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Fatal Antigone: Between Modern Lawfare and Cursed Heredity 

July 3, 2024/11 Comments/in Featured Articles/by Tom Sunic, Ph.D.

Authors and their literary heroes are always subject to conflicting interpretations in different historical contexts. Sophocles’ tragedy Antigone was performed quite differently in the Greek city state of fifth-century Greece than it is in contemporary versions crafted by modern producers and directors beholden to modern literary critics. The story of the mythical and rebellious princess Antigone raises a haunting question whether all we have learned so far from our Western cultural treasure trove, be it from Homer’s epics, Biblical proverbs, or from Shakespeare’s verses, or for that matter from the US Constitution, is just apocryphal nonsense or perhaps a conman job resulting in a terrible waste of time for gullible readers and theater audiences. Projecting our modes of conceptualization into the mindset of our distant ancestors is a game of wishful thinking.

Sophocles’ play Antigone is the centerpiece of Western legal, philosophical and political thought. The play conveys a timeless interaction between the rule of positive law versus the notion of unwritten justice, known also as natural or divine law.  Antigone believes that in accordance with divine laws she must provide for a decent burial for her dead brother, irrespective of his brother’s insurrectionist past and despite the fact the he was accused by their  uncle Creon of what we would call today “terrorist activities.” In Antigone’s mind, divine or natural laws honoring dead kinsmen must precede the written law of her city of Thebes however much the law of her  city strictly forbids memorial service to enemies of the state. As she claims in her defense: ”

Justice, enacted not these human laws
Nor did I deem that thou, a mortal man
Could’st by a breath annul and override
The immutable unwritten laws of Heaven.”
(1)

But what god or  which gods? What divine justice did Antigone have in mind? Most modern scholars overlook the fact that the Ancients had a radically different concept of religion and justice than modern lawmakers in the US or EU. Ancient Greeks or Romans could not possibly conceive of the end-time salvation religions like monotheistic Christianity, Islam or Judaism. The Greco-Roman mindset and its conceptualization of the hereafter can in no way be substituted by Christian-inspired notions of justice. Therefore, analyzing Antigone through glasses of Christian self-denial or guilt feelings is a nonstarter. In prodding the self-perception of early Christians, Walter Otto, the well-known authority on the spiritual legacy of Antiquity, makes the following critical statements about Christian sense of justice;  “Instead of pride reigns fear. The fullness and bliss of life have vanished; dignity and distance have been abandoned and the freedom of the spirit has been stifled.” (2)

Those who cheer up Antigone are oblivious of the fact that modern Western legalism and the concept of natural law is largely influenced by the Judaic-centered religion of a vindictive, revengeful, self-centered, Semitic and totalitarian god who must be obeyed and who resolutely rejects the presence  of other gods — and therefore the possibility of existence of other truths or any other forms of justice. “If we reject such considerations as ‘antisemitic,’ we burden ourselves with new forms of ban on thought and discourse that dangerously restrict our reflection on history. … The capacity to historicize and relativize oneself is a precondition to any genuine tolerance.” (3)

These words by Jan Assmann, a renowned modern expert on Semitic religions, certainly do not come as a consolation to American January 6 Capitol protestors, who, similarly to Antigone had also their ideas about justice when rejecting the rapidly enacted voting legislation that had propelled Joe Biden into the White House. Much like Antigone’s outlawed and demonized brother, the January 6 demonstrators were quickly dubbed by Biden’s DOJ commissars with hyperbolic and criminalizing qualifiers such as “insurrectionists,” “seditious individuals,” “obstructers of justice.” Most of them have subsequently faced stiff penalties. However, the same judicial travesty when applied to the upholding of the liberal judiciary in the US and EU is neatly covered in the garb of the liberal rule of law which even King Creon would not object to. Most scholars—in fact most readers or viewers of Sophocles’ Antigone—are justly horrified over King Creon’s inhumane decision to refuse the burial of Antigone’s insurrectionist brother Polynices, leaving his corpse to rot in the field amidst vultures instead. However, modern law and opinion makers in the EU and US are fully in agreement that even eighty  years after World War II, countless burial locations of killed or deceased National-Socialist or Fascist officials and soldiers scattered all over Europe should remain banned from the public eye, with their distant next of kin being denied access to their graves. Former US president Ronald Reagan’s visit to the military cemetery in Bitburg in Germany in 1985 and his unintended homage to the fallen German Waffen SS soldiers was met with massive criticism all over the liberal and Jewish-run media. (4)

In recent times, a Catholic memorial service that has been regularly held each May 13th over the last thirty years in the Austrian village of Bleiburg in memory of Croat victims of communism was banned by the Austrian government on the pretext that this was the “largest mass gathering of European Nazi sympathizers.”  (5)

One could go on and on with the judicial lawfare or state-sponsored criminalization of the defeated side and mention the case of fallen Confederate soldiers. General Robert E. Lee’s statues have been smeared and torn down, his name likely to be soon branded in high school history manuals with the label “forerunner of modern white supremacism.” 

The Revisionist trap

Everybody nurtures a conception of Antigone analogously to how one thinks about a household pet. Over the last century Sophocles’ play has been performed hundreds of times all over Europe and the US and will likely continue to attract comments from literary critics for centuries to come. Likewise, everybody judges Antigone’s defiance of Creon’s decrees in his own way. Everybody fits her fate within his own legal, religious or political framework when it best befits his preconceived bias or value judgments. A right-winger will praise harsh measures taken by King Creon who endeavors to secure peace and order in his city threatened by a looming civil war. Modern antifascist activists or LGBTQ+ activists, let alone some modern ageing menopausal drag queen will, by contrast, construe Antigone’s effrontery as a sign of worldwide transsexual/gender liberation.

The necessity of readaptation, reappropriation, revisionism, or probably outright scriptural or legal fraud applies to all fields of science and law, often coming in handy as a tool for academic zealots or nascent political movements in search of cultural and political hegemony. Some contemporary conventional wisdoms, however, must never be revised or questioned. While it is a common and a legally acceptable practice in the US/EU to historicize, that is, inflate or deflate the number of victims of communism or dispute the veracity of distant historical facts and figures, the process of historical revisionism must stay off limits when applied to Jewish World War II victimhood. Any reinterpretation, any new reassessment of the Jewish World War II narrative is a felony in almost all Western states. By contrast, all scientific or literary adaptations, including the fate of Sophocles’ Antigone are given free reign of reinterpretation. Cases of literary reappropriation abound. The late eighteenth-century German playwright Friedrich Schiller was elevated to the level of the spiritual founding father of twentieth-century National-Socialist Germany. His name was adorned in 1935 by dozens of flowery words by hundreds of National-Socialist academics who honored Schiller’s legacy by bestowing the new Germany with the all-year-round headline the “Schillerjahr” (the Year of Schiller) on the occasion of the 130th anniversary of his death. A prominent German lawyer, also a high-ranking National-Socialist politician, Hans Fabricius, wrote in his essay a glowing praise of Schiller:

Schiller as National Socialist! With pride we must salute him. With pride and gratitude. Because no one knows if and what we would be without him. (6)

Latter-day communist and liberal intellectuals didn’t lag much behind with their revisory eulogies. Schiller’s dramas enjoyed great popularity in what was to become the Soviet-ruled East Germany (DDR). Especially popular was his drama Wilhem Tell which depicts the eponymous Swiss freedom fighter (seditious terrorist?). Tell refuses to pay homage to the hat of the late medieval Hapsburg ruler who was terrorizing Swiss peasants. Nowadays we may be disgusted at the sight of those times when European citizens were obliged to kiss the feet of their local rulers, while forgetting that our contemporary liberal deities also require mandatory public worship. Once upon late medieval times, politicians had to kneel down in front of their rulers; now they have to take the knee in front of non-White criminals or stage pilgrimages to the supremely sacred Yad Vashem.

And today’s Schiller? The spirit of the time has changed, along with the arrival of the new liberal ruling class who has tuned up Schiller’s verses to a new set of globalist, multiracial, foreigner-friendly, transgender edicts. Now Schiller’s verses from his Ode to Joy have become the official anthem of the multiracial European Union. The same methods of reappropriation of an author (or when needed demonization), bordering on outright literary or historical fakery, is the inevitable fate of all Western classics and critical historians.

Antigone’s travails know no end. On February 6,1944 around 8 pm, in the midst of US and British nightly aerial bombardments of France (7), the revamped play Antigone was staged by the French nationalist playwright Jean Anouilh at the Paris Théâtre de l’Atelier. Despite power cuts and the freezing cold, the play had a large audience turnout, earning the author an accolade from the German and Vichy government officials in the audience. After the end of World War II, or the so-called Liberation of France, Anouilh’s Antigone did not disappoint his earlier communist detractors because he made Antigone sound like the chief female symbol of antifascist resistance. Thus, the mythical and rebellious Antigone turned after World War II into an antifascist figurehead in the eyes of European leftwing literati. She was remolded into the mirror image of the Spanish communist heroine La Pasionaria or the much-acclaimed American writer and drunkard Ernest Hemingway who after World War II openly bragged about killing dozens of disarmed “Kraut soldiers.” (8)

In the fall of 1944, Anouilh along with thousands of other French nationalist intellectuals was on edge as waves of massive purges were being carried out by self-styled antifascist liberators — with the full benediction of American/UK legislators. Anouilh’s skill for allegorical plots and his irony-clad literary style, however, helped him weasel in and out and survive the vengeful shooting gallery of the antifascist victors. This was not the case with hundreds of his colleagues and fellow travelers who ended the winter 1944/45 with a rope around their neck. (9) The late 1944 Paris scenario was a postmodern reenactment of the duel between the two Antigone’s brothers who had killed each other in their quest for the throne. The much-decried modern cult of wokeness, the religion of political correctness, the dogma of cancel culture, along with their leagues of virtue signalers did not start yesterday — their origins must be traced to 1945. Or even further back to Sophocles’ Antigone and her doomsday father/brother Oedipus…

 Genes as natural law

“In large measure, our fate is in our genes”. (10) This quote by the American molecular biologist James Watson may shed in hindsight additional  light on the fate of Antigone. And for that matter it can better explain the behavior and sociopolitical choices of people throughout the ages. We can change our lifestyles, we can change our citizenship, we can learn or unlearn our acquired cultures, but for now at least, we can’t change the DNA passed down to us from our distant ancestors. No wonder that Watson’s words come as a shock to modern social science theorists and lawmakers who, despite empirical data to the contrary insist on the sole role of the economic and political environment in shaping human behavior. Some contemporary American scholars complain that “Most political science degree programs do not require any coursework in the life sciences, much less genetics.” (11) Their words basically echo belatedly the words of German biologists and geneticists who fell into disgrace after 1945.

The above observations are by no means novel; similar — albeit more expressive and now banned — German words such as “Ahnenerbe” (ancestral heritage), “Erbanlagen” (hereditary factors), “Rassenhygiene” (racial hygiene) were used hundreds of times by hundreds of German psychiatrists, geneticists, physicians, criminal law experts and historians during the fateful years of 1933–45. For obvious political reasons, after World War II such German appellations had to be shred and gradually replaced by vague, neutral and more academically and politically correct terms such as behavioral genetics, evolutionary biology, and sociobiology, in an attempt by contemporary race scientists to clear their names in advance from any tentative suspicion of harboring racism or “Nazism.” When one looks at Antigone’s fate from the point of view of her genetic makeup, the entire play obtains a deadly different meaning.

Antigone was a progeny of kinship inbreeding; her father Oedipus was a husband of her mother Jocasta. Both Antigone and her father Oedipus, whom she had faithfully accompanied until his tragic death, were children of the same mother. Her doomsday fate resulting from the incestuous bond between her father-brother Oedipus and his mother Jocasta had been predetermined on the day she was born. It comes as a big surprise that Antigone’s genetic makeup has never been studied in the analysis of her rebellious behavior. In addition, one must also wonder, what made Sophocles and ancient Greek playwrights, as well as their future readers and viewers relish such morbid tales of incest and kinship killings — all the more as the ancient Greeks had laws allowing parents to physically remove their handicapped children. In fact, Antigone’s father, Oedipus, as a newborn baby had been ditched in the wilderness by his parents, most likely because his parents had suspected their lineage of carrying a serious genetic flaw, thus spelling doom for the city; “Sympathy with the decadents, equal rights for the degenerates — that would be the deepest immorality, that would be the very perversion of morality!” wrote a prominent German lawyer in reference to Nietzsche and his attitudes towards the legislation of ancient Greeks. (12)

What was crossing Sophocles’ mind when he wrote Antigona will never be known with certainty. Very likely he wrote the Oedipus trilogy having in mind how mixed interracial marriages or incestuous bonds are bound to cast a curse on entire ancestral lineage and in the long run destroy the life of a tribe or ingroup in the Greek polis. German scholars in National -Socialist Germany insisted on the careful choice of partners and a good insight into the family tree of both the wife and her husband. Crime and heredity are deeply interwoven, since recessive criminal genes of one or both partners may lead to disaster for future distant offspring.

Just as research on human heredity must not disregard the fact that man, in contrast to all other living creatures, is spiritually determined, we must request today from social science that it also takes into account the biological process which is closely linked the mental/spiritual process. (13)

The above quote is from a prominent German medical doctor who was dealing with crime and heredity in National Socialist Germany and who also proposed an academic curriculum fusing natural science and social science research into a single whole. He added an ominous remark that wouldn’t sound well in the ears of left-leaning college professors: “And no one can deny it: biologically based psychopathology and social science are much closer to each other than psychopathology and experimental physics.” (14)

With each regime change, such as the one that occurred in Germany and Europe, and to some extent in the US in 1945, comes along inevitably the change in political dogmas. Each time a regime change happens the new ruling class must automatically doctor up new “paradigms” in order to make scientific research fit better into their dominant ideology. Just as the story of ancient Greeks, their racial and genetic makeup, their beliefs and their mores were a foremost topic of interest to German scholars after the National Socialist takeover, so has the liberal-communist dogma of interchangeability of human races become a new myth of our times.

The Greek man always feels himself to be a son and heir: from his ancestors he inherits property and dominion, rank and fame, the noble shape of his body, strength, power, courage and achievement. The two belong together, for one is inconceivable without the other. … We are familiar with the hereditary curse in the Oresteia, which always beget new bloodguilt. This is not the revenge of a jealous god, but the natural effect of a natural cause, a fate that extends to several people, given that the family is a unit of blood. (15)

How do those ancient Greek tragedies square away today with the issue of the much-debated topic of natural laws vs. legal positivism in modern jurisprudence, especially in the US? Imposing universal rights and the concept of dignity across the board on all peoples worldwide has had so far little positive effects in terms of securing a lasting multiethnic environment or world peace. An indigenous man from Borneo or Sumatra has a different idea of natural laws and its derivative human rights than a merchant from Queens. A Palestinian-American will have a different concept of natural law and the underlying justice than an American Jew. An African-American DA conducting court proceedings involving a White American defendant will likely file a different motion than a White defense attorney representing his White client.

The American common law, unlike European civil law brags of the superiority of grand juries when passing a final verdict on an indicted suspect. But if a jury is composed of more than half of different non-White or mixed-race jurors, it is highly unlikely that the judge will hand down a just sentence, and it’s relatively unlikely that a White suspect will be acquitted.  The multiracial US and its protectorate, the multiracial EU, are more and more in the process of copying the policy of the ex-communist judiciary in Eastern Europe and Soviet Uinon where the verdict against political dissidents was known before the staged trial had even started. One good thing about Antigone is that she harbored no illusions about her fate. She had known all along that she was by her bloodline destined to die young and that she could not expect any salvation, either from people or the gods.


Notes:

  1. Sophocles, Antigone, transl. Storr, (London: William Heinemann Ltd, 1912). p.15
  2. Walter Otto, Der Geist der Antike und die christliche Welt (Bonn: Verlag F. Cohen, 1923), p. 36.
  3. Jan Assmann, The Mosaic Distinction or the Price of Monotheism. Transl. by David Lorton / Litrix.de 2004, online, p.9.
  4. David Green, “This Day in Jewish History, 1985; Ronald Reagan Sparks Storm with Visit to German War Cemetery”, Haaretz, May 4, 2016. https://www.haaretz.com/jewish/2016-05-04/ty-article/.premium/1985-reagan-visits-german-war-cemetery/0000017f-f460-d47e-a37f-fd7c41730000
  5. Hasnain Kazim, „Neonazis in Kärnten; Gedenken mit Hakenkreuz und Hitlergruß“, Der Spiegel, May 10, 2018. https://www.spiegel.de/politik/ausland/oesterreich-neonazi-treffen-in-bleiburg-kaernten-a-1206675.html
  6. Hans Fabricius, Schiller als Kampgenosse Hitlers (Berlin: Verlag Deutsche Kultur-Wacht, 1934), p. 164.
  7. Jean Claude-Valla. La France sous les bombes américaines :1942-1945 ( Paris : Les Cahiers libres de l‘histoire, Nr.7, 2008).
  8. Wolfgang Stock, „Hat Ernest Hemingway im Krieg wirklich 122 Deutsche getötet?“, Der Spiegel, December 21, 2023. https://www.spiegel.de/geschichte/ernest-hemingway-hat-der-schriftsteller-im-krieg-wirklich-122-deutsche-getoetet-a-3bb3b624-78d6-4c87-880a-207daed266ab
  9. Dominique Venner, Histoire de la Collaboration (Paris : Pygmalion, 2000), pp. 515-516.
  10. D. Watson, quoted in Time, March, 20, 1988.https://time.com/archive/6702116/science-the-gene-hunt/
  11. Peter K. Hatemi and Rose McDermott, “The genetics of politics: discovery, challenges, and progress”, Trends in Genetics, October 2012, (Vol. 28, No. 10, p. 528). https://www.cell.com/action/showPdf?pii=S0168-9525%2812%2900111-4
  12. Kurt Kassler, Nietzsche und das Recht (München: Verlag Ernst Reinhardt, 1941), p.67.
  13. Friedrich Stumpfl, „Verbrechen und Vererbung“, Monatsschrift für Kriminalbiologie und Strafrechtsreform, 29. Jahrgang, Heft 1 (München: J. F. Lehmanns Verlag, 1938), p.2.
  14. Ibid.
  15. Walter Haedicke, „Die Anschauungen der Griechen über Familie, Herkunft und Vererbung“, Volk und Rasse, 12.Iahrg., Heft 10, (München-Berlin, 1937), pp. 371-372.

 

 

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Tom Sunic, Ph.D. https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Tom Sunic, Ph.D.2024-07-03 00:01:172024-07-02 17:26:46Fatal Antigone: Between Modern Lawfare and Cursed Heredity 

Roberta Kaplan as a Jewish Type

July 2, 2024/18 Comments/in Featured Articles/by Kevin MacDonald

Jewish lesbian Roberta Kaplan is a prominent leftist attorney involved in lawfare against the Charlottesville demonstrators, against Donald Trump in the E. Jean Carrol case, as well as in victorious efforts on behalf of gay marriage. As I wrote in a  previous article on Roberta Kaplan, she “is a good example of what makes Jewish activism so effective: smart, well-connected, hyper-aggressive, in the context of a court system sympathetic to her causes.” Well, her hyper-aggressiveness and general abrasiveness seems to have caught up with her, along with micromanagement (she seems to be a control freak).

I bring her up because I think she is a Jewish type and a big reason why the Jewish community is so successful. I am certainly not saying that all Jews are like this, but such people are important in whatever occupation they are in.

Jewish aggressiveness has long been noted as a general characteristic of Jews, e.g., here (pp. 26-30), seen also in Kaplan’s “relentless … pursuit of success”:

In early twentieth-century America, the sociologist Edward A. Ross commented on a greater tendency among Jewish immigrants to maximize their advantage in all transactions, ranging from Jewish students badgering teachers for higher grades to Jewish poor attempting to get more than the usual charitable allotment. “No other immigrants are so noisy, pushing and disdainful of the rights of others as the Hebrews.” The authorities complain that the East European Hebrews feel no reverence for law as such and are willing to break any ordinance they find in their way. . . . The insurance companies scan a Jewish fire risk more closely than any other. Credit men say the Jewish merchant is often “slippery” and will “fail” in order to get rid of his debts. For lying the immigrant has a very bad reputation. In the North End of Boston “the readiness of the Jews to commit perjury has passed into a proverb.”

The other thing that’s obvious here is that Kaplan is depicted as interpersonally abrasive. Clearly, she doesn’t care whether other people like her, especially I suppose if she is in a superior position. For Jews, being disliked by non-Jews goes with the territory. In traditional Jewish ethics, non-Jews have no moral standing and their opinions don’t matter unless they threaten the individual Jew or the Jewish group as a whole.  On the other hand, most White people–and especially White women—care deeply about being liked, resulting I think stems from their evolutionary history.

The New York Times: 

Prominent Lawyer Roberta Kaplan Departs Firm After Clash With Colleagues

The well-connected attorney, who founded a powerhouse firm at the dawn of the #MeToo era, has faced complaints that she mistreated and insulted other lawyers.

… Her departure followed months of internal frustration over Ms. Kaplan’s conduct toward other lawyers, according to people familiar with the matter. Those concerns led her colleagues to remove her from the firm’s management committee and precipitated her departure. …

Ms. Kaplan and her wife are deeply connected to the Democratic Party and she has been a heroic figure to many liberal activists. In addition to litigating the Supreme Court case that laid the groundwork for the national legalization of gay marriage, she became a leader of the #MeToo movement. …

Another Times article, “How a Trump-Beating, #MeToo Legal Legend Lost Her Firm.”:

In the eyes of many of her colleagues, including the firm’s two other named partners, Ms. Kaplan’s poor treatment of other lawyers — ranging from micromanagement to vulgar insults and humiliating personal attacks — was impairing the boutique firm she had built, the people said. For one thing, they said, she was jeopardizing its ability to recruit and retain valuable employees. …

Many former employees said they were proud of the work they had done and admired Ms. Kaplan’s fearless pursuit of big targets. But they also said the workplace environment she had presided over could be unbearable. This went beyond normal gripes about tough bosses. Ms. Kaplan’s behavior was at times such an issue that a top lawyer at another firm who was her co-counsel in a case reprimanded her over her conduct, and a progressive legal coalition nixed her from a list of candidates for federal judgeships because of her reputation for mistreating employees, according to lawyers familiar with both episodes. …

Like many other ambitious young corporate lawyers, Ms. Kaplan was relentless in her pursuit of success — so much so that her future wife, Rachel Lavine, a Democratic operative, once offended her on an early date by comparing her to a Bolshevik willing to spill blood for the sake of victory. …

Ms. Kaplan’s timing was impeccable. She pitched her firm as a progressive bastion that would combine trailblazing public interest practice with civil and criminal litigation. The goal was to win big rewards for worthy causes while also making its lawyers rich. The cherry on top: The firm was run by a legal giant in a field largely bereft of female leaders, much less gay women. Liberal lawyers jostled to join. …

From the start, Ms. Kaplan’s behavior alienated some of her new hires.

“Robbie was a screamer, she yelled a lot, and that was not an experience I had before,” said Christopher Greene, who had joined from the powerhouse law firm Sullivan & Cromwell. “Now it was part of my day to day, and the office wasn’t big.”

Many former employees recalled hearing Ms. Kaplan berating colleagues for their supposed incompetence and lack of intelligence. (Most would speak only on the condition that The Times not identify them, citing fear of professional repercussions.)

In the midst of the #MeToo movement, Ms. Kaplan told colleagues that she was too smart to ever have been sexually assaulted, according to Seguin Strohmeier, another early hire, and two other former associates who also heard the remarks.

Ms. Kaplan’s lawyers said in a letter to The Times that she had never “suggested that anyone can be ‘too smart’ to be sexually assaulted because that is obviously not true.”

Five employees at the firm recalled inappropriate comments Ms. Kaplan made about colleagues’ looks. Once, she told a female associate that the associate was more suited to “back of house” work because of her appearance. Another time, Ms. Kaplan said the same associate was too much of a “dyke” to clerk for the Supreme Court, Ms. Strohmeier recalled. Other times she used gender-specific insults.

Ms. Kaplan’s lawyers denied that she criticized employees’ appearances and said she “is hardly the only experienced trial lawyer prone to salty language at times.”

Many former employees recalled Ms. Kaplan’s publicly berating case managers, who are young, low-ranking employees. Once she verbally attacked a case manager who disobeyed her command not to include meatballs in a pizza order. Ms. Kaplan’s fury was so remarkable that a lawyer took notes, which The Times reviewed. The notes described the meatball incident as one of a few examples in which Ms. Kaplan “publicly derided” the case manager “both to her face and behind her back.”

Mr. Clark and Ms. Tent, the lawyers for Ms. Kaplan, said this was inaccurate. “To the extent Ms. Kaplan gave instruction about what food to order, it was typically to order too much rather than too little food,” they wrote.

To the frustration of some colleagues, Ms. Kaplan at times insisted that she review in advance certain emails that partners planned to send externally. On occasion, she became irate when this edict was violated. …

Near the end of 2021, Ms. Kaplan’s lawsuit against the white supremacists in Charlottesville went to trial. It was a high-stress environment; Ms. Kaplan was targeted with antisemitic threats. She told some attorneys on the multi-firm team that they didn’t deserve their law degrees. She threatened to ruin one’s career.

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Kevin MacDonald https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Kevin MacDonald2024-07-02 13:29:492024-07-02 13:29:49Roberta Kaplan as a Jewish Type

Nations Are Not Notions: Thoughts on the European Football Championship 2024

July 1, 2024/17 Comments/in Featured Articles/by Tobias Langdon

Bernini’s Apollo and Daphne. That’s one. Beethoven’s Violin Concerto in D major. That’s another. And Bergkamp’s goal for Arsenal away at Newcastle in March 2002. That’s a third. What are they? Supreme examples of sublime art-forms created by the Whites of north-western Europe. Classical art, classical music, and soccer are three White inventions that have delighted and dazzled the world.

Bernini and Bergkamp create beauty (images from Infogalactic and Sky Sports)

I would say that all three are art-forms that seek to stir emotion, elevate the spirit, and create stunning beauty. In fact, I’d relate soccer to a fourth world-conquering White art: ballet. I’ve always seen the appeal of soccer, but I never saw the appeal of ballet until a female friend persuaded me to watch some. And I was impressed. Ballet is not just great art: it had much more in common with soccer than I realized. There’s a parallel grace and athleticism, a parallel striving to challenge the boundaries of gravity and physiology. It’s just that soccer appeals most to heterosexual men, not homosexuals, and that a game of soccer is like two separate ballets being performed at once on the same stage. Each team is trying alternately to design and to disrupt. It wants to design patterns with the ball that create goals for itself and to disrupt the goal-hunting patterns of the other team.

Scale-spanning spectacle

That’s why a good goal is such a special event. The patterns in ballet are beautiful, but they follow a fixed script, are practised and perfected in rehearsal, and aren’t attacked on stage by half the performers. In soccer, there can be no fixed scripts and patterns are constantly under attack, are constantly failing and faltering. When a pattern succeeds and a goal is scored, it’s order being imposed on chaos, light breaking through darkness, a seed sprouting and flowering amid mud and muck. You can say the same of scores in other sports, of course, but what makes soccer special is the clarity with which you can see the patterns failing and succeeding on the stage. The ball is large, round, and highly visible. It rolls and curves and flies, but it doesn’t move with eye-defeating speed or regularly disappear amid a mass of bodies. Soccer is the supreme stadium sport, combining perfectly with White architecture and organization to create a visual and emotional feast for huge crowds around the world.

But at the same time soccer is perfect for kids to play at a moment’s notice on a patch of concrete or waste-ground. It spans scales like no other sport, combines simplicity, cerebrality and spectacle like no other sport, and is easy to understand and play like no other sport. That’s why it’s conquered the world like no other sport. It’s a game with a globe that has gone global. But don’t expect gratitude or praise for the Whites who invented it, perfected it, and popularized it among other races. Many of the non-Whites who insist that “Whites have no culture” will be avid followers of the game, supporters of one or another of the British and European clubs that laid its foundations and powered its rise to global success. Soccer is world-conquering White culture, but in winning the world it somehow lost its Whiteness. The race that gets celebrated in modern soccer is not its necessary creators and continuing sustainers, but its inessential contributors: not Whites but Blacks. Soccer would not exist without Whites and would continue to exist without Blacks.

Facially and phonetically alien

Those stark facts will be never be acknowledged in the mainstream, of course. But here are two more facts: Blacks are very good at soccer and many of soccer’s greatest players have been Black. That’s players, not coaches: Blacks excel athletically in sport, not intellectually. They can play at the highest level, but not organize teams or devise tactics and adapt them as games flow and shift. Take the half-Black, half-Algerian Kylian Mbappé. He’s currently one of the world’s best players, but I’m confident that he won’t go on to be one of the world’s best coaches. Or even one of world’s better coaches. As I write, he’s the star player for France in the European Soccer Championship 2024. After all, he was born in Paris, elder son of two French citizens, so he’s fully French and perfectly entitled to play for the French national side. Right? No, wrong! Mbappé isn’t French and shouldn’t be playing for France.

Olivier Giroud and Kylian Mbappé: spot the true Frenchman

There’s a simple reason for this. Nations are not notions. In other words, nations are not defined by words or concepts. Instead, they’re defined by blood and belonging. Etymology, the history of words, isn’t often a reliable guide to current reality, but you can rely completely on the etymology of “nation.” It comes from the Latin verb nasci, meaning “to be born.” Nations are born, not made. They’re based on bonds of blood, they’re cemented by shared history. But Kylian Mbappé doesn’t share blood or history with the true French. When you set him beside another star of the French team, Olivier Giroud, the contrast is almost ludicrous. Giroud is clear-skinned and well-groomed, has classically refined features, looks both intelligent and athletic, and seems as French as his name. That’s just as it should be, because he is French (with some ancestry from the brother-nation of Italy). Set beside Giroud, Mbappé looks like a troglodyte and doesn’t look French in the slightest. After all, his father is Black and his mother is Algerian. His very name says that he isn’t French: Mbappé is African, not European. It’s phonetically alien, just as Mbappé himself is facially alien. It isn’t just his dark skin and non-White features. He has dead, soul-less eyes. I don’t know how well those eyes reveal his character and psychology, but I do know that Blacks and Algerians in France are hugely over-represented as murderers, rapists, and thieves.

White boys should not idolize Black Bukayo

That’s part of why Blacks and Algerians are noxious for the nation of France, just as Blacks and Pakistanis are noxious for the nation of Britain. But I would prefer to say the “nations of France” and the “nations of Britain.” I don’t think that either France or Britain is a true nation. No, they’re what you might call combi-nations, uniting smaller White nations under a single name. For example (and inter alia), France absorbed a true Celtic nation in Brittany just as Britain absorbed true Celtic nations in Wales, Cornwall, and northern Scotland. Even England within Britain could be divided into smaller and stronger nations. But it’s not wrong that there’s an English national soccer team behind which the Whites of northern and southern England can unite. Like France, England is playing as I write in the European Championships. And like France, England fields Black players who aren’t English and shouldn’t be playing in a competition for European nations. You’ve seen the contrast between Olivier Giroud and Kylian Mbappé in the French team. Now try the contrast between Harry Kane and Bukayo Saka in the English team:

Harry Kane and Bukayo Saka: spot the true Briton

Kane is White and fully British; Saka is Black and not British at all. He plays soccer very well, but doesn’t belong in the English national side. He should be playing for a Black national team, contributing to a supreme sporting spectacle for Black crowds bonded by blood to him and his team-mates. I don’t think Saka should be playing for the English club Arsenal either. Young White fans should not be idolizing Black sportsmen and Black sportsmen are very useful in the leftist project of dilution and destruction. Leftists use Blacks to dilute nationhood as they work towards the golden goal of destroying White nations. Blacks don’t belong in England or France. Or in Spain or Portugal or Germany or Austria, all of whom are still playing in the European championships as I write and all of whom are fielding Black players who are facially and phonetically alien.

The power of alphabets

That’s why I don’t enjoy watching those notionally national teams any more. I can admire the skill and appreciate the goals, but I abominate the noxious notionhood that sets Whites who belong by blood beside Blacks who don’t belong at all. However, although I can’t enjoy watching Spain or Germany any more, I’ve definitely enjoyed watching two other teams. That’s because they embody not noxious notionhood but natural nationhood. One of those teams isn’t White or European and some would say the same of the other. Who am I talking about? Turkey and Georgia, that’s who. Geographically they’re next-door neighbors; culturally and linguistically they’re worlds apart. Turkey is Muslim, Georgia is Christian, for example. But they have something big in common at the European championships. They’re fielding true national teams with not a Black in sight. The two teams met right at the beginning and although I didn’t like the result — 3–1 to Turkey — I did enjoy the Turks’ skilful soccer and savor the way that all her goal-scorers were fully and phonetically Turkish: Müldür, Güler, Aktürkoğlu. That’s four umlauts (and one breve). And those umlauts are more significant than they might appear. The Turkish leader Kemal Atatürk (1881–1938), who was possibly part-Jewish, tried to turn Turkey into a secular European nation and cut her off from the Ottoman period. As part of that, he mandated the Roman alphabet for the Turkish language, which had formerly been written in Arabic script.

Atatürk was abolishing a border, dismantling a linguistic wall. Or rather, he was abolishing one border even as he established another. Use of the Arabic alphabet had aligned Turkey with Arabs and the East; use of the Roman alphabet aligned her with Europeans and the West. Turks no longer needed to struggle with a new alphabet when they learned French or German or English. In more ways than one, Atatürk diluted Turkey’s Islamic identity with the stroke of a pen. Alphabets can be powerful as political tools, not just as linguistic ones. You can also see that in Turkey’s neighbor Georgia, which has maintained its own unique alphabet for its own unique language down many centuries. Language and alphabet have undoubtedly helped tiny Georgia maintain her nationhood even as giants like Turkey and Russia have regularly seized her territory and crushed her independence. The Jewish language Yiddish offers another example of the same thing. Yiddish is more or less a dialect of German and if it were written in the Roman alphabet, it would always have been readily accessible and at least partly comprehensible to gentiles who spoke German.

Bonded vs Blackened

But Yiddish is in fact written in the Hebrew alphabet, so it isn’t accessible or comprehensible to outsiders at all. Jews wanted to maintain their nationhood, so they put up a linguistic barrier. Atatürk wanted to remake Turkish nationhood, so he pulled down a linguistic barrier. But he could never have succeeded in making Turkey European and in a perfect world they wouldn’t be playing in the European Football Championships. But the world isn’t perfect and as it is I think Turkey are doing Europeans a service by playing there. They aren’t just playing attractive soccer: they’re showing Europeans what a true nation looks like.

Georgia are doing the same. They’re ranked 74th in the world but they beat Portugal, who are ranked sixth. Georgia are bonded by blood; Portugal are blighted by Blacks. Georgia also play with far more spirit and unity than England, but I think that’s easy to explain. The Georgian team embodies natural nationhood; the English team embodies noxious notionhood. Kylian Mbappé and Bukayo Saka are undoubtedly very good players, but they’re French and English only on paper. Olivier Giroud and Harry Kane are French and English in the way that truly counts: by blood. Soccer is a game with a globe that has gone global, but it also reveals the limits of globalism. Blacks don’t belong in European teams. Nations are not notions.

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Tobias Langdon https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Tobias Langdon2024-07-01 07:00:292024-07-02 02:54:21Nations Are Not Notions: Thoughts on the European Football Championship 2024

Carl Jung and the Jews

June 29, 2024/32 Comments/in Featured Articles, Jewish Aggressiveness, Jewish Writing on Anti-Semitism/by Marshall Yeats

“The Jew truly solicits anti-Semitism with his readiness to scent out anti-Semitism everywhere.”
        Carl Jung, 1934

For a long time I’ve been fascinated by the way in which Jews obsess over deceased, historical figures who made unflattering comments about their race. The more famous and talented, the greater the intensity of the obsession. Such preoccupations have featured previously at The Occidental Observer, for example in the Jewish vendetta against T.S. Eliot, and against his contemporary Ezra Pound. In Anthony Julius’s T.S. Eliot, anti-Semitism and Literary Form, for example, Julius writes that Jews reading Eliot’s poetry are both “appalled and impressed.”[1] They are appalled because they perceive an unjustified critique upon their ethnic group, and they perceive this critique more acutely because of their ethnocentrism. They are impressed, on the other hand, because they appreciate, and are threatened by, the talent of their target, often despite themselves. The ‘attraction’ which brings them back repeatedly to their target arises from the desire to deconstruct and demean that talent, and therefore avenge or mitigate the critique.

Jews are also firmly in the grip of a historically rooted fear or paranoia. The past is ever present for Jews, prompting them into risky and extremely aggressive actions against host populations. The perfect expression of this paranoia can be found in a very recent article in The Guardian by Jewish journalist Barney Ronay. Ronay is currently in Germany to cover the European Football championships, but he can’t seem to focus on sport. He informs his readers that he has “loved being in this warm, friendly place for Euro 2024, a homecoming of sorts. But that doesn’t stop it terrifying me.” He continues:

Here, by way of example, is a non-exhaustive list of German things that have felt terrifying to me, begun on my first day at the Euros when a happy German woman was laughing uncontrollably on a train passing through woodland outside Munich and I realised that happy uncontrollable German laughter is terrifying. German trains are terrifying. German railway sidings are terrifying. There are transport vibes here, fleeing energy. A German forest is terrifying, in particular a German forest clearing. An empty German park at dusk is terrifying. Any German village square is terrifying … What else? German dark wood furniture. A row of parked German bicycles (Where are they going? Will I need one?). German staircases, corridors, suitcases. Most German shoes. All discarded German shoes.

Many of these fears have their origins in tales passed down to Jewish children, and reinforced through Jewish cultural and political groups. Fear is a key ingredient in the cement that binds Jewish ethnocentrism, which is why the ADL invests a lot of money in surveys of anti-Semitism intended to terrify and shepherd the ethnic flock into cohesive action. In Ronay’s case, “Family myth dictates one of my distant uncles was pulled off a train and shot. The bullet passed through his neck, he lay down for a bit, got up and rejoined the resistance.” I applaud his use of the word myth here, but there are many hundreds of thousands of Jewish families which cherish such fantastical boogeyman tales as historical fact. And Jewish fear, and Jewish ethnocentrism, needs its boogeymen, be they obvious ones like Hitler, or more persistent cultural figures such as Eliot or Pound—figures who can still be discussed publicly with a level of respect and admiration. Among such figures we find Carl Jung.

Carl Jung and the Culture of Critique

Although, or perhaps because, Jung was once associated with psychoanalysis, a movement so Jewish that it comprises one of the Jewish intellectual movements highlighted in Kevin MacDonald’s Culture of Critique, the Swiss psychiatrist has increasingly become the focus of condemnation, deconstruction, and criticism in recent years. In the recently-published Anti-Semitism and Analytical Psychology: Jung, Politics and Culture, Jewish academic Daniel Burston writes that:

In today’s world of psychotherapy, one cannot be a Jungian without having to answer the charge that Jung was both a Nazi and anti-Semitic. … His statements on the over-materialistic values of Jewish psychology, and its corrosive effects on the spiritual nature of the psyche, were made in the 1930s. … Psychoanalysts have used it as a reason not to study Jung; other intellectuals use it as a reason to discredit Jung.[2]

In a paragraph that reads a little like something from a horror novel, Jung’s place as a boogeyman is introduced early, with anti-Semitism explained as a mysterious, ghostly and terrifying phenomenon:

After reading this book, perhaps Jungians will grasp why so many Jews think of anti-Semitism as a shape-shifting but deathless adversary that lives forever in the hidden recesses of Christian and Muslim cultures; one that lies dormant for shorter or longer periods, but always returns to torment us through the ages.

Shape-shifting and deathless. Oh my.

Burston draws a distinction between what he calls “low-brow, high-intensity” anti-Semites, and “high-brow, low-intensity” anti-Semites. He explicitly mentions Kevin MacDonald as an example of the latter, and places Jung in this category also. Burston claims that “anti-Semitic intellectuals” like MacDonald and Jung, while non-violent, “will also offer cover or support for less educated, more overt kind of anti-Semites when circumstances require.” The smear is therefore that men like MacDonald and Jung are essentially thugs in suits.

Burston traces Jung’s thought to the neo-conservative movement dominant during his university years, with Jung painted as having imbibed a semi-barbaric quasi-Germanism. “It rejected naturalism and was drawn to symbolism and irrationalism. In politics it questioned democracy and rejected socialism, preferring a Nietzschean elitism. . . . Jung adopted [Eduard von Hartmann’s] critique of modernity [including his] concern about the ‘Judaization’ of modern society. . . . For Jung, Freud became the representative of such a rationalistic, ‘disenchanted’ view of the world.”[3]

By the 1920s and 1930s, supporters of Freud and of Jung increasingly saw each other as opponents in a battle for civilization as each defined it. Because of his anti-materialism and his criticism of many of Freud’s more perverse theories, Freudians, most of whom were Jewish, regarded Jung as an anti-Semite and latterly as “a herald of fascist and Nazi barbarism.” Burston continues in this vein, arguing for a “significant and disturbing link between the dynamics of antisemitism over the centuries and the psychology and politics of Carl Jung.”

A crucial problem that Jews, past and present, have with Jung is that he dared to turn the analytical gaze back on the Jews themselves. While the entirety of psychoanalysis seemed geared towards what Kevin MacDonald termed “a radical criticism of gentile society,” as well as the development of self-serving theories of anti-Semitism, Jung developed a cutting critique of Jews and of what he called “Jewish anti-Christianism,” with many of his observations arising from direct experience with the Jewish psychoanalytic milieu. In other words, Jung put Jewish quacks “on the couch.” In a letter to an associate dated May 1934, Jung explained:

The Jewish Christ-complex makes for a somewhat hystericized general attitude … which has become especially clear to me in the course of the present anti-Christian attacks upon myself. The mere fact that I speak of a difference between Jewish and Christian psychology suffices to allow anyone to voice the prejudice that I am an anti-Semite. … As you know, Freud previously accused me of anti-Semitism because I could not countenance his soulless materialism. The Jew truly solicits anti-Semitism with his readiness to scent out anti-Semitism everywhere. I cannot see why the Jew, like any so-called Christian, is incapable of assuming that he is being personally criticised when one has an opinion of him. Why must it always be assumed that one wants to condemn the Jewish people?

For this affront, Jung is both dangerous and unforgivable in Jewish eyes. Burston is far from unique in wanting to diminish Jung because of his views on Jews. In the late 1990s a similar effort was made by the British Jewish academic Andrew Samuels, who claimed that “in C.G. Jung, nationalism found its psychologist.” The fearful response of Samuels to Jung was to claim that it was Jung who was gripped by a fear of Jews. Samuels tried to put Jung “on the couch” and to psychologize his attitudes to Jews by explaining them as being rooted in feelings of being threatened:

My perception is that the ideas of nation and of national difference form a fulcrum between the Hitlerian phenomenon and Jung’s analytical psychology. For, as a psychologist of nations, Jung too would feel threatened by the Jews, this strange so-called nation without a land. Jung, too, would feel threatened by the Jews, this strange nation without cultural forms — that is, without national cultural forms — of its own, and hence, in Jung’s words of 1933, requiring a “host nation”. What threatens Jung, in particular, can be illuminated by enquiring closely into what he meant when he writes, as he often does, of “Jewish psychology.”

Even in the early 2000s, there seemed to be a divide between non-Jewish scholars keen to keep Jung in the public eye, and Jewish scholars keen to keep him in the gutter. In a letter to the New York Times in 2004, one “Henry Friedman” took issue with Robert Boynton (NYU) and Deirdre Bair (National Book Award winning biographer) for their apparent agreement that Jung was “neither personally anti-Semitic nor politically astute,” thus absolving Jung of some of the worst accusations levelled against him by Jewish critics keen to associate Jung with the ideas of National Socialism. Friedman called this “a further contribution to a misleading attempt to minimize the importance of Jung’s anti-Semitic racism and his contributions to the Third Reich’s genocidal policies.” Friedman continues:

It is pathetic that Jung should be excused from responsibility for his virulent racism and his importance in the Nazi movement. Most important, it is likely that his ideas about psychoanalysis were instrumental in Hitler and Göring’s desire to cleanse psychoanalysis of Freud’s ideas — especially the notion of the Oedipus complex, which apparently offended Hitler’s sensibilities. To conclude that Martin Heidegger was more of a collaborator than Jung serves to divert attention from the serious nature of Jung’s involvement with the Nazis’ anti-Semitic propaganda. Whether he was a worse offender than Heidegger is hard to assess, but as one who wrote papers on the inferiority of the Jewish race, Jung deserves a special degree of condemnation, not the lame excuse granted him by both Bair and Boynton.

Jung’s Attitudes Towards Jews

Jung’s professional and private writings contain a significant amount of material about Jews, and the content is most often highly critical. It is therefore not surprising that Jews should see Jung as a formidable opponent. Jung made many statements which appear to concur with Kevin MacDonald’s assessment that psychoanalysis under Freud was a Jewish intellectual movement. In 1934 Jung received much criticism for an article he published titled The State of Psychotherapy Today, in which he wrote that psychoanalysis was “a Jewish psychology.” Defending himself against accusations of racism for suggesting that Jews and Europeans have a different psychology, Jung explained:

Psychological differences obtain between all nations and races, and even between the inhabitants of Zurich, Basel, and Bern. (Where else would all the good jokes come from?) There are in fact differences between families and between individuals. That is why I attack every levelling psychology when it raises a claim to universal validity, as for instance the Freudian and the Adlerian. … All branches of mankind unite in one stem—yes, but what is a stem without separate branches? Why this ridiculous touchiness when anybody dares to say anything about the psychological difference between Jews and Christians? Every child knows that differences exist.

Jung believed that Jews, like all peoples, have a characteristic personality, and he stressed the need to take this personality into account. In his own sphere of expertise, Jung warned that “Freud and Adler’s psychologies were specifically Jewish, and therefore not legitimate for Aryans.”[4] For Jung, a formative factor in the Jewish personality was the rootlessness of the Jews and the persistence of the Diaspora. Jung argued that Jews lacked a “chthontic quality,” meaning “the Jew … is badly at a loss for that quality in man which roots him to the earth and draws new strength from below.”[5] Jung penned these words in 1918, but they retain significance even after the founding of the State of Israel, since vastly more Jews live outside Israel than within it. Jews remain a Diaspora people, and many continue to see their Diaspora status as a strength. Because they are scattered and rootless, however, Jung argued that Jews developed methods of getting on in the world that are built on exploiting weakness in others rather than expressing explicit strength. In Jung’s phrasing, “the Jews have this particularity in common with women; being physically weaker, they have to aim at the chinks in the armour of their adversary.”[6]

Jung believed that Jews were incapable of operating effectively without a host society, and that they relied heavily upon grafting themselves into the systems of other peoples in order to succeed. In The State of Psychotherapy Today Jung wrote: “The Jew, who is something of a nomad, has never yet created a cultural form of his own, and as far as we can see, never will, since all his instincts and talents require a more or less civilized nation to act as host for their development.” This process of group development often involved ‘aiming at the chinks in the armour of their adversary,’ along with other flexible strategies.[7]

Jung also believed (in common with a finding in Kevin MacDonald’s work) that there was a certain psychological aggressiveness in Jews, which was partly a result of the internal mechanics of Judaism. In a remarkably prescient set of observations in the 1950s, Jung expressed distaste for the behavior of Jewish women and essentially predicted the rise of feminism as a symptom of the pathological Jewess. Jung believed that Jewish men were “brides of Yahweh,” rendering Jewish women more or less obsolete within Judaism. In reaction, argued Jung, Jewish women in the early twentieth century began aggressively venting their frustrations against the male-centric nature of Judaism (and against the host society as a whole) while still conforming to the characteristic Jewish psychology and its related strategies. Writing to Martha Bernays, Freud’s wife, he once remarked of Jewish women that “so many of them are loud, aren’t they?” and later added he had treated “very many Jewish women — in all these women there is a loss of individuality, either too much or too little. But the compensation is always for the lack. That is to say, not the right attitude.”[8]

Jung, meanwhile, was cautious about accusations of anti-Semitism, and he was “critical of the oversensitivity of Jews to anti-Semitism,” believing “one cannot criticise an individual Jew without it immediately becoming an anti-Semitic attack.”[9] It is certainly difficult to believe that Jung, who basically argued that Jews had a unique psychological profile and had developed a unique method for getting on in the world, would have disagreed with the almost identical foundational premise of MacDonald’s trilogy. In fact, Jung believed that playing the victim and utilizing accusations of anti-Semitism against their critics were simply parts of the Jewish strategy—a useful cover for concerted ethnocentric action in “aiming at the chinks in the armour of their adversary.” For example, after the war, in a 1945 letter to Mary Mellon, he wrote, “It is however difficult to mention the anti-Christianism of the Jews after the horrible things that have happened in Germany. But Jews are not so damned innocent after all—the role played by the intellectual Jews in pre-war Germany would be an interesting object of investigation”[10] Indeed, MacDonald notes:

a prominent feature of anti-Semitism among the Social Conservatives and racial anti-Semites in Germany from 1870 to 1933 was their belief that Jews were instrumental in developing ideas that subverted traditional German attitudes and beliefs. Jews were vastly overrepresented as editors and writers during the 1920s in Germany, and “a more general cause of increased anti-Semitism was the very strong and unfortunate propensity of dissident Jews to attack national institutions and customs in both socialist and non-socialist publications” (Gordon 1984, 51).[i] This “media violence” directed at German culture by Jewish writers such as Kurt Tucholsky—who “wore his subversive heart on his sleeve” (Pulzer 1979, 97)—was publicized widely by the anti-Semitic press (Johnson 1988, 476–477).

Jews were not simply overrepresented among radical journalists, intellectuals, and “producers of culture” in Weimar Germany, they essentially created these movements. “They violently attacked everything about German society. They despised the military, the judiciary, and the middle class in general” (Rothman & Lichter 1982, 85). Massing (1949, 84) notes the perception of the anti-Semite Adolf Stoecker of Jewish “lack of reverence for the Christian-conservative world.” (The Culture of Critique, Ch. 1)

These sentiments echoed comments made in November 1933 to Esther Harding, in which Jung expressed the opinion that Jews had clustered in Weimar Germany because they tend to “fish in troubled waters,” by which he meant that Jews tend to congregate and flourish where social decay is ongoing. He remarked that he had personally observed German Jews drinking champagne in Montreaux (Switzerland) while “Germany was starving,” and that while “very few had been expelled” and “Jewish shops in Berlin went on the same,” if there was a rising hardship among them in Germany it was because “overall the Jews deserved it.”[11] Perhaps most interesting of all in any discussion of Jewish acquisition of influence, it appears that in 1944 Jung oversaw the implementation of quotas on Jewish admission to the Analytical Psychology Club of Zurich. The quotas (a generous 10% of full members and 25% for guest members) were inserted into a secret appendix to the by-laws of the club and remained in place until 1950.[12] One can only assume that, like other quotas introduced around the world at various times, the goal here was to limit, or at least retain some measure of control over, Jewish numerical and directional influence within that body.

Jung was of course operating in a time period in which racial self-awareness was acute on all sides. Kevin MacDonald explains in The Culture of Critique that, within psychoanalysis, there was a clear understanding among Jews that Jung was an Aryan and not quite capable of being in full communion with its Jewish members and leaders. MacDonald writes:

Early in their relationship Freud also had suspicions about Jung, the result of “worries about Jung’s inherited Christian and even anti-Jewish biases, indeed his very ability as a non-Jew to fully understand and accept psychoanalysis itself.” Before their rupture, Freud described Jung as a “strong independent personality, as a Teuton.” After Jung was made head of the International Psychoanalytic Association, a colleague of Freud’s was concerned because “taken as a race,” Jung and his gentile colleagues were “completely different from us Viennese.” (The Culture of Critique, Ch.4)

Conclusion

To the extent that psychoanalysis continues to exist as a movement, or at least as a niche within academia and culture, it’s clear that Jung “the Teuton” continues to haunt Jews with his comments and criticisms, and the split that occurred in the lifetime of Jung and Freud persists in some fashion a century later — a testament to the fact, perhaps, that psychoanalysis was a tool for racial conflict from its inception. Were he alive today, I’m sure Jung would be amused but perhaps not surprised that he continues to feature in the psyche of Jews, as terrifying a boogeyman as uncontrollable German laughter.


[1] A. Julius, T.S. Eliot, anti-Semitism and Literary Form (Thames & Hudson, 2003), 40.

[2] D. Burston, Anti-Semitism and Analytical Psychology: Jung, Politics and Culture (Routledge: New York, 2021).

[3] G. Cocks (2023). [Review of the book Anti-Semitism and Analytical Psychology: Jung, Politics and Culture, by Daniel Burston]. Antisemitism Studies 7(1), 215-222.

[4] B. Cohen, “Jung’s Answer to Jews,” Jung Journal: Culture and Psyche, 6:1 (56–71), 59.

[5] Ibid, 58.

[6] Ibid.

[7] T. Kirsch, “Jung’s Relationship with Jews and Judaism,” in Analysis and Activism: Social and Political Contributions of Jungian Psychology (London: Routledge, ), 174.

[8] Ibid, 177.

[9] T. Kirsch, “Jung and Judaism,” Jung Journal: Culture and Psyche, 6:1 (6-7), 6.

[10] S. Zemmelman (2017). “Inching towards wholeness: C.G. Jung and his relationship to Judaism.” Journal of Analytical Psychology, 62(2), 247–262.

[11] See W. Schoenl and L. Schoenl, Jung’s Evolving View of Nazi Germany: From the Nazi Takeover to the End of World War II (Asheville: Chiron, 2016).

[12] S. Frosh (2005). “Jung and the Nazis: Some Implications for Psychoanalysis.” Psychoanalysis and History, 7(2), (253–271), 258.

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Marshall Yeats https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Marshall Yeats2024-06-29 00:03:272024-06-28 13:46:32Carl Jung and the Jews

Old Tablets and New: Two Decalogues for the White Race

June 28, 2024/14 Comments/in Featured Articles/by Thomas Dalton, Ph.D.

“O my brothers, break, break the old tablets!”
—Nietzsche, Thus Spoke Zarathustra (3.12.10)

According to Jewish mythology, Moses came down from the mountain with two stone tablets in hand. Inscribed on them, by the Jewish god Yahweh, were 10 “commandments” for the Jews to follow in their interactions with other Jews (though not with non-Jews, for whom there were no such laws). This so-called decalogue, or “10-words” (deka-logos), is offered up as a kind of divine law, binding on all religious Jews—and on foolish Christians who inexplicably feel themselves bound by Jewish law.

As the story goes, Moses became upset with his people because they deviated from God’s law, and in anger, he broke the tablets (Ex 32:19). (Later, when the Jews were reformed, God gave Moses a replacement set.) As a set of laws, this original decalogue is wholly unimpressive; it ranges from the obvious and mundane—“don’t lie,” “don’t steal,” “don’t kill,” “honor your parents”—to the absurd: “no other gods,” “no graven image.” Certainly there is nothing of penetrating insight or deep wisdom, such as might be expected from a divinely-dictated legal code. But it is perfectly suited for a small tribe of nomadic and superstitious Jews.

The coming of Christianity muddied the waters. Jesus’ relationship to the 10 Commandments is fraught with difficulty; did he come to “fulfill” and uphold Mosaic law, or did his “new covenant” override it? There is no consensus on this. As a result, it is entirely unclear if Christians are bound by the original decalogue at all, even apart from the fact that the original was intended only for Jews.

Be that as it may, this Mosaic decalogue is almost useless for any modern, contemporary, rational society. The mundane laws are so obvious that they are already granted moral and legal standing in virtually every culture, and the absurd theological laws are meaningless for anyone not captive to a ridiculous Judaic ideology. Worst of all, to grant any standing to “God’s law” is to grant unwarranted credibility to a pathological Judeo-Christian worldview based entirely in mythology and Jewish supremacism. Any reasonable person can agree to not killing, not stealing, etc., and we don’t need God’s or Moses’ sanction to uphold such decrees. What we need, then, are new laws, new tablets—a new decalogue that can guide us through the present stormy waters.

One early skeptic who saw through the charade of Judeo-Christianity was Friedrich Nietzsche. Nietzsche understood that this religious outlook was a complete fraud—in fact, a multi-level fraud. The Mosaic stories, along with the cosmic origin in Genesis, Adam and Eve, the life of Noah, and so on, are portrayed as actual fact when in truth we can see them as, at best, inspiring fables; and at worst, as sheer nonsense. Nietzsche was also appalled that Gentile Europeans could believe that anything in the Old Testament—the Jewish bible—applied to them. He understood that the much-proclaimed “neighbor” of Old Testament morality referred only to the Jewish neighbor: “‘the neighbor’—really the coreligionist, the Jew”.[1] Nietzsche also condemned “the Jewish instinct of ‘the chosen’”; the Jews “claim all the virtues for themselves without further ado, and count the rest of the world their opposites; a profound sign of a vulgar soul.”[2] Indeed, the Jews are

people of the basest origin, partly rabble, outcasts not only from good society, but also from respectable society; grown away from the atmosphere of culture, and undisciplined; ignorant, without even a suspicion of the fact that conscience can also rule in spiritual matters; in a word—Jews. (Will to Power, sec. 199)

No matter what Gentiles and Christians believe, the Old Testament God is a god of the Jews, one who “remained a Jew, he remained a god of nooks, the god of all the dark corners and places, of all the unhealthy quarters the world over!”[3]

But the greatest fraud was Christianity: a Jewish-inspired hoax of the highest order, intended to degrade and destroy Gentile humanity—Rome above all. Paul constructed an elaborate deception based on a Jewish rabbi, turning him into a miraculous son of God who falsely promises eternal rewards to even the most lowly and undeserving. The whole belief-system is so absurd and so opposed to worldly existence that it undermines and ultimately destroys those who follow it:

Christianity needs sickness just as Greek culture needs a superabundance of health—to make sick is the true, secret purpose of the whole system of redemptive procedures constructed by the church. … Christianity also stands opposed to every spirit that has turned out well; it can use only sick reason as Christian reason, it sides with everything idiotic, it utters a curse against the spirit, against the superbia of the healthy spirit… [S]ickness is of the essence of Christianity. (Antichrist, secs. 51-52)

The solution, says Nietzsche, is to destroy the destroyers: to smash the sick Judeo-Christian worldview and the morality based on it. True to form, Nietzsche presents himself not as Moses but as the anti-Moses: we need to “break the tablets” of Judeo-Christian morality, not because people aren’t following them enough but because they are following them too much! This endeavor is described in his brilliant but challenging booklet Thus Spoke Zarathustra (1884), especially in Part Three in the section “On old and new tablets.” This extended section, which surely ranks among the best of Nietzsche’s writings, repeatedly implores us to “break the old tablets,” and to craft something new—a task which his hero, Zarathustra, has only begun (“new tablets half covered with writing”).

Among the new tablets are such sayings as: “Man is something that must be overcome” (sec. 4) and “become hard!” (sec. 29). Present humanity is only an intermediate state of being, “a bridge,” said Nietzsche, and our greatness lies in our transcending and overcoming the present human condition, attaining something like an uebermensch or ‘over-man.’ This exceedingly difficult task demands not Christian or feminine softness but rather something much stronger: a masculine, “Hyperborean” sense of strength and determination: “become hard!” But clearly more is needed.

All this, then, serves as a bit of background for the topic at hand. Not long ago, as I was engaged in some research on National Socialist philosophy, I came across not one but two fascinating “decalogues” developed by German thinkers, aiming at the betterment and flourishing of their fellow Germans. Like the Ten Commandments, these are 10-point plans for the enhancement and even salvation of a given people. The first appeared in peacetime and the second in the face of a bloody global war that was, in large part, instigated by Jews in the Soviet Union, England, and America.[4]

The first of the two decalogues is more personal, written by an unknown author sometime before 1940, and likely in the mid-1930s, well before World War Two. Addressed to the German youth, it enjoins young men and women to tend to their mental and physical health and, for both their own happiness and the sake of the German nation, to take great care when marrying. It declares that large, healthy, prosperous German families are the foundation of future success for the nation, and that the young have a civic duty to produce healthy offspring. In fact, this recalls one of Nietzsche’s “new tablets”: “In your children, you shall make up for being the children of your fathers” (sec. 12). The present generation, Nietzsche says, is a result of accident and capriciousness; future generations will be aimed at the higher and the better. With proper guidance, future generations can lead humanity upward, away from the abyss.

This first decalogue was published in English in 1940, in Lothrop Stoddard’s book Into the Darkness (pp. 197-200). Stoddard calls it Ten Commandments for the Choice of a Mate; I will refer to this as the “Marriage Decalogue.” I cite it below, with two alterations: (1) I have modified Stoddard’s archaic “thee/thou” language into more modern English prose; and (2) I have replaced ‘German’ with ‘White.’ It seems to me that such a set of injunctions could be useful today, not only for Germans but for all White people in all lands. Let us see how it holds up under this new reading:

The Marriage Decalogue

  1. Remember that you are White! All that you are, you owe, not to yourself, but to your people. Whether you like it or not, you belong to them; you have come forth from your race. In all that you do, consider whether it serves to enhance your people.
  2. Maintain your purity of mind and spirit! Cherish and foster your mental and spiritual capacities. Keep far from your mind and soul whatever is instinctively foreign to them, what is contrary to your true self, and what your inner conscience rejects. Seeking after money, worldly goods, and material pleasures may often lead you to forget higher things. Be true to your own self, and above all, be worthy of your future life-mate.
  3. Keep your body clean! Maintain the good health received from your parents, in order to serve your people. Guard against expending your health uselessly and foolishly. A moment’s sensual gratification may permanently damage your health and your heritable wealth that is meant to serve your children and grandchildren. Whatever you would demand of a future life-partner, demand of yourself. Remember that you are destined to be a White parent.
  4. Being of sound stock, do not remain single! All your qualities of body and spirit perish if you die without heirs. They are a heritage, a donation from your ancestors. They exist as a chain, of which you are but a link. Would you break that chain, only under stern necessity? Your life is bound by time; but family and folk endure. Your hereditary estate of body and spirit prospers in your flourishing offspring.
  5. Marry only for love! Money is perishable and ensures no lasting happiness. Where the divine spark of love is absent, no worthy marriage can endure. Wealth of heart and soul is the foundation of a lasting, happy union.
  6. As a White, choose a mate only of your own race! Where like meets like, true unison rules. Where unlike races mix, there is discord. Mixing racial stocks which do not harmonize leads to the degeneracy and downfall of groups and peoples. The more unlike the mixtures, the faster this takes place. Guard yourself from such ruin! True happiness springs only from harmonious blood.
  7. In choosing a mate, consider the ancestry! You wed not only your mate but also your life-partner’s forebears. Worthy descendants are to be expected only where worthy ancestors went before. Gifts of mind and spirit are just as much inherited as the color of hair and eyes. Bad traits are bequeathed precisely like land or goods. Nothing in the whole world is so precious as the seeds of a gifted stock; noxious seeds cannot be transformed into good ones. Thus, do not marry the one worthy member of a bad family.
  8. Health is the prerequisite for outer beauty! Health is the best guarantee for lasting happiness, for it is the basis for both external charm and inward harmony. Demand of your mate medical assurance of fitness for marriage, as you must also do yourself.
  9. In marriage seek, not a plaything but a helpmate! Marriage is not a passing game but a lasting union. The supreme aim of marriage is the raising of healthy offspring. Only by the union of beings who are alike in spirit, body, and blood can this high goal be attained, to the blessing of themselves and their people. Each race has its own ethos; thus, only like souls can endure together.
  10. Strive to have many children! Only by having at least four children can the continuance of your people be assured. Only by having an even larger number can the greatest possible proportion of the traits inherited from your ancestors be handed down with certainty. You will soon pass away; that which you give to your descendants endures. Your people live forever!

Stoddard is duly impressed: “What an amazing mixture of idealisms and [beneficial] propaganda!” We can only imagine the conditions that would allow such an official document to appear in public once again. Imagine if such a thing were the basis for all education; for all youth-based music and entertainment; for all social media; for all youth-oriented films and television. Imagine the changes that would come in just five or ten years of a youth culture centered on these values and ideals.

“Nazi propaganda!” scream the leftists. “Thank God we no longer have such official dictates,” they say. But this would be a grave error. Don’t fool yourself, dear reader, into thinking that today’s Western liberal-democratic social order is “open” and “free,” and therefore lacking in such “propaganda.” Far from it. Every cultural system carries with it a worldview and an ideology. In the West today, our ideology is one of a Judeo-centric leftist liberalism; it promotes wokeism, minority rights, racial mixing, gay rights, gender fluidity, crude materialism, and rampant individualism and narcissism. It is anti-White, anti-child, and anti-family. It promotes self-harm, sickness, and death. It attacks the best among us and praises the worst. One could scarcely devise a more pernicious ideology if one tried. What concerned parent today wouldn’t prefer this “Nazi” Marriage Decalogue to guide our youth, over the utter filth and moral depravity served up with glee by our Jewish cultural overlords?

The second decalogue comes from the hand of Joseph Goebbels. Late in 1941, and just prior to the Pearl Harbor attack, the war entered its third year; all was going well for Hitler and Germany, and victory appeared to be at hand. France had capitulated, England was on its last legs, and the Soviets were pushed back nearly to Moscow.

For both Hitler and Goebbels, the cause of the war was clear: malevolent Jewish action in the East, the West, and within Germany itself. Soviet Bolshevism, inspired by Jews like Marx, Trotsky, and Lenin (a quarter-Jew), posed a mortal threat to all of Europe; capitalist Jews in England and France agitated against Hitler from even before his rise to power in 1933; and German Jews left over from the Weimar regime continued to cause trouble domestically. From the German perspective, the primary cause and driving force of the war was global Jewry.

Thus on 16 November 1941, Goebbels published a striking essay entitled “The Jews are guilty!” It is a remarkable piece, especially given that it was crafted by the functional second-in-command of a major Western power. (The full essay is reprinted in my book Goebbels on the Jews [3rd ed., 2024]). Of interest is the closing portion in which Goebbels enumerates ten key points in dealing with the Jews—an “Antisemitic Decalogue,” if you will. Goebbels’ references to “the war” resonate in the present day, where we in the West are involved with two major conflicts (Ukraine and Gaza), both inspired and driven by Jews; the situation then was little different than today. I cite Goebbels’ ten points below in full:

The Antisemitic Decalogue

  1. The Jews are our destruction. They started this war and direct it. They want to destroy the German Reich and our people. This plan must be blocked.
  2. There are no distinctions between Jews. Each Jew is a sworn enemy of the German people. If he does not make his hostility plain, it is only from cowardice and slyness, not because he loves us.
  3. The Jews are to blame for each German soldier who falls in this war. They have him on their conscience, and must also pay for it.
  4. If someone wears the Jewish star, he is an enemy of the people. Anyone who deals with him is the same as a Jew and must be treated accordingly. He earns the contempt of the entire people, for he is a craven coward who leaves them in the lurch to stand by the enemy.
  5. The Jews enjoy the protection of our enemies. That is all the proof we need to show how harmful they are for our people.
  6. The Jews are the enemy’s agents among us. He who stands by them aids the enemy.
  7. The Jews have no right to claim equality with us. If they wish to speak on the streets, in lines outside shops or in public transportation, they should be ignored, not only because they are simply wrong, but because they are Jews who have no right to a voice in the community.
  8. Don’t let the Jews appeal to your sentimentality. If they try, realize that they are hoping for your forgetfulness, and let them know that you see through them and hold them in contempt.
  9. A decent enemy will deserve our generosity after we have won. The Jew, however, is not a decent enemy, though he tries to seem so.
  10. The Jews are responsible for the war. The treatment they receive from us is hardly unjust. They have deserved it all.

Imagine a society guided by these two decalogues—how different everything would be! Imagine if they were posted in every school, in every university, and in every public institution, and then actively used to guide social policy. What a tremendous impact they could have.

This idea is not so far-fetched. As I write these words, the state of Louisiana has just passed a law mandating the display of the Jewish “10 Commandments” in every public school, “in a large, easily readable font.” Even though the posting of Jewish commandments is idiotic in the extreme, the principle is valid: establish basic rules to guide society, and especially the youth, and promote them widely. Instead of Jewish mythology, why not post these German decalogues that serve the betterment of our youth and address a fundamental threat to social wellbeing?

We ought never forget our hard-won lessons from the past. With a finely-tuned ear, we can hear Nietzsche, Hitler, and Goebbels calling to us from beyond the grave: “Break, my friends, break the old tablets! Free yourselves from Judaic thinking and Judaic values! Recover your self-confidence, your sense of self-worth, and your greatness on the world stage. Identify and drive out the pernicious elements of your society; allow yourselves to breathe freely once again. Break the old tablets, and write new ones—ones that will carry you and your children beyond their present sorry state and into a future worthy of them and their legacy. It is a great and difficult task, but not impossible; we have begun the hard work; you must now carry it forward.”

Thus do they call to us. How shall we respond?

Thomas Dalton, PhD, has authored or edited several books and articles on politics, history, and the Jewish Question. All his works are available at www.clemensandblair.com, and at his personal website www.thomasdaltonphd.com


[1] Antichrist, section 33 (1888).

[2] Will to Power, section 197 (1887).

[3] Antichrist, section 17.

[4] For details, see my book The Jewish Hand in the World Wars (2019; Clemens & Blair).

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How Trump Will Lose the Debate

June 27, 2024/17 Comments/in Featured Articles/by Ann Coulter

How Trump Will Lose the Debate

    Donald Trump’s recent proposal to give a green card to every immigrant who gets a degree from any college reminded me of his performance at the 2020 debates with Joe Biden.

     Here’s the 15-second version:

“You did a crime bill, 1994, where you called them super-predators. African Americans are super-predators and they’ve never forgotten it. They’ve never forgotten it.”

“I’m letting people out of jail now …  you have treated the African American population community, you have treated the black community about as bad as anybody in this country.”

“If you look at the polls, I’m doing better than any Republican has done [with African Americans] in a long time …”

“Nobody has done more for the black community than Donald Trump … Criminal justice reform … prison reform, opportunity zones with Tim Scott …”

“Biggest beneficiary, the black and Hispanic communities and then historically black colleges and universities …”

“If you look at the kind of numbers that we produce for Hispanic, or black, or Asian, it’s nine times greater, the percentage gain than it was under [Obama].”

“We had the best black unemployment numbers in the history of our country, Hispanic, women, Asian …”

And on and on and on.

Trump never mentioned whites, not once, in either debate. Nor the rural, working-class, or left-behind Americans.

That’s not how Trump won in 2016. This is how he won — and also how he lost four years later.

For decades, Democrats, Republicans, Wall Street, universities, the media and corporate America had dumped on rural whites and the working class. Liberal elites had to demonize the people they’d screwed over to justify the untold riches they’d made on NAFTA and global “free trade.” Wall Street stole from the working class, so they had to attack the people they’d stolen from.

That’s why the elites carry on so about “white privilege” and “toxic masculinity,” as if the guy working at Home Depot is an incipient Hitler.

Democrats used to pretend to care about the working class. Then, in the Clinton era, they realized that with all the new immigrants voting for them, they didn’t need the working class anymore and proceeded to come down like a sledgehammer on “flyover people.”

Trying to impress liberals, Republicans were embarrassed about getting votes from white people.

Then Trump came along like the vox clamantis in deserto and spoke directly to ordinary white Americans. Once they got over their amazement, the despised working class would have walked over glass to vote for Trump. Shocking the world, he won the election.

All the stars were aligned. Wall Street had given more than 96% of its money to a losing candidate. Trump won on the slogan “BUILD THE WALL” — defying not only Democrats but also the entire GOP establishment, to the extent you can tell them apart. The more the media slandered Trump, the more his voters loved him.

And then Trump systematically fumbled it all away, hiring his relatives and giving the keys of the kingdom to Goldman Sachs, Silicon Valley and the Chamber of Commerce.

Trump had begun selling out even before the 2016 Republican Convention. He turned everything over to his son-in-law, Jared Kushner, and Jared assured him he didn’t need rural and working-class whites. “Where else are they going to go?” he said.

In 2020, Trump found out. The only demographic he lost in 2020, compared to 2016, was white people, especially white men.

Who could have seen that coming, except anybody without his head up his butt?

Trump had spent his precious four years in office praising illegals (“incredible kids”), threatening to take guns awayfrom people without due process, boasting about his “Platinum Plan” (for black people) and his “American Dream Plan” (for Hispanics — press 2 now to hear the plan in Espanol), releasing criminals from prison (where Kushner’s policy mastery met Kim Kardashian’s grasp of criminal justice on the Venn diagram) and bragging in his first debate with Biden, “I’m letting people out of jail now!”

He also spent 3.5 of his first four years in office not building the wall.

Today, Trump is back at it. Kushner’s invaluable campaign advice still rings loudly in his heart. With help from his clueless donors and even more clueless wingman, Fox News, he’s blowing off his available voters in order to chase the pipe dream of winning the black and Hispanic vote. (Can a major push for story-reading drag queens be far behind?)

The donors are thrilled. Living exclusively in the most white areas of the country, where the closest black person is 50 miles away, donors apparently believe TV commercials reflect the country’s actual demographics. They’re convinced that the key to GOP victory is sucking up to every non-white group.

It will never, ever, ever, ever, ever, ever work. Immigrants — all immigrants — have always voted overwhelmingly for the Democrats. Instead of adopting our culture, immigrants mostly bring their failed cultures with them. We’re not even getting “diversity”! What we’re getting is a boatload of Hispanics (44% of immigrants) and Asians (27%).

This year, like every year, black people will vote roughly 90% for the Democrats, while Hispanics and Asians will vote about 60% for the Democrats — give or take 5 percentage points. Under no circumstances, from now until the end of time, will Republicans ever crack 50% of the black or immigrant vote — not even the second- and third-generation immigrant vote.

That’s why the outcome of every single presidential election for at least the last half-century has been determined by slight movements in the white vote. Whites are the only swing voters in the country, something donors couldn’t grasp if you applied white-hot pokers to them.

Below are a few of the poll results you’ll never see on Fox News that illustrate this immutable fact, regarding only two of our unique American freedoms: free speech and the right to bear arms. At the rate we’re hauling in immigrants, don’t expect either to last much longer.

According to a 2020 survey by the Knight Foundation, only about half of white Americans (51%) think “the government should prohibit people from sharing a racist or bigoted idea.” But gigantic majorities of non-whites do: 71% of Asians, 76% of Hispanics and 80% of blacks think racist speech should be prohibited by the government (unless it’s in a speech by Joe Biden).

Judging by what they say, that’s a lot of speech. Non-whites were twice as likely as whites to report feeling “unsafe” because of someone’s speech. Both Hispanic and Asian Americans are more likely than even African Americans to report feeling “unsafe” because of something said about race, ethnicity, religion, gender or sexual orientation — even if not directed at them. (This may explain why you almost never see Hispanics or Asians in comedy clubs.)

Only 15% of white Americans think the government “should prohibit a person from sharing political views that are offensive to some.” More than twice as many Asians do (35%); more than three times as many Hispanics do (44%); and an outright majority of black people think the government should ban such speech (53%).

Thanks to all the third-worlders pouring in, Second Amendment rights also have a gun to their heads. Pew Research reported in 2021 that huge majorities of Asians (72%), Hispanics (65%) and blacks (75%) favor gun control, compared to only 45% of whites. (The other 25% of blacks were just fatally shot with an illegal gun in front of a 7-Eleven.)

The report noted that “white Americans stand alone on this question” — something you’ll see a lot in these polls. It holds true on such diverse topics as voter ID laws, Obamacare, abortion, big government, vaccine mandates and many other left-right issues.

Remember, Republicans (especially Trump): Democrats are smarter than you are. If it were remotely possible for immigrants ever to vote 60% to 70% for the GOP, instead of 60% to 70% for the Democrats, Sen. Chuck Schumer would be demanding an Iron Dome on our southern border. If Republicans, rather than Democrats, consistently won nearly 90% of the black vote, he’d be calling for a poll tax to take the literacy test.

Or Trump can take the advice of strategic genius Kushner and blow off his most loyal voters because, after all, “Where else are they going to go?”

COPYRIGHT 2024 ANN COULTER

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Cry Me a River: Marion Kaplan’s Between Dignity and Despair

June 25, 2024/14 Comments/in Featured Articles/by Spencer J. Quinn

4775 Words

Introduction

If you’re looking for evidence to support some political, ideological, or religious position while studying history, you will probably find it if you want to badly enough. The clues are all there, and it’s all too tempting to prioritize some clues over others or interpret some clues more broadly than others in order to promote a certain worldview. Whenever I study the Jewish Question, I try to avoid this temptation by setting objective standards ahead of time, and then standing by those standards to see whether the mainstream Jewish narrative or the dissident counter narrative is more truthful. I had such standards in mind when opening Between Dignity and Despair, a study of Jewish life in Nazi Germany written in 1998 by Marion Kaplan and published by Oxford University Press.

At stake here is what’s almost always at stake when mainstream academics write about Nazi Germany. The Nazis must be proven, time and time again, to be irredeemably evil and irrational. This is the most expedient way to ensure that the White inhabitants of Europe be as open as possible to Jewish influence moving forward. Unfortunately for Whites, this also necessitates their behaving in maladaptive and dysgenic ways, because strong, healthy, racially aware Whites will compete with Jews as Jews, knowing full well the positives and negatives that Jews brings to any country they inhabit. Thus, opinions on Nazi Germany—to say the least—are important.

But the question remains, were the Nazis evil and irrational? Kaplan seems to think so, and makes her case with a plethora of memoirs and letters written by Jews who lived in Germany during the Nazi period—which for argument’s sake I will assume are truthful. Still, I found Between Dignity and Despair highly unconvincing.

What are my standards?

  1. That Nazi treatment of German Jews was more or less reasonable given the surrounding historical circumstances;
  2. That Nazi treatment of German Jews during wartime must be measured with a different yardstick than during peacetime;
  3. That German Jews indeed suffered, but their suffering was more or less commensurate with gentile suffering in Germany and the disproportionately Jewish-run Soviet Union.

I began Between Dignity and Despair thinking that if Kaplan can offer enough historical evidence to disprove these standards, then she will vindicate the mainstream narrative of Nazi Germany. The problem I encountered right away, however, is that Kaplan doesn’t even try to do this. She is what the lit critics would call an unreliable narrator, in that she is not in the least bit interested in the German perspective unless that German perspective is philo-Semitic. This causes her to omit enough information not to be completely trusted.

This is not to say her work is without merit. Between Dignity and Despair is a readable and coherent account of day-to-day Jewish life in Nazi Germany—distaff-skewed but interesting in its detail and impressive scope. But as an indictment of the Nazis, it is exceedingly weak.

Kaplan As Unreliable Narrator

Kaplan opens her study by asking the obvious but necessary questions:

What did it feel like to be a Jew in Nazi Germany? What kind of Jewish life was there in Germany after 1933? Why did German Jews not leave sooner? What did non-Jewish Germans do, and what did they know?

In answering these questions, Kaplan presumes the existential innocence of Germany Jewry, as well as the fundamental Jewish right to access gentiles. In other words, Jews have the right to exclude gentiles from their communities, but never the other way around. More to the point of the book, she attempts to argue that the “social death” inflicted upon the Jews in Nazi Germany led inevitably to their physical death and then to the genocide of the Jews of Europe. She also attempts to explain why so many Jews never left Germany during the leadup to war. Kaplan has such contempt for racially aware Germans at that time that she refers to them as “Aryan,” always in scare quotes. This contempt leads her to omit extremely important information which would help explain why Germany became so inhospitable to Jews during the Nazi period.

Kaplan begins with the same blind spot found in Edwin Black’s The Transfer Agreement, first published in 1983—namely, that the German boycott of Jewish businesses in 1933 and the later economic repression of German Jews was not a justifiable retaliation to the worldwide Jewish boycott of Germany, which was then devastating a German economy already crippled by the Great Depression. Of course it was. At least Black discusses the Jewish anti-German boycott. Kaplan doesn’t even do that, and simply relies upon the ignorance of her readership by assuming that the anti-Jewish boycott, like all anti-Jewish measures from the time, sprang only from the black hearts of gentiles.

Another blind spot is the demonstrable connection between Jews and communism. This had proven catastrophic in Russia in 1917 and continued to be so during the 1930s, as was well-known in Germany at the time. This connection became evident in Hungary a few years later under the repressive rule of Béla Kun, and also nearly engendered a German Soviet republic in 1918 when Kurt Eisner and a clique of Jewish intellectuals attempted a violent revolution in Bavaria. Were the Germans supposed to forget about this? Kaplan seems to think so since, early in her work, she attempts to drum up sympathy for the communist Jews of Germany after the Nazis quite rightfully cracked down on them:

Jews jailed as communists—whether the charge was true or false—had the most to dread. They were accused of “preparing for high treason.” Recha Rothschild, a member of the Communist Party, quickly destroyed her files in February 1933. She fled her apartment, returning to it (at the end of March) after the SA had stormed in, stolen her belongings, and shredded all of her books and papers. She hid but was caught and charged with being a courier for the Communist Party, even though there was no hard evidence against her. The Reich court declared the evidence too flimsy, but the Prussian court, under Nazi control, sentenced Rothschild to two years in prison. There, among political prisoners, criminals, and prostitutes, her health deteriorated dangerously. Spitting up blood, she still refused “to drop dead for the Nazis.”

Not admitting what a lethal threat communism was to European nations at the time, and not putting the above sob story (and others like it) in perspective of the Jewish-run Soviet gulag system should make any discerning reader distrust Marion Kaplan. Her credibility diminishes even further when she proclaims that many of the Jews whom the Nazis oppressed throughout the 1930s were patriotic Germans. She cannot have it both ways. One cannot cry crocodile tears over Jewish communists—anti-patriots in theory and practice—and then expect readers to believe in the true-blue loyalty of German Jews. And that’s too bad, because I’m sure many German Jews were patriots, especially the ones who fought in the First World War. But when culling her sources, Kaplan rarely clarifies when a particular Jew was attacked, arrested, or repressed because he was Jewish or because he was a communist troublemaker or for any other perfectly legitimate reason. It’s as if she has something to hide.

Another egregious omission is Kaplan’s retelling of the German mass deportation of Polish Jews in October 1938. Not only does she describe it as a horror show of privation and terror as evil Nazis swooped down upon helpless Jews in their homes and herded them off to the hinterland, but she neglects to mention the perfectly valid reasons why the Germans were deporting Polish Jews in the first place. According to David Hoggan in The Forced War, Poland was striving to rid itself of its Jews and declared in October 1938 that Polish Jews living in Germany would become stateless unless they returned to Poland to get their passports validated, which the Polish government was preventing them from doing—at bayonet point. This was an egregious attempt to dump unwanted citizens onto a neighboring country, and forced the Germans to respond through deportations—which was their right, given that the Polish Jews were not German citizens. According to Hoggan, the Germans treated these deportees quite well.

The German authorities took great pains to act without guilt or blame. They organized the transport of Polish Jews with great care, and they made certain that the travelers had good facilities, including plenty of space and ample good food. The story told years later by the American journalist. William Shirer, about “Jews deported to Poland in boxcars” under brutal conditions, was clearly fictitious. The first trains passed the border to Polish stations before the Poles were prepared to stop them. After that, the unbelievable happened. Although the last day for issuance of the stamps was not until October 29th, and the new exclusion policy was not scheduled to take effect until October 30th, and Polish border police attempted to prevent the Jews from entering Poland. The Germans had made no preparation for this development, and soon thousands of Polish Jews were pouring into a few small border towns in Upper Silesia and elsewhere.

Kaplan does not tell her readership that the Germans were willing to have the Polish Jews re-enter Germany—but only after getting their passports validated in their recalcitrant home country. She does not reveal that the Poles retaliated by deporting large number of German Poles back into Germany. She also does not admit that many of these Polish Jews did indeed return to Germany and actually preferred it there, even as late as eleven months before the war.

In a moment of sheer dishonesty, Kaplan ascribes “despair” as Herschel Grynszpan’s motive to assassinate German diplomat Ernst vom Rath on November 7, 1938 in Paris. This famously set off the violent Kristallnacht pogrom days later. Upon learning that his parents and sister were being held near the Polish border with other deportees, Grynszpan took vom Rath’s life in an act of revenge. Kaplan makes this seem reasonable, yet fails to mention that Grynszpan was a “syphilitic degenerate,” according to Hoggan, who was wanted by the French police. She also does not mention that the postcard Grynszpan received from his deported family did not include any complaints regarding their treatment by the Germans.

Another sin of omission is Kaplan’s recapitulation of Adolf Hitler’s famous Reichstag speech of January30, 1939, which she claimed “ended with the ominous prophesy that this war would not see the ‘Bolshevization of the earth and thus the victory of Jewry, but the annihilation of the Jewish race in Europe.’” What she neglects to mention is that this was not prophesy on the part of Hitler, but a warning for the Allies not to declare war on Germany, which given Poland’s abusiveness towards Germany and its own German minority, they had no moral reason to do.

Contradicting Edwin Black

Worst of all in my opinion is Kaplan’s near complete blackout of the Transfer Agreement, otherwise called the Haavara Transfer, in which Nazi Germany worked with Zionist Jews to pave the way for German-Jewish emigration to Palestine throughout the 1930s. According to Kaplan, the Nazi government urged Jews to emigrate, yet set impediments which made it extremely difficult for them to do so.

The Nazis created another major obstacle by restricting the amount of currency and property Jews could take with them. The plunder of Jewish property was part and parcel of all emigration proceedings. The Nazis “pressured Jews to leave the country, but the privilege of leaving was expensive.” The Reich Flight Tax (Reichsfluchtsteuer), a stringent property tax on émigrés, threatened to impoverish prospective emigrants. First passed by the Brüning government in 1931 to prevent capital flight, the Nazis raised it to punitive heights for emigrating Jews. In all, the German treasury may have collected as much as 900 million marks from the Reich Flight Tax alone. Many people had to sell all their belongings simply to pay this one tax. Gerdy Stoppleman, for example, sent her husband, recently released from Sachsenhausen concentration camp, ahead to England while she stayed behind to pay the tax: “To be able to pay the . . . tax I sold our furniture, valuable paintings and carpets . . . all dirt cheap. Many a home of true Aryans, SA, and SS became exceedingly well furnished.”

In other words, either material possessions and wealth meant more to German Jews than their very lives, or Jewish life in Nazi Germany before the war wasn’t quite as bad Kaplan alleges.

Kaplan’s characterization of the Reich Flight Tax is also exaggerated, given that Black in The Transfer Agreement places it at 25 percent—steep, but not prohibitive. The scheme, which was actually encouraged by the Nazis, involved one placing one’s Reichsmarks in a frozen bank account, where they were known as sperrmarks. From there, Black lays it all out:

In practice, then, if a German citizen decided to emigrate, he would sell off all his assets, realizing, say, RM 100,000, equal to $33,000. That entire RM 100,000 would be deposited into a blocked account, and automatically suffer a 25 percent Flight Tax. Of the RM 75,000 that remained, the emigrant would be allowed to take with him only a few hundred reichsmarks, which would be converted to francs, dollars, or whatever currency was needed to satisfy immigrant entry requirements. The emigrant would then own just under RM 75,000 in a blocked German account he could no longer spend. Before departing Germany, he would go to bank and offer to sell his sperrmarks to the highest bidder. A foreign buyer would be found, offering perhaps RM 60,000 for the 75,000 sperrmarks, paying with the equivalent in foreign currency from a foreign bank account. If agreed, the two would simply swap bank accounts. Thus, the foreign buyer would purchase RM 75,000 marks for the foreign equivalent of RM 60,000. And the emigrant would have successfully transferred his money out of Germany, albeit at a loss of about 20 percent after discounts to the buyer and bank commissions.

Not only this, but Black reports on a shady capitalist schemer named Sam Cohen who, for a time at least, streamlined this transfer agreement to enable Jews to expedite their emigration. And the Nazis were happily complicit given how this plan involved middlemen selling German goods abroad—which helped Germany endure the boycotts against them.

Of course, it was never easy. I’m sure there were quite a few German Jews who wanted to get out and could not for some reason or another—and often because of foreign restrictions, not German ones. Exceptions should be made for the aged who could not manage arduous travel and were not wanted in foreign countries in any case. And granted, it got more difficult to emigrate as war continued to grow on the horizon. According to Kaplan, the foreign exchange rate for émigré Jews described above dropped to 4 percent by 1939, an astonishingly low figure not repeated by Black and not clearly footnoted by Kaplan. But by focusing more on those Jews who could not or would not leave, and not the 60,000 who reestablished themselves in Palestine during the 1930s thanks to the Nazi-Zionist transfer agreement (to say nothing of the 200,000-plus other Jews who escaped elsewhere), Kaplan reveals her anti-German bias. At one point, she incidentally mentions how a German-Jewish woman learned how to be a corsetiere in Palestine when visiting her sister for three months. If Nazi Germany was the terrorist state she repeatedly claims, why did the woman come back?

Perhaps because, as Edwin Black writes, “German Jews simply did not want to leave.”

Assessing the Oppression Before the War

Kaplan’s heartfelt—if brazenly partisan—treatment of Jewish life before the war benefits from a rich selection of source material. She shares the statements, memories, and experiences of German Jews from all walks of life, although she focuses mostly on women and girls. Those interested in Jewish history, especially in this particularly difficult chapter in Jewish life, will benefit greatly from her research and compilation. And Jews did suffer greatly in Germany in the 1930s when compared to the preceding Weimar Republic. I don’t wish to downplay any of that. Yet when Kaplan’s metapolitical goals are not simply to document the dignity and despair of Jews in Nazi Germany but also to prejudiciously denounce Nazis as inherently immoral human beings, I must. There are levels to this. There is suffering, and there is suffering. Do Kaplan’s hapless subjects compare in any way to the millions of Whites who suffered at the same time under the boot of the communists in the largely-Jewish controlled Soviet Union? No, they don’t. They’re not even close.

Thanks to the Nuremberg laws of 1935, the official indignities that peaceful and presumably non-communist Jews had to endure within Nazi Germany included racial segregation, anti-Jewish discrimination, and their near-complete removal from mainstream German life. “Social death,” in other words—the kind of ostracism that Jews today force upon White identitarians everywhere. According to Hitler in his January 1939 Reichstag speech, Jews dominated many leading positions in German life and were harming Germany and making it less German. The Nuremburg laws were an attempt to rectify this. Unofficially, however, this sea change led to a wide array of abuses which were heaped on the unfortunate German Jews. These included: insults, intimidation, beatings, boycotts, property confiscations, denunciations, social isolation, and various kinds of humiliations. With a population of 80 million, of course there were some unstable individuals who committed violence upon innocent Jews or who were unscrupulous enough to take advantage of them. This sort of thing was bound to happen. And with their government officially recognizing Jews as second-class citizens, Jews essentially had no choice but to endure or leave.

Yet, life went on.

Throughout the first half of the book, Kaplan complains about hurt feelings, loneliness, and damaged self-esteem. So much of her appeal is emotional that Between Dignity and Despair reads at times like a soap opera. But as I once brought up in an essay entitled “The Woody Allen Fallacy,” it makes no sense to complain about the low quality of something, and then complain further that you don’t get enough of it. If the Nazis were so evil, why were German Jews so crestfallen when they couldn’t associate with them?

For single people, social life outside of the family network became increasingly difficult from 1933 through 1938 unless they were young enough and interested enough to join a Jewish youth organization. One young woman without family connections sought human contact after a hard day’s work. Lonely, she went to cafés in the evening and sat in a corner, reading. “I would have loved to join in” the dancing, she wrote, but she feared the possible repercussions.

Kaplan goes on for pages like this. She expects us hold a pity party for German Jews who must “pass” for German, or be forced to listen to speeches by Hitler and Goebbels, or deal with children throwing stones, or resign themselves to careers as seamstresses and nannies instead of pediatricians and scientists—meanwhile in the Soviet Union, the Jew Lazar Kaganovich was deporting over a quarter million Cossacks to Sibera, and the Jew Naftaly Frenkel was ensuring the deaths of 200,000 souls during the construction of the Belomar Canal, and the Jew Matvei Berman was overseeing the slave labor of political prisoners in his vast gulag system, and the Jew Genrikh Yagoda as chief of the NKVD was ordering the deaths of millions during the Great Terror, and the Jew Filipp Goloshchyokin was collectivizing Kazakhstan and causing a famine responsible for the deaths of over a million people.

As the kids like to say, cry me a river.

According to Kaplan, the only time the Nazis ever approached this level of injustice during the pre-war years was when, in 1938, the Gestapo imprisoned and deported an unspecified number of “foreign Jews” and then initiated its “June Action” in which 1,500 Jewish men deemed “anti-social” were sent to concentration camps until they could prove that they were ready to emigrate. Then there was Kristallnacht—Kaplan calls it the November Pogrom—which took around 100 Jewish lives and caused several hundred million marks of damage. After this, the Nazis imprisoned some 30,000 Jewish men in concentration camps, again until they could prove their readiness to emigrate.

And that’s about it, folks—bad, sure, but amateur hour compared to Stalin’s Jewish hangmen over in the Soviet Union during the pre-war period.

Despite this happening during the Great Depression, Kaplan makes little effort to compare Jewish suffering to gentile suffering, which we know was tremendous, especially in the early 1930s. She does not deign to bring up the 850,000 Germans—many of whom were children—who died from malnutrition thanks to the Allied blockade during the First World War. She does not mention how Germans had to deal with humiliations of their own thanks to the Treaty of Versailles. She does not mention how this Treaty separated millions of Germans from their homeland and forced them to live as second-class citizens outside of Germany. The worst offender here was Poland, whose discriminatory treatment of its German minority throughout the 1930s rivaled Germany’s treatment of Jews during the same period. She also does not explore how the Nazis had reversed the corruption and degeneracy of the Weimar period, which German Jews were disproportionately responsible for. The Nazis had also engineered Germany’s miraculous recovery from the Depression.

Thus, the Nazis were good for Germans. But does this matter to Kaplan? Not at all. For Kaplan, all that matters is whether something is good for Jews. In fact, she seems to judge Germans solely by their xenophilia. A German is a “good” German only if he resisted the Nazis and was friendly to Jews. If a German made altruistic sacrifices for his German family, friends, or nation, that was of no matter at all.

Assessing the Oppression During the War

For those completely ignorant of the peacetime atrocities committed by the Soviet Union, Kaplan’s wartime chapters are her most convincing. She is an able writer, and so lays out her case in an engaging manner, especially considering that anti-Jewish oppression and abuse in Germany increased greatly after the war commenced. She displays her fetish for feminism a little more in these chapters as well.

According to Kaplan, Jews were prohibited from emigrating by 1941. They had their radios confiscated and were banned from all public welfare by 1939.  Also in 1939, German landlords were given permission to evict Jewish tenants for any reason. Once the war began Jews were placed under curfew, banned from public transportation, suffered the loss of many civil rights, and endured more stringent food rationing than ordinary Germans. Hunger became a real problem for many of them. Jews also became subject to often-violent spot checks by the Gestapo and were crammed into overcrowded Judenhäuser. By 1940, they weren’t allowed to own telephones or to shop for clothing. As a result, many went into hiding.

Even worse was the forced labor in factories, farms, and other places. Kaplan writes how this often consisted of ten-hour days of backbreaking labor under dirty and dismal circumstances. I have no doubt that much if not all of what Kaplan presents on this is true. Since when is forced labor during wartime anything other than horrible? Despite this, however, Jews were still getting paid for their efforts, unlike their Soviet counterparts in the gulags above the Arctic Circle.

While anxiously awaiting her visa to the United States, Elisabeth Freund was forced to work in a laundry on the outskirts of Berlin. She was grateful not to be in a munitions factory, since her children were in England and she did not want to produce the munitions that might harm them, or in a battery factory, which she had heard was dangerous and dirty. For backbreaking work at the laundry, unmarried Jewish women earned about 14 marks, while married women earned 12.50 marks weekly. Married women whose husbands also worked were docked some pay for being “double earners.”

Then there were the deportations to concentration camps such as Theresienstadt. These claimed tens of thousands of German-Jewish lives during the later years of the war, according to Kaplan. She has little to say about what went on in places like that, since presumably most people who were sent there did not survive to write memoirs or letters. She also expends little energy discussing the broader Jewish Holocaust, which, fair play to her, is beyond the scope of her book. She does however cite one source claiming that up to 150,000 deported Jews perished, although it’s hard to be sure when Kaplan simply provides before and after figures and expects her readers to connect the dots:

Even as Soviet troops began to liberate concentration camps in the East, the Germans relentlessly rounded up the remnants of German Jewry, sending them to camps closer by. Of the 164,000 Jews in Germany in October 1941, one estimate has only 14,500 left in July 1944, and deportations continued into the spring of 1945.

How many of these people escaped during the war or went into hiding and thus avoided being tallied? Who knows? Either way, these deportations were undoubtedly cruel and tragic, but Kaplan never explores why the Germans would resort to such drastic measures to begin with. Nor does she ever pose the question of what the Germans were supposed to do with 164,000 ethnic aliens living in their midst—many of whom were disloyal to say the least. The Germans were fighting a multi-front war against three super-powers who outnumbered them in total population count by more than five-to-one. And they were fighting to win. Once hostilities commenced, the Nazis had to have greater control over Jewish emigration. How could they allow a mass, disorderly exodus of Jews which would likely involve a fair number eager to join the Reich’s external enemies? So, again, what were they supposed to do?

Conclusion

I am not insensate to the plight of German Jewry during this time. But what happened to them was the kind of tragic injustice often visited upon innocents during war. The greater injustice, however, was the Allied declaration of war upon Germany in the first place, which indeed made it a world war. Kaplan claims that Germany “unleashed the war” on September 1, 1939. But that’s not true. On this date Germany unleashed a border skirmish against Poland which was menacing the German population of Danzig, terrorizing and oppressing its own German minority, and initiating warlike actions against Germany—such as firing upon German civilian airplanes, collaborating behind the scenes with France and England, and ordering minor incursions into Germany territory. And this says nothing of the 58,000 German-Poles the Poles killed once the war began.

All of this must be weighed into the calculus of ascribing blame after the fact. Of course, the Germans are not without blame—during war, who is? In the Second World War, everybody suffered. But by focusing on the suffering of only one relatively small group—and ignoring its prodigious sins—while denying the very humanity of another group and focusing only on its sins, Marion Kaplan reveals herself to be more of a passive-aggressive polemicist than an honest historian. I wonder if she even knows the difference.

Late in her book, she writes tellingly about the Allied bombing of civilian centers in Germany:

Although Jews suffered and died in the bombings, these attacks threatened Jewish lives in an arbitrary manner; the deportations threatened them in a far more direct and systematic one. Thus, when post-war Germans recalled the Nazi era, they emphasized the horrors of the bombings. Jews, on the other hand, did not stress the bombings either during or after the war. They dreaded the Gestapo far more. Freund remarked: “I’m not afraid of the bombings, even if it isn’t exactly pleasant, and one never knows whether one will survive until the next morning. This is a danger we . . . share with many millions. . . . We are only afraid of the Gestapo.”

Most important for Jews, the bombings held out hope. They were signs of a possible German defeat and the end of the Nazi nightmare.

So Marion Kaplan admits that German Jews were disloyal during a time when Germans were fighting for their very survival. From the perspective of a German who wants to win the war, what do you do with such people? This is a serious question. What do you do with them?

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Spencer J. Quinn https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Spencer J. Quinn2024-06-25 13:15:532024-07-01 15:29:21Cry Me a River: Marion Kaplan’s Between Dignity and Despair
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