Russian Nationalism on the Rise, Despite Putin Crackdown

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Decemeber 6, 2011; copyright by Preston Wiginton

An recent  interview with Russian nationalist leader Alexander Belov.

Parliamentary elections in Russia took place on December  4 under a great of scrutiny from external observers and nationalist dissidents inside Russia. Nationalists face an increasing crackdown by the Putin regime which has recently banned a number of nationalist protest groups despite a huge turnout for the recent annual Russian March which attracted thousands of Russian nationalists and patriots from various groups.

The election results indicate that Putin’s United Russia party has lost support (losing 77 seats) but they still have an absolute majority of seats in the Russian Duma. The full result is as follows: United Russia: 238 seats; Communist; 92 seats: Just Russia (Social Democrats); 64 seats: Liberal Democrats (nationalist) 56 seats.

Below is an exclusive interview with one of Russia’s most prominent Nationalist activists, Alexander Belov. The interview is conducted by Preston Wiginton, a former participant in the Russian March who lives in the United States.

Hello Alexander,

Congratulations on a successful Russian March.

I would like to ask you some questions concerning the Russian March and the current condition of Russia.

1. According to the media, there were about 5,000 people on the March. What was the real turnout?

The media quoted different figures. From 5,000 to 20,000 people. Major media outlets have referred to a representative of the Ministry of Interior who claimed 7000 attended the march. I believe that the actual number of participants was more than fifteen thousand people

2. After the events at the Manege Square in Moscow last year, which resulted in clashes between nationalists and the police over illegal immigration, and due to the upcoming presidential elections and elections to the Duma, was there more value in the Russian March this year?

Events at the Manege Square have become iconic for Russian nationalists and influenced the attitude of many open-minded citizens. The absence of fair elections is also a factor for active citizenship. Read more

The Empire Attacks Ron Paul

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The Iowa  vote is fast approaching, and with a possibility that Ron Paul could come out on top, the media is in full-fledged attack mode. Following pieces in The New Republic, The Weekly Standard, and the LA Times (pop quiz: What do these media outlets have in common?), the New York Times chimes in with “Paul Disowns Extremists’ Views but Doesn’t Disavow the Support,” by Jim Rutenberg and Serge F. Kovaleski. The goal is to link Paul to Don Black, Willis Carto, and, most of all, David Duke. The formula is simple: Start with a couple of old, fairly innocuous  old items from the Ron Paul Survival Report—including a concern about car-jackings by “urban youth” that ends by warning that “the animals are coming”;  and “a lament about ‘The Disappearing White Majority.” It then veers into some writing by Murray Rothbard and Lew Rockwell that did not appear in Ron Paul’s newsletter but has the virtue of linking Paul’s libertarianism with David Duke:

Mr. Rothbard called for a “Right Wing Populism,” suggesting that the campaign for governor of Louisiana by David Duke, the founder of the National Association for the Advancement of White People, was a model for “paleolibertarianism.”

“It is fascinating that there was nothing in Duke’s current program or campaign that could not also be embraced by paleoconservatives or paleolibertarians,” he wrote.

Arguing that too many libertarians were embracing a misplaced egalitarianism, Mr. Rockwell wrote in Liberty magazine: “There is nothing wrong with blacks preferring the ‘black thing.’ But paleolibertarians would say the same about whites preferring the ‘white thing’ or Asians the ‘Asian thing.’ ” Read more

The Balkanization of the System: Ernst Jünger and the Endtimes, Part 3

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Ernst Jünger (left) with German legal scholar and author, Professor Carl Schmitt in Paris, 1943

Jünger’s alter ego, the Anarch, should not be surprised at the sight of a new Holy Alliance between the Merchant and the Commissar, between Big Business and the Left. The Left favors mass immigration because immigrants, in its eyes, represent the substitute symbol of the new proletariat. For the capitalist it is also advantageous to bring people from the Third World countries into Europe and America. As Alan de Benoist notes, “big business has reached its hand to the far-left, the former aiming at dismantling of the welfare state, considered to be too costly, the latter killing off the nation-state considered to be too archaic.”

For this reason alone neither the Middle Easterners nor the Africans are to be blamed for the balkanization of Europe and America; rather the System and its politicians, the so-called capitalist “super-class” must be held accountable for the process of balkanization and the coming endtimes of the West. Big business, run by the White oligarchy in Europe and America, seconded by the guilt-ridden post-Christians on the one hand, and followed by the endorsement of racial promiscuity by the Left on the other, only bestow further legitimacy for the arrivals of millions upon millions of non-European new immigrants.

If White Europeans and Americans ever wish to reestablish their own racial sovereignty, they must demystify the first foe: capitalism. Foreign immigration will stop as soon as immigrants find out that the System’s economy has run out of fuel. In the last analysis, the entire legitimacy of the System has rested on the dogma of permanent economic progress. Read more

The Balkanization of the System: Ernst Jünger and the Endtimes, Part 2

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Ernst Jünger (1895 –1998)

Unfortunately, many self-proclaimed White racialists think they can fight the System by violent means. Jünger’s sovereign type of a nonconformist wisely watches from his watchtower and waits for the right moment before he strikes. Perhaps one could learn some lessons from the rebels in the Vendée province during the French Revolution, or from Balkan outlaws during the Turkish occupation stretching from the 16th to 19th century. Those rebellious “sovereign individuals” lived as peasants one day, but were ready, the day after, to take up arms. In a similar vein, one hundred years ago, the Italian anti-liberal sociologist, Vilfredo Pareto, obliquely suggested how to confront the feelings of uprootedness in the liberal System: “Whoever becomes a lamb, will find a wolf to eat him.” (“Dangers of Socialism,” The Other Pareto (1980, p. 125).

Naturally, that does not presuppose that a nonconformist must leave a life of the wolf all the time in order to beat the System. Only the time flow will tell which figure of dissent best fits a particular historical moment. The sheep’s clothing can sometimes come in handy.

With the approaching endtimes many Europeans and Americans will be compelled to practice the talent of survival regardless of their wolfish or unwolfish nature. For some this may mean borrowing a type of Jünger’s sovereign individual living in the forest, or somewhere on the marble cliffs in Dover or in Colorado, and contemplate passively the horror of the endtimes. For some, that would entail the detachment from all political or tribal ties, yet remaining constantly on the alert against the intruders. Jünger remained his entire life a very circumspect man, a natural born loner, always on his solitary watchtower, always observing in the capacity of a seismographer the approaching endtimes, yet never actively participating in violent activities and never attempting to arrest or roll back the endtimes.

Of course this may pose a moral problem for would-be young White non-conformists who can barely tolerate the mendacity of the System. One can take again the example of Jünger and examine his role during the National Socialist rule in Germany. Very obliquely he explains his rejection of National Socialism in his allegoric and autobiographic novel On the Marble Cliffs. Read more

The Balkanization of the System: Ernst Jünger and the Endtimes, Part 1

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Ernst Jünger (1895 –1998)

It seems that the prognoses about the imminent death of the West were not just a favorite topic of the German philosopher of history Oswald Spengler, the author of the much acclaimed The Decline of the West. In times of great geopolitical disruptions and social polarizations, such as those sweeping now over Europe and the USA, predictions about a pending catastrophe seem to be a cherished subject among countless intellectuals, especially those who portray themselves as traditionalists or nationalists, or even worse, those who are portrayed by their detractors as  White racists or radical right-wingers. In a flurry of philosophical prose dealing with the purported balkanization of the West, and announcing the apocalyptic endtimes, one could single out the name of Ernst Jünger, a late German essayist and novelist, whose name was once associated with the so-called conservative intellectual revolution in Weimar Germany, and who is today eulogized by all sorts of White nationalists and traditionalists as a leading figure in understanding the endtimes of the West.

A subject that also needs some clarification is the word “balkanization,” a word whose lexical and conceptual connotations over the last decades has come to be associated not just with state fragmentation, but also with ethnic and racial turmoil. How could Ernst Jünger and some of his types of “dissenting sovereign individuals” be relevant in understanding and combating unparalleled racial changes that have occurred in Europe and America over the last three decades? As a man of considerable foresight, but also of insight, Jünger contemplated different types of nonconformist individuals—people that stood up to the System at different historical times and in different political environments. However, nowhere in his voluminous work did Jünger envision the racial turmoil which is soon likely to bring Europe and America into a real cycle of chaos. Read more

Ian Morris on Why the West Rules…For Now

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Ian Morris is professor of classics and history at Stanford University. His latest book entitled Why the West Rules — For Now: The Patterns of History and What They Reveal about the Future was published in 2010. The British-born Morris attempts in his book to explain why “the West” has exercised global dominance without parallel in history over the past two centuries. His overriding concern, in this endeavor, is to debunk any “racist theories” that could possibly account for this Western dominance. Morris observes that in the 18th century “Europeans found that they had a problem: but as problems go, it was not a bad one. They appeared to be taking over the world but didn’t know why.” He notes that many Europeans drew the obvious (and reasonable) inference: Westerners were simply superior to other people, claiming that “For 200 years this thought cheered up western imperialists as they battled malaria, mosquitoes, and ungrateful natives, and still has a few champions today. But thanks to two sciences — archeology and genetics — we now know that it is clearly, unambiguously wrong” (p. 33). In making this unwarranted assertion Morris proves himself and the thesis of his book to be clearly, unambiguously wrong. (See also Ricardo Duchesne’s scathing review at Reviews in History.)

Morris writes that “Proclaiming racist theories contemptible is not enough. If we really want to reject them, and to conclude that people (in large groups) really are much the same it must be because racist theories are wrong, not just because most of us today do not like them” (pp. 50–51). A central proposition of his book is that the falsification of the multiregional theory of human evolution by studies of mitochondrial DNA, which supports the “out of Africa” single origin theory of human evolution, debunks any notion that White racial traits played a role in the rise of the West. For Morris, it is axiomatic that “If modern humans replaced Neanderthals in the Western Old World and Homo erectus in the Eastern regions without interbreeding, racist theories tracing contemporary Western rule back to prehistoric biological differences must be wrong” (p. 70). He acknowledges that modern Eurasians share 1 to 4 percent of their genes with the Neanderthals “but everywhere from France to China it is the same 1 to 4 percent.” He notes that other racial groups like modern Africans have no Neanderthal DNA, but that “the implications of this are yet to be explored” (P. 60). Read more

Negroid immigration in Holland: Antilleans and Somalis compared

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Until the 1970s there was no significant Negro presence in Holland. In the 1970s the first wave came from Surinam, in the 1980s the second wave from the Antilles and in the 1990s the third wave from Somalia. Since elites in the media and academic world never tire of saying that mass immigration is beneficial to the receiving country, it is good to put this thesis to the test using publicly available government sources and applying it to Negro migration. As the government uses regions of origin instead of ethnicity, we leave Surinamese out, because this group is composed of Whites, Blacks and Hindus. It is more interesting to use Antilleans and Somalis, because they are ethnically pure groups and they are both Negroid. These groups are particularly interesting because the Antilleans are descendants of African slaves under the White colonial regime. It will come as no surprise that it is common in the media and among intellectuals to claim that the reason for the backwardness of the Antilleans is that they were enslaved by Whites.  On the other hand, this argument fails to apply to the Somalis because they were not brought as slaves from Africa. Read more