento de criar uma Nova Ordem Mundial, obediente ao seu próprio poder unipolar, que dele faria uma espécie de “rei da montanha”, o Ocidente deixou-se enganar pelos Governos sob Ocupação Sionista, que o levaram a se confrontar com outras duas superpotências: a Rússia e a China. Os Estados Unidos são a cidade que os supremacistas judeus estão destruindo, insidiosamente, pela desinformação de que a nossa salvação dependeria da derrota da Rússia. A nossa Nação e as nossas tradições democráticas estão sendo transformadas numa espécie de Palestina do Primeiro Mundo.

Vladimir Putin não é nenhum anjinho, mas muitos de seus compatriotas veem-no como o herói da luta épica contra a dominação ocidental do mundo. Com efeito, a Rússia desafia a hegemonia ocidental, colocando-se à frente do combate em defesa da visão eurasiana dos negócios mundiais. O chefe russo trata de recuperar a soberania dos Estados para nova organização do mundo, mais branda e inclusiva, conforme preconizam alguns dos maiores teóricos geopolíticos da Rússia.

Um deles é, por exemplo, o falecido Lev Gumilev. Respeitadíssimo acadêmico, ele foi o criador de uma notável teoria etnogênica. Esse etnogenista chegou à compreensão das causas que levam os judeus talmúdicos à condição de concitadores da destruição em qualquer lugar onde estiverem.

Outro brilhante intelectual, este bastante mais popular, é o filósofo e geopolítico Alexander Dugin. Ele dedica o seu trabalho à promoção da sociedade tradicionalista em oposição ao projeto globalista do Great Reset. As ideias de Dugin pareceram tão perigosas para os seus inimigos que eles o tentaram matar na explosão de um carro-bomba. Não conseguiram, mas a filha de Dugin (Darya Dugina) estava no carro e morreu no atentado, em 20AGO2022, na cercania de Moscou.

Outra grande figura é Sergey Glazyev, economista mundialmente reconhecido. Ele foi o criador de novo sistema monetário tendo por premissa a segurança, a estabilidade e a satisfação dos povos em condições internacionais de maior paridade. Buscando a multipolaridade como ideal, o grande economista desafia o sistema unipolar atual, dominado pelos bandidos ocidentais reunidos em máfias como a BlackRock e o World Economic Forum (WEF).

Na presente configuração internacional binária, é forçoso que estejamos alinhados com a Rússia, a China e o Sul Global, contra a agenda unipolar e totalitária que a etnocracia judaica tenta impor a todo o mundo. Ao longo de sua história, os judeus têm financiado ambos os contendores da luta política. Não está sendo diferente agora. Eles tentam romper alguns dos elos centrais mais fortes da corrente da resistência multipolar, ou seja, a Rússia e a China. Com o poder financeiro do aríete neoliberal, os sionistas tentam derrubar a muralha da China. Se o conseguem, o gigante amarelo estará sob sua influência. Essa possibilidade é assustadora. Os judeus vem agindo insidiosamente ao longo dos anos para transformar essa possibilidade em realidade. Um comentarista já observou que a China segue sendo envolvida como parte menor nos negócios do Poder Judeu. Ele diz que “Culpar a China sem ter em vista os judeus é o mesmo que ver Robin, mas não o Homem-Morcego”, fazendo uma brincadeira com coisa séria.

Conforme se esperava desde a abertura dos mercados chineses que fizera Kissinger, o país asiático encontra-se agora infestado de bandidos da banca, que esfregam suas mãos, ansiosos para agadanhar a vasta riqueza da China com que podem dominar o mundo. Os chefes chineses deixar-se-ão enganar por essa canalha? A China será a avenida por onde passará a elite de judeus organizada na BlackRock para ter acesso à Yellow BRICS Road? [trocadilho: a autora brinca com a antiga canção de 1973 “Goodbye yellow bricks road”, de Elton John (n. do trad.)]. Ou irá a China se valer da sabedoria taoísta para reconhecer os agentes talmúdicos no seu interior, por cujo disfarce fazem parecer que ali estão com o propósito de realizar o compadecido princípio judaísta do tikum olam?

Muitos não ocidentais tomam por correta a teoria etnogênica de Gumilev, segundo a qual os judeus sempre trazem más notícias para a humanidade. O judeu de menos elevado nível social — com quem os seus irmãos da elite não aceitariam nenhuma causa comum e, se assim ditasse os seus interesses, poderiam até empurrá-lo para debaixo de um ônibus — deve buscar alguma composição com os não judeus nesse que é um embate escatológico. Os judeus mais conscientes precisam, por exemplo, denunciar a difamante ADL [Anti-Defamation League, organização supremacista judaica (n. do trad.)] pela perseguição que move contra Kanye West e outros que se atrevem a rasgar o manto de silêncio sobre a vastidão e a profundeza do Poder Judaico.

Agora que o golpe de Estado tecnocrático da plandemia covidiana aproximou ainda mais o Povo Eleito do controle global, é de suma importância que os cidadãos do mundo, entre os quais podem estar os judeus não sionistas, saibamos da condição etnossocial que leva alguém a fazer o que fez Samuel Bankman-Fried [especulador e bandido “filantrópico” judeu (n. do trad.)]. Sem tal consciência — que a mídia hegemônica judaica ataca com a desinformação e a censura — estaremos todos “Fritos” [aqui, a autora brinca com mais esse trocadilho: Fried, o sobrenome do golpista judeu, em inglês, quer dizer “frito” (n. do trad.)]. Nós necessitamos, imperiosamente, compreender que a civilização e a própria natureza encontram-se sob extremo risco neste momento. O perigo vem das quintas colunas judaicas. Elas continuam a sonhar o velho sonho de dominar o mundo. E, aleivosamente, agem para transformar o seu sonho em realidade.

Fonte: The Occidental Observer. Autora: Esther Watcher. Título original: Exposing fifth-column extremism. Data de publicação: 26 de novembro de 2022. Versão brasilesa: Chauke Stephan Filho.