Summary of State Laws Protecting Political Dissidents against Discrimination

If you are a political dissident and have experienced employment-based adverse treatment (including threats) because of your beliefs, the Free Expression Foundation may be able to provide you with important legal information to help you fight back.

One source of your legal rights may be your employment contract, if you have one. This includes collective bargaining employment contracts such as those negotiated by unions. Because union members frequently engage in political activity, union contracts commonly contain express prohibitions against political discrimination.

If you do not have an employment contract, you are almost certainly an “at-will” employee. The general legal rule is that an employer may fire an at-will employee for any reason or no reason at all, unless the employee falls into a protected class such as those based on race or gender, and persons holding dissident political views are not a protected class.

There are, however, 18 state or local laws (according to FEF’s latest research) that, to a greater or lesser extent, provide potential redress for an employer’s adverse action against an at-will employee based on the employee’s political beliefs or activities. It bears emphasis that these laws differ greatly from each other. Some have been around for many years; some are quite new. Some are broad in scope and expressly protect the employee’s First Amendment rights; others are drawn narrowly, and arguably apply only to specific contexts relating to specific events, such as elections. Some provide only for criminal penalties; some also provide a civil cause of action for damages. Some have been interpreted by their state courts many times; some have never been interpreted.

California [CAL. LAB. CODE §§ 1101 and 1102]

Colorado [COLO. REV. STAT. ANN. § 24-34-402.5]

Connecticut [CONN. GEN. STAT. § 31-51q]

District of Columbia [D.C. CODE § 2-1402.01] and [DC Guide}

Louisiana [LA. REV. STAT. ANN. §§ 23:961 and 23:962]

Minnesota [MINN. STAT. ANN. § 10A.36]

Missouri [MO. ANN. STAT. § 115.637(6) and § 130.028]

Montana [MONT. CODE ANN. § 39-2-904 and MONT. CONST. art. 2, § 4]

Nebraska [NEB. REV. STAT. ANN. § 32-1537]

Nevada [NEV. REV. STAT. ANN. § 613.040]

North Dakota [N.D. CENT. CODE ANN. § 14-02.4-03]

New Mexico [N.M. STAT. ANN. § 1-20-13 and § 3-8-78(A)]

New York [N.Y. LAB. LAW § 201-d]

South Carolina [S.C. CODE ANN. § 16-17-560]

Utah [UTAH CODE ANN. § 34A-5-112]

Washington [Seattle only; SEATTLE, WASH. MUN. CODE. § 14.04.040]

West Virginia [W. VA. CODE ANN. § 3-8-11(b) and § 3-9-15]

Wisconsin [Madison only; MADISON, WIS. MUN. CODE § 39.03]

If you have been the victim of adverse treatment by your employer based on your political beliefs or activities, FEF will try to help to the degree it is able. The help FEF can offer will depend on the particular facts of your case, the jurisdiction whose laws apply, and the resources FEF has available. At a minimum, however, FEF will consult with you for free, a consultation that may include speaking with an attorney acting on FEF’s behalf.


If you found this information useful, please consider making a small tax-deductible donation to the FEF by clicking here. Every dollar counts in our fight to keep Free Expression free.


*** IMPORTANT DISCLAIMER***

Information herein and throughout this website is for educational purposes only and does not constitute legal advice directed towards individuals, groups, or organizations.

FEF does maintain relationships with lawyers, law firms, and other experts throughout the United States and can help direct people towards such resources and, to an extent, serve in an advisory capacity. But the FEF is not, in any way, a law firm or legal partnership.

The FEF recommends that legal advice should always be obtained by a qualified attorney licensed to practice law in the relevant jurisdiction.

Whites Don’t Count: Anti-White Activism in Intellectual History

The Crest of the Peacock (1991) has a beautiful title and an ugly purpose. The book takes that title from a line in an ancient Sanskrit text: “Like the crest of a peacock, like the gem on the head of a snake, so is mathematics at the head of all knowledge.” (p. v) So much for the beauty: now for the ugliness. The subtitle of the book is “Non-European Roots of Mathematics” and it’s one of the earlier entries in what might be called the “Whites Stole Everything” school of anti-Western polemic. There’s the West and the Rest—and the Rest is Best.

Sue’s venomous views

The author of the book, a Keralan Indian called George Gheverghese Joseph, didn’t express himself as crudely as that. But thirty years later the implicit message of his “pioneering book” (back cover) is explicit throughout Western politics, media and education. Whites have perpetually stolen from and exploited the rest of the world. They have no true culture, no distinctive achievements, and so-called Western civilization truly is, as the notorious Jewish writer Susan Sontag so eloquently put it, “the cancer of human history.” Joseph doesn’t have that Jewish hatred for Whites and the Christian West—he says in the introduction that he comes “from a family of Syrian Orthodox Christians” in Kerala (p. xiii)—but he obviously wants to give Whites as little credit for their mathematical achievements as he can. This is a book about mathematics, not linguistics, but when he’s describing pioneers in the decipherment of cuneiform script he gives full names and dates to “George Frederick Grotefend (1775–1853) and Henry Creswicke Rawlinson (1810–95)” (p. 95).

The Crest is Best: George Gheverghese Joseph’s successful anti-White book

Grotefend and Rawlinson were Whites uncovering the greatness of a non-European civilization, so Joseph is happy to acknowledge their “pioneering efforts.” But when he’s discussing the mathematical constant π and the ancient problem of “squaring the circle,” he hides another White pioneer behind the passive voice: “The problem of squaring the circle was finally resolved in 1882 when it was shown to be impossible. … Only in the nineteenth century was it demonstrated that, since squaring the circle is equivalent to constructing a line segment whose length is equal to the product of the square root of π (which is not a constructible quantity) and the radius of the given circle, it cannot be done.” (pp. 188-9)

The contradiction that powers leftism

But who “resolved” that problem? Who “demonstrated” that “it cannot be done”? It was the great German mathematician Ferdinand Lindemann (1852–1939). Joseph doesn’t name him, presumably because he doesn’t want to acknowledge that a White mathematician achieved such an important result. Joseph is a leftist and his concealment of Lindemann’s identity exposes one of the central contradictions of leftism. The ideology claims explicitly to believe in absolute human equality and yet acts on the implicit assumption that Whites are innately vicious and non-Whites innately virtuous. Whites must therefore be denied credit wherever possible, because, unlike non-Whites, they don’t genuinely deserve it.

This contradiction doesn’t weaken leftism: on the contrary, it powers leftism. The explicit claim of human equality gives leftists a sense of self-righteous virtue and superiority over the ignorant racists who reject human equality. At the same time, they use their implicit belief in White evil to indulge their hostility towards or hatred of Whites. For example, the leftist attitude to startling Black achievements in the field of murder and mayhem can be summed up like this: “It may be a Black hand holding the gun, but it’s white racism that pulls the trigger.” In other words, the malevolent agency of Whites explains all apparent non-White misbehaviour.

Stonehenge doesn’t count

Joseph is working in this anti-White tradition when he implicitly promotes the idea that the work of non-Whites explains all apparent White achievement in mathematics. And indeed, we should be happy to acknowledge the genius of non-White mathematicians like the Keralan Madhava of Sangamagramma (c. 1340–c. 1425), who was centuries ahead of European mathematicians in some of his results. But we’ve seen that, even as Joseph is naming and proclaiming such non-White geniuses, he declines to name the White mathematician Lindemann: “The problem of squaring the circle was finally resolved in 1882 when it was shown to be impossible.”

That’s not an oversight: it’s intentional. And he states in a footnote that “we shall not be discussing … the mathematical attainments of the constructors of megalithic monuments, such as Stonehenge in England,” claiming that “it is extremely unlikely that the neolithic lifestyle of the constructors would have generated the demands or supplied the resources required for developing the ‘advanced’ mathematics attributed to them by [some] writers.” (p. 27) That may be so, but the “constructors of megalithic monuments” in Europe prove that the “roots of mathematics” were not entirely “non-European.” By discussing the monuments, Joseph would have undermined his simple theme of the Rest being Better than the West. So he doesn’t discuss them.

The mountains of Central Equatorial Africa

This exclusion is both convenient for Joseph and revealing of his anti-White and anti-Western motives. At the beginning of the book, he proclaims his own belief in the Psychic Unity of Mankind: “there is no reason to believe that early man’s capacity to reason and conceptualize was any different from that of his modern counterpart.” (p. 27) In fact, there’s very good reason to believe that, thanks to different paths of evolution in very different environments, intellectual powers are not distributed evenly among either the races or the sexes. Intellectual achievement certainly hasn’t been distributed evenly, as Joseph’s own book demonstrates. Although leftists greeted The Crest of the Peacock with delight—“A magnificent contribution” said a “peer-reviewed academic journal on contemporary racism and imperialism” called Race & Class—the book doesn’t in fact support the leftist world-view.

According to the publisher’s blurb, Joseph “makes it clear [that] human beings everywhere have been capable of advanced and innovative mathematical thinking.” No, he doesn’t do that, because mathematical achievements have not been scattered at random among the various human races and cultures. He begins his survey with the Ishango Bone, a very interesting prehistoric artefact found “in the mountains of Central Equatorial Africa” (p. 23). Regular and obviously deliberate markings on the bone, which seems to date from about 20,000 BC, do indeed seem to show a lunar calendar and even some understanding of prime numbers. But Joseph is unable to claim that sub-Saharan Blacks were key contributors to the “non-European roots of mathematics.” It would be difficult to do that, because they weren’t.

Ancient Egypt was not a “Black civilization”

And today Blacks are of no importance in STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics). This is a big embarrassment to the left, and Joseph uses one of their main responses: to count ancient Egypt and its awesome civilization as somehow “Black” because Egypt is geographically part of Africa. He announces: “It is important that the African roots of the Egyptian civilization are emphasized so as to counter the still deeply entrenched view that the ancient Egyptians were racially, linguistically and even geographically separated from Africa.” (pp. 57-8)

The “Great Black Briton” Septimius Severus and his family (his son Geta has suffered damnatio memoriae)

The implicit—and bad—reasoning there is that ancient Egypt was in Africa and that Africa is Black, therefore ancient Egypt was a Black civilization. A supercharged version of the same bad reasoning has been used to hail the Roman emperor Septimius Severus (1462–11) as one of “100 Great Black Britons,” because he was born in what is now northern Libya and died in what is now the English city of York. Libya is in Africa, therefore Severus was Black; York is in Britain, therefore Severus was British; and he was a Roman emperor, therefore he was a Great Black Briton. QED!

Backward to Black

Septimius Severus was neither Black nor British, of course. And Greek mathematicians like Euclid and Eratosthenes were not Black either, despite hailing from Alexandria “in Africa” and despite the self-aggrandizing claims of the genuinely Black mathematician Jonathan Farley. As Nassim Talib has pointed out, these ridiculous claims might stop if we replaced the geographic label “North Africa” with the equally legitimate label “South Mediterranean.” The mathematically expert Taleb added: “Too many people think in words.” Joseph isn’t guilty of such explicit misrepresentation in The Crest of the Peacock, but he’s still promoting the idea that ancient Egypt’s geography somehow determined its genetics. In fact, no: ancient Egypt’s genetics were not Black.

But modern Egypt’s genetics are much closer to being so: the admixture of sub-Saharan genes has increased over time. As Egypt’s Blackness rose, its greatness fell. Its leading role in mathematics and its astonishing achievements, like the pyramids, are now long in the past. That’s exactly what one would expect: advanced civilization and technological innovation depend on a critical mass of highly intelligent individuals—what the probably Jewish statistician Griffe du Lion calls “the smart fraction.” The more Black admixture there is in a population, the fewer such individuals there will be and the less capable that population will be of high achievement.

The genius of Persia

The religion of Islam may also have contributed to the intellectual stagnation of once advanced regions like Egypt and Mesopotamia. Consanguineous marriage, which is widely practised by Muslims, both lowers average intelligence and breaks down social cohesion, because it promotes loyalty to families and clans rather than to larger entities. Joseph devotes the final section of his book to a “Prelude to Modern Mathematics: The Arab Contribution,” where he traces the achievements of mathematicians and astronomers working under the “Islamic rule” that stretched “from North Africa in the south to the borders of France in the West, right across Persia and the Central Asian plains to the borders of China in the east, and down to Sind in northern India.” (p. 301)

However, “Arab Contribution” isn’t the right term, because some of the most important figures in the “Prelude to Modern Mathematics” were not Arab but Persian and hence from an area conquered by the Indo-Europeans in the third millennium BC. Joseph discusses giants like Muhammad ibn Musa al-Khwarizmi (c. 780–c. 850), Omar Khayyam (c. 1040–1123), and Jamshid al-Kashi (c. 1380–1429), who were born within the borders of modern Iran (al-Khwarizmi’s name is the source of the term “algorithm” in modern English). Once again we can see intellectual achievement isn’t distributed at random: “Islamic rule” stretched across a vast territory, but some parts of that territory, like Persia and Central Asia, contributed disproportionately to mathematics, astronomy, philosophy and medicine.

Death-deserving heretics

More interestingly still, some of the great mathematicians of the era seem to follow a pattern I’ve discussed before at the Occidental Observer: that of highly-achieving minority sects within under-achieving majorities. In India, the religious sect known as Parsis have made hugely disproportionate contributions to intellectual life and, in the person of Freddy Mercury, to entertainment. Their name literally means “Persians,” because they’re the descendants of Zoroastrians driven out of Persia by Muslim persecution in the seventh and eighth centuries. Muslims have also persecuted the sect to which the great Pakistani scientist Abdus Salam (1926–96) belonged. He won a Nobel Prize for Physics in 1979, the first scientific Nobel ever awarded to a Muslim.

But he isn’t celebrated in his homeland, where it is illegal to refer to him as a Muslim. He belonged to a much-persecuted Muslim sect called the Ahmadis, who are regarded as dangerous and death-deserving heretics by mainstream Sunnis. That pattern of minority and sectarian high achievement also appears in Joseph’s book. Al-Khwarizmi may have been “of Zoroastrian descent” (p. 305), while Thabit ibn Qurra (c. 836–c. 901) belonged to an ancient star-worshipping sect called the Sabaeans, which Joseph says produced other “eminent scholars in mathematics and astronomy.” (pp. 307–8) He mentions these affiliations only in passing and undoubtedly did not regard them as biologically important. After all, how could membership of one religion or another affect one’s mathematical skills for better or worse?

A genuine Jewish genius

Well, very easily, because religious groups that are genetically isolated from the majority can preserve or evolve distinct genes of all kinds, including those that influence intelligence and cognition. Kevin MacDonald has noted of medieval Jewish culture in Europe that “success as a scholar was valuable because it allowed the scholar to contract a desirable marriage, often to a woman from a wealthy family. At the very center of Judaism, therefore, was a set of institutions that would reliably result in eugenic processes related to intelligence and resource acquisition ability.”

Genuine Jewish genius Emmy Noether

It isn’t a coincidence, then, that Emmy Noether (1882–1935), perhaps the best and most important female mathematician in history, was a product of those eugenic processes. In other words, Noether was Jewish, like a vastly disproportionate number of other great mathematicians and physicists. If intellectual ability were distributed at random among human beings, we wouldn’t see patterns like that. Joseph didn’t discuss Jewish mathematicians in his book, because he almost certainly didn’t regard them as non-White and non-European. Accordingly, he wouldn’t have thought them useful for anti-Western propaganda.

Submerged by the West

But he did mention another statistical anomaly: that of two mathematical geniuses from the large, highly populous and very genetically complex region of India. But the geniuses Madhava of Sangamagramma (c. 1340–c. 1425) and Srinivasa Ramanujan (1887–920) defied the demographic odds and were born in nearly the same part of India and into the same Brahmin stratum of society, a stratum often linked to the Indo-European invasion. Joseph says of Madhava that he “possessed extraordinary intuition, making him almost the equal of a more recent intuitive genius, [Ramanujan], who spent his childhood and youth at Kumbakonam, not very far from Madhava’s birthplace.” (p. 293)

He goes on to ask whether Ramanujan drew on “the vestiges of a ‘hidden’ indigenous mathematical tradition which was not submerged by the influx of modern mathematics from the West.” (p. 293) I don’t think Ramanujan did that. Instead, I think he drew on a different kind of tradition: genetics. Madhava and Ramanujan may have owed their shared genius to their shared genetics. The two men were both Hindus, but Hinduism is like an arch beneath which shelter hundreds of sects and thousands or even tens of thousands of micro-sects whose customs and taboos have kept them genetically separate for centuries and more. The famous division of Hindu society into Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Sudra, or scholars, warriors, merchants, and labourers, is merely a précis. The social—and genetic—reality is much more complicated than that and the stratifications much more detailed and genetically significant, including a significant influx of  the genes of Indo-European Bronze Age conquerors.

Blank slates and loaded dice

As a believer in the “Blank Slate” theory of human nature, Joseph doesn’t mention genetics in his discussion either of India or of China, which was more fertile ground for the “Non-European Roots of Mathematics.” In other words, while his book supposedly expanded the horizons of intellectual history and enquiry, in fact it shrunk them in typical leftist fashion. Leftists try to reduce the vast and fascinating complexity of human biology and behaviour to a narrow tale of environment and culture. The “Blank Slate” theory of human nature accompanies and complements the “Tumbling Dice” theory of human history. If we’re all the same under the skin, then, as the Jewish scientist Jared Diamond has often claimed, it’s merely chance and fortunes of geography or climate that explain why one group achieves this and another group achieves that. Or fails to achieve it.

But the “Tumbling Dice” theory of history inexorably gives rise to the “Loaded Dice” theory of history, whereby Whites are found guilty of rigging the historic game in their own favour. If the dice weren’t loaded, they would surely tumble sooner or later in favour of Blacks. Century after century, they haven’t done so. Therefore they must be loaded. What else but White racism can explain why Blacks are so successful at crime and so unsuccessful at STEM? And while Whites were unjustly and maliciously treading Blacks into the dirt, they were looting the intellectual treasures of India and China. In short, Western civilization is a fraud and Whites stole everything, lifting themselves up by pushing everyone else down.

Indian numerals, Babylonian timekeeping

As I said at the beginning, Joseph doesn’t put it as crudely as that. Nevertheless, scholarly work like his has fuelled the increasingly rabid anti-White attitudes of the present day, when people are putting it as crudely as that. But those anti-White fanatics are wrong. Whites did not “steal everything” and they have distinctive and admirable achievements of their own. Joseph is right that the West built on and benefited from the genius (and geniuses) of ancient civilizations like Babylonia, Egypt, India and China. For example, we use Arabic numerals, which are really Indian numerals, and we still divide time in the ancient sexagesimal fashion of the Babylonians.

But Western civilization has surpassed its mentors in STEM and reached new heights. Modern mathematics, like the modern science it underpins, is a White Western creation. Whites could very easily make unlimited further progress in mathematics and science without the contribution of high-IQ non-Whites, whether Indians, Chinese or Jews. Indeed, Whites will stop making progress of all kinds if non-Whites do not leave Western societies and allow us to end the worsening anti-White trends in politics and culture.

Insanities, inanities and fatal flaws

The Crest of the Peacock was fuel thirty years ago as those trends began to gain momentum and venom. Yes, in part the book is a fascinating (if wordy) synthesis of some very diverse mathematical history and biography. But its interesting contents and beautiful title belie its ugly purpose. And it has undoubtedly contributed to the slow-motion collapse of standards in STEM that began in the last century. Thanks to the insanities and inanities of Black Lives Matter and its allies, the collapse is losing slowness and gaining motion by the day. The left knows that it can’t raise Blacks to meet high standards, so it has to drop standards to meet the low abilities of Blacks.

That is not a recipe for civilizational success, which is why China is refusing to follow it. But it’s easy for China to refuse to contort and flagellate itself for its sins towards Blacks. Why so? Because China hasn’t opened its borders to the Third World and been massively enriched by Blacks. Or by Indians like George Gheverghese Joseph, who was educated at the English universities of Leicester and Manchester as he researched and wrote his anti-Western book.

If Whites have a fatal flaw, it is not nasty xenophobia but naïve xenophilia. We have been too ready to nurture hostile outsiders and too ready to indulge them as they’ve set about the culture of critique and the dismantling of Western civilization. There is indeed the West and the Rest. But when the Rest flood into the West, the West ceases to be Best. That’s the lesson I draw from The Crest of the Peacock.

Political Violence in Weimar Germany: Lessons for the Contemporary U.S.

The Outlaw
Ernst von Salomon, trans. Ian F. D. Morrow, 1st English edition 1931; third edition
Arktos Media, 2013

Introduction

The Outlaws is an unusual piece of literature—a historical novel written by one of the participants in the events described, and a work of fiction that has been used as a primary source by researchers of the period. I read this book with the hope of gaining some insight into the role of political violence within a Western society undergoing profound change. It is always tempting to seek historical analogies connecting one period to another. Obviously, the differences between Germany of one hundred years ago, the period cover by this book, and today’s America are huge. But perhaps by comparing and contrasting these two eras we can gain a better understanding of political violence within a Western context.

The Author

Ernst von Salomon (1902–1972) was a young political activist during the Weimar republic.[1] He was born Kiel, then part of Prussia. His father was a high-ranking police official. When World War I ended with the November Revolution, Ernst, a sixteen-year-old cadet at the academy in Lichterfelde, left school and joined the Freikorps.

He was involved in suppressing the Spartacist Upraising in Berlin in January 1919 and fought in the Baltic States during most of that year. He was back in Germany to take part in the failed Kapp Putsch in March 1920 and fought the Poles in Upper Silesia in 1921. After the Freikorps was disbanded, Salomon joined the Organisation Consul, an underground rightwing revolutionary group.

In 1922 he was sentenced to five years in prison as an accessory to the murder of the German foreign minister Walther Rathenau. In 1927 he received another five-year sentence for attempted murder during a vigilante assault. He was pardoned by President Paul von Hindenburg after serving a few months. The irrepressible Ernst was in investigative custody in 1930 for activities on behalf of the Landvolkbewegung, a farmers’ protest movement in Schleswig-Holstein, when he finished his first novel Die Geächteten (The Ostracized). Published in English as The Outlaws in 1931, the book was a literary and commercial success.

Although a fanatical German nationalist he did not support National Socialism and was arrested and briefly detained by the regime, suspected of Strasserism. He was, however, a sanctioned writer during the Third Reich and worked on scripts for the film company UFA. He resumed his writing career after the war with the best seller Der Fragebogen (The Questionnaire) a novel about Allied denazification efforts.

The Book

There are two ways to read The Outlaws: as a war novel, an adventure story; or as a first-person history of the post-World War I German Right. The first approach is an easier, more pleasurable read. There is plenty of action in the first two-thirds of the book. The second approach is challenging and humbling, even if the reader believes he has a good background knowledge of the period covered. The book may call into question some of the reader’s preconceived perceptions of this time. I found myself jotting down names of people and places mentioned in the text for later internet searches. Specifics are often blurred. The author may have assumed that German readers of 1930 would be well acquainted with the events discussed, or perhaps he wanted to convey the chaos and uncertainty of early Weimar Germany as seen through the eyes of a teenaged political soldier. This is suggested in the Introduction to the English edition, written by historian Ian F.D. Morrow. “The confusion of thought and action that was so typical of post-War Germany has rarely found better expression than in the following pages” (7).

The first chapter, aptly entitled “Chaos,” describes the November Revolution from the street level. By chapter four our protagonist has joined the Freikorps and is battling the communists in the streets of Berlin during the Spartacist Uprising. The young soldier was shocked that there were Berliners who chose to ignore the conflict around them to pursue personal amusements. “We heard nigger music from the bars and dancing saloons, we saw profiteers, and prostitutes, noisy and drunk,  . . .  while the last stray shots of our companions were still sounding in the distance” (36).

The reader quickly learns that initially many of the Freikorps were not the stereotypic reactionaries or proto-fascists of popular imagination. Some were noncommunist socialists. It should be noted that the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) was at this time a Marxist party. So the fighting during 1918–19 pitted communists, who wanted a violent revolution to install a dictatorship of the proletariat, against the SPD which sought to implement Marxism incrementally through elections. A portion of Freikorps members were apolitical; they just wanted action. “They had not yet gotten over the war. War had molded them; it had given a meaning to their lives and a reason for their existence. They were unruly and untamed, beings apart, who gathered themselves into little companies animated by a desire to fight. . . . Each one of them had a different idea of what he wanted” (57).

On April 1, 1919 our narrator’s unit headed to the Baltic States. If the situation in Germany was fluid, conditions were even more in flux to the east. Here the Freikorps fought for German goals as proposed in the Brest-Litovsk Treaty of March 1918. Most of the action takes place in present-day Latvia where at least four different factions were operating: Latvian nationalists fighting for an autonomous republic, Reds, both Russian and Latvian, fighting for the Bolshevik Revolution, Whites trying to reestablish the old Russian authority, and the aforementioned Freikorps supporting the interests of Baltic Germans. There were shifting alliances as the three noncommunist groups sometimes united to battle the Reds, and at other times fought each other.

An interesting digression: One of my grandfathers was Latvian, and I spent two years in Riga teaching English as a foreign language. So I was particularly interested in this part of the book. As to be expected, the author tells the German side of the story and uses German place names. Thus the Dwina River is now the Daugava, Mitau is now Jelgava, and Windau is now Vestspils. But Riga has always been Riga. Our narrator mentions “Ulmanis’ Lettish Government,” referring to Kārlis Ulmanis (1877–1942) the first prime minister of the Latvian Republic. Ulmanis was a nationalist and an agronomist, receiving a BS in agriculture from the University of Nebraska. After a number of years in the US he returned to Latvia, then part of the Russian Empire, in 1913 and went on to help establish the Latvian republic in 1918. In June 1940 Soviet forces occupied Latvia. In July Ulmanis was arrested and deported to the Soviet Union. He died in prison in September 1942. His great nephew, Guntis Ulmanis was president during my stay (1993–1995).

Returning to our narrative: The author saw his heaviest fighting during this period. It was a nasty conflict. Both the Reds and the Freikorps murdered civilians and executed prisoners, but in combat our protagonist claims the Freikorps acquitted themselves well. While it was obvious that Germany had lost the war in the west there was still hope, even at this late date, that some gains could be salvaged to the east. The Allies, however, required the German government to withdrawal all paramilitaries from the Baltics in August, 1919. The author’s unit was one that refused that order. In November 1919, the government forced all units back home by cutting off all logistical support.  The Freikorps was largely dependent on government support, though some units were privately funded at times.

The author believed that the events of 1919 were another stab in the back. He held that German forces could have prevailed at least in Latvia, though many historians disagree. In any case the departing Freikorps troops went on a rampage. “We hunted the Letts across the fields like hares, set fire to every house, smashed every bridge to smithereens and broke every telegraph pole. We dropped the corpses into the wells and threw bombs after them. We killed anything that fell into our hands, we set fire to everything that would burn. We saw red; we lost every feeling of humanity” (131).

Consider this: Although hailing from Schleswig-Holstein, a semi-Scandinavian part of Germany, the author identified as Prussian. The Latvians are closely related ethnically to the original Prussians. Prussians are basically Germanized Balts. The majority of Latvians at the time were Lutheran, as were the Prussians. Within this context, the murderous actions of the Freikorps were nothing more than extreme petty nationalism at its ugliest. In the end, Latvian national forces, with the help of a small British expeditionary force, were able to defeat the Reds and usher in twenty years of Latvian independence.

The beginning of 1920 finds the author’s unit back in Germany where, in March, they make the disastrous decision to join the Kapp Putsch. The putsch fails, and the narrator barely escapes with his life. Many of his comrades were not so fortunate. The putsch had been led by reactionaries and supported by monarchists and some units of the Reichswehr. The author makes it clear that he is no reactionary. He supported a “national revolution,” but is never explicit about his ideology. Was it akin to Third Position or even National Bolshevism?

The next crisis facing German nationalists was the French occupation of areas in western Germany. The French used Black colonial troops to make the operation especially galling to the Germans. Our protagonist observes the often-noted characteristic of Blacks being simultaneously menacing and comical. “I saw a squad of negroes coming along in the charge of a white corporal. They had spindle legs, on which their puttees slipped, and they walked with their toes turned in. They grinned, showing big white teeth, looking round unconcernedly, and were obviously enjoying an unaccustomed feeling of superiority” (182).

The narrator is disappointed that the majority of the population greeted the occupation with only passive resistance. At this time, he is trying to reintegrate into civil society, but loses a job after his service in the Freikorps is discovered. He notes the proliferation of patriotic groups, some reactionary, some revolutionary. But they had one thing in common: they all “felt that they had been betrayed and cheated by fate” (191).

Chapter XVI is entitled “Upper Silesia,” describing the next theater of action. In 1919 the Versailles Treaty created a district of Upper Silesia, a borderland between Poland and Germany. By 1920 that area was governed by the Inter-Allied Plebiscite Commission. When a March 1921 plebiscite went 70% for Germany, fighting quickly broke out between Polish forces and the German population.

Almost spontaneously Freikorps members converged on the area. On the train to Upper Silesia members stood out from the other passengers, “they were dressed in worn field-gray, and darned breeches like myself; their fair hair and arrogant faces gave them all a sort of family likeness” (217). These men “had come from all parts of the realm, scenting fighting and danger, without knowing one another, without orders and with no definite goal, save only Upper Silesia” (218). According to the author, the Freikorps fought well but were again betrayed and abandoned by their government. Ultimately, however, Germany was able to retain most of Upper Silesia.

With the Freikorps permanently disbanded, the author joins Organisation Consul (OC) an underground group that conducted attacks against the French occupiers and carried out political assassinations. He describes it as: “a secret society consisting of men who are ready to fight for power with every weapon, loyal to one another, bound to their superiors by vows of silence and obedience, with the death penalty for traitors” (232). Obviously, such an organization would never work in twenty-first century America.

As a member of OC ,the narrator becomes involved in a plot to kill Walther Rathenau, Weimar’s foreign minister. There has been considerable discussion by historians as to why Rathenau was targeted. He was both a wealthy Jew and a socialist, but according to the author, these were not considerations, Rathenau was a competent diplomat whose work was strengthening Weimar’s international standing. It was thought that his death would deliver a blow to the republic and act as an accelerant to ignite a national revolution. What might have sealed Rathenau’s fate was the Treaty of Rapallo signed in April 1922 with the Soviet Union that officially negated Brest-Litovsk and proscribed any future gains in the east. The former Freikorps members had risked and sacrificed much in hopes for expansion in the Baltics.

At this point the author makes his first mention of Hitler. One of the plotters says: “If Hitler is the man I think he is, he’ll realise his chance now. A year later will be a decade too soon” (277). An eerie prophesy: The book was published in 1930, Rathenau’s assassination was in 1922, the Beer Hall Putsch was in 1923, and Hitler’s ascension was in 1933.

The hit on the foreign minister was successful, but the results were the opposite of what the plotters had hoped for. The people, the police, and the army rallied around the government. The conspirators were hunted down, included our protagonist, and the republic lasted another ten years. Before his arrest, the narrator was on the run. He mentions in passing that at this time Bavaria had become a gathering place for rightwing activists, a bit similar to the role the northern Rockies play in the US today.

The author is eventually arrested, tried, convicted, and sentenced to five years in prison as an accessory to murder. I found the last third of the book less interesting than the previous chapters filled with physical action and personal interactions. The author writes that prison “was neither life nor death, and yet partook of both” (312). He was very isolated. “I was lonely to a degree which lay well under zero in any scale of temperature” (318). His one friend, whom he was able to see infrequently, was a communist, “another political prisoner,” and the writer considered himself a political prisoner, not a criminal.

At this point our protagonist, for obvious reasons, becomes very introspective. The narrative drags. One of the few items of interest is the comparison between German prisons of the 1920s and U.S. prisons of today. The theory of the time in Germany was that the offender’s environment had led him to crime, so isolating him from his former social milieu would aid in his rehabilitation—thus very few visitors or letters allowed. There appeared to be generally good order; the guards were armed with swords and hand guns! The prison wardens had a great deal of discretionary authority, as opposed to today’s America where prisons are typically under strict judicial oversight. The author suffered under poor sanitation, diet, and health care, but, being young and combat-hardened, he apparently felt little physical threat from fellow inmates.  Interestingly, Herr Hitler, whose sentence overlapped the author’s, was incarcerated under much more benign conditions.

In his isolation the narrator was only dimly aware of outside events such as the hyperinflation of the period. He noticed that the denomination of the postage stamps of his few letters greatly increased. Then “during the first days of November 1923” vague reports “that something was brewing in Bavaria”—The Beer Hall Putsch (330).

Finally, at the end of 1923, a lengthy newsletter from a former comrade is smuggled in to the writer. He learns that 13 Krupp workers had been shot by the French in March (both the Right and the Left opposed French occupation). The correspondent reported that the economy was in free fall. “The whole country was in a state of uproar. What held it together was nothing but fear of the chaos from which the German revolution must grow” (335)—sentiments of a true revolutionary. On November 8th Hitler had proclaimed a National Republic. The following day the police and army “shot at the advancing men and thirteen were killed; all fellows who had been with us in the Ruhr, incidentally” (337). Was it true that all those killed during the putsch were former Freikorps members?[2] The letter ends: “There’s a nigger-sheik in Morocco called Abd-el-Krim who is supposed to be planning a revolt against France—and airmen are useful everywhere . . .” (341). So the author’s Freikorps comrade went off to fight the French on another front.

It is now 1925 and our protagonist has been incarcerated for three years. His physical and mental health have deteriorated. The mental suffering is worse than the physical privations and he spent some time in the prison infirmary with “prison psychosis.” Then in 1926: “A period began for me that was a shade brighter than the four years which had passed” (390). For one thing, “new regulations” allowed for more physical activity.

When the author is transferred into a temporary holding facility he notes, “The walls in the new cell were scribbled over closely, one name directly beside another, written in pencil or scratched with some sharp object. After a good many names was a swastika or a Soviet star” (407). Apparently, the narrator was not the only inmate who considered himself a political prisoner. By 1927, with his sentence nearly complete, the writer belatedly realizes that his organization, the OC, “the outlaws,” was dead. Yet he does not regret the fight. The book ends with the author’s release back into society. He’s in a bit of a daze, feeling a deficiency in social skills. He contemplates his future and concludes that he could never be just an ordinary bourgeois citizen. Despite everything that has happened, he will continue his activism.

The Takeaway

Weimar, of course, cannot be understood except within the context of the catastrophic defeat Germany suffered in 1918, a physical and psychologically devastating loss. In contrast, early twenty-first century America is still a formidable economic and military empire, though a decedent and rapidly declining one. Taking into account the large differences between Germany in the 1920s and the U.S. in 2020s there are still some potential lessons to be gleaned from a comparison.

First, when a government feels constrained by circumstances or legal niceties from pursuit of its vital interests, it will employ auxiliaries to accomplish its goals. In late 1918 and early 1919 the German army was in disarray. After Versailles they were limited to a force of 100,000. To suppress revolutionary forces at home and to defend their interests in the east they used the Freikorps. Most of the logistics were supplied by the government.

Are Antifa/BLM the US establishment’s equivalent of the Freikorps? At first glance the comparison seems ludicrous. Freikorps members were almost all combat veterans. Many had been NCOs in elite units. While their discipline was not up to regular army standards, it was usually at a high level. Antifa is composed of drug addicts, pretty criminals, and sexual deviants. They are most effective when they outnumber their opponents by at least 10:1. Yet they are funded and supported by US establishment: financially by corporations, legally by the judiciary and NGOs, ethically and intellectually by the mass media and academe.  Evidence that Antifa/BLM are establishment operatives includes the fact that they do not attack financial or state security centers of power, but target ordinary dissidents trying to exercise their rights of speech and assembly, most recently people who oppose the establishments mandates on for Covid 19 vaccines. Antifa’s task is to prevent or shut down any street activism (e.g.., Charlottesville) or in-person meetings of the Dissident Right. They are doing the work the established powers would like to do, but cannot legally do, themselves.

By permitting—indeed encouraging and facilitating—private actions to suppress First Amendment rights, the establishment runs the risk of things getting out of hand. By creating a climate of lawlessness there can be collateral damage (e.g., the Barbara Boxer mugging in Oakland) or a backlash from the law-abiding majority. Despite the hazards of employing Antifa/BLM, the establishment may find them increasingly necessary in the future. The Dissident Right embodies the only true alternative to establishment ideology making it an existential threat to the ruling elite. If activism on the Right grows, look for Antifa/BLM to receive more overt support from the establishment, even though that motley rubble is difficult to control.

The establishment would like to treat political dissent from the Right as a law enforcement issue. Thus dissidents need to be smart and disciplined while remaining steadfast in support of their cause. This segues to another point: Accelerationist strategies usually backfire. We saw in The Outlaws that the failed Kapp Putsch rallied people to the republic, as did the assassination of Rathenau. The book also makes it clear that there is nothing intrinsically “rightwing” about the police or military. At times they supported the Right, at times the Left, and at times they remained neutral.

The bottom line: Intelligence, patience, persistence, and preparation should be the watchwords for the Dissident Right. Almost all major political/social change is accompanied by some violence. There might be a time for that, but now is not the time. As the adman for vintner Paul Masson said, “Serve no wine before its time.”


[1] Most of the following biographical information is from the Good Reads website: www.goodreads.com/author/show/874070.

[2] Some definitely were former Freikorps members, but probably not all.

Merrick Garland and the War on Federalism

The New Bolshevik Branches of the United States of America:  Chief of Staff (Klain), State (Blinken, Sherman, Nuland), Treasury (Yellen), CDC (Walensky), DHS (Mayorkas), Cybersecurity (Neuberger), CIA (Cohen), Council of Economic Advisors (Bernstein), FCC (Rosenworcel), SEC (Gensler), Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Anti-Semitism (Lipstadt), NSC Border Czar (Jacobson), Council on Gender Policy (Klein), Covid Response (Zients), U. S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (Kleinbaum), U.S. Ambassador to the E.U. (Gitenstein), SGOTUS (Emhoff), Senate (Schumer).

And Meet the New Head of the US Department of Justice: Attorney General Merrick Garfinkle.

The American government is established under both ideological and constructive federalism: most broadly, that means that it has separate branches of government; that those branches are relatively independent; and that a set of rules, laws, or a constitution, establish and maintain such a structure.  Some observers believe, however, that this federalism construct is “imploding” toward its center, into a monolithic, centralized unit.  The classical liberal principles that informed the crafting of the U.S. Constitution, and the form of limited government, with limited, circumscribed powers held at bay in order to leave men and women unburdened, have been eroded, weakened and even explicitly attacked.  This development has become especially pronounced in the last 12 months, but has been creeping toward this arrangement since the Second World War when government, industry, the intelligence sector and finance pushed toward an effective creation of a unified trust.

The exact same phenomenon, animated by additional factors but sharing a common cultural causation, exists in the greater Middle East, as, like the gravity of a black hole, the country of Israel seeks to centralize regional power, resources and command, under its authority: a single, unified “Pan Israel” operated by a permanent Zionist, effectively theocratic authoritarianism.  Like the US, its dominant political trust seeks to deceive, distort, divide and destroy.  It functions from the effort of continuous destabilization, created through routines of deception.  The current Afghanistan operation is another, perhaps near-term final stage in the Global War on Terror (“GWOT”) that has as its underlying purpose a “Middle East transformation” that is centered on the conquest of Iran, the control of regional resources, and the effective control of Russia in a neo-Bolshevik fantasy currently led by the U.S. State Department.

Both the US, and the Pan Israel project, also share a common network of special interests, embedded largely in US institutions.  Their outward ideological posture is that of liberty, freedom, and a fight against terror: it is, in fact, the use of terror to suppress liberty, and centralize authority. Consolidating authority in the U.S. is central to the ability to carry out the final phases of the GWOT.  Capturing the Department of Justice is central to breaking down the checks and balances that would otherwise retard or inhibit such overt consolidation, and where any remnants of federalism must be collapsed. Merrick Garland is the right man for that job.

Jewish organized interests—like all interests that organize for specific objectives—form their network, assets, influence and authority, in institutions.  And quite clearly, it’s much more difficult for a relatively small group of activists to influence policy when the government is dedicated to federalism, with its 50 states and thousands of local jurisdictions such as police departments, than it is to have power centralized in Washington DC. Top-down institutional control at the federal level is key to the special interest interface with, and influence over, American society.  In Garland’s case, nearly his entire career has been within government.  While this is not necessarily unusual in the legal field, it creates a perspective that favors central government—a perspective that sees problems primarily as challenges to governmental authority and that reinforces a culture of government expansion especially through the sprawling administrative state that has characterized U.S. government since the New Deal era of the 1930’s.

While Jewish and other special interest institutional infiltrations of American civil, military and government departments are not new, what is new is a radical shift and even transformation, in the relationship between the President and the branches, departments and agencies, resulting from the installation of a cognitively impaired chief executive in the White House as Commander in Chief.  By eroding and dismantling what firewall or even notional separation and independence of authority, judgment, and operations, that the office of the president has historically provided, it has been subject to what is in effect a complete takeover. When the current acting president is replaced with his Vice President—an individual with more overtly clinical psychological characteristics—the takeover and strategic plans will be consolidated (until it is successfully disbanded by direct election or constitutional removal—which would be challenged under Garland, and another reason the current administration seeks a packed, “super-majority” in the Supreme Court, in order to consolidate judiciary branch power, and reinforce judicial review.  It is important to appreciate that the current administration and its larger network, are almost exclusively from the law sector and law academy.  In their methods and assumptions, it is Justice, the judiciary and the Supreme Court that are the objects of their designs for power and control.  They are not by instinct aligned with congressional, legislative and representative processes, but rather with the use of “lawfare” in a top-down authoritarian construct of centralized federal control).

U.S. presidents have always been dependent to some extent on advisors, staff and inter-branch administrative cooperation.  But now that pretense has been completely dissolved: rather than having to negotiate through the barriers of offices and officials, the White House chief executive is now, not merely influenced or guided, but completely controlled by direct command.  And given that the bureaucrats running the U.S. government are overwhelmingly on the left and thus are sympathetic to the centralization of power (this includes the FBI, the national security apparatus, and the military), the result is the ultimate realization of control of the United States itself.  Indeed, Biden is not merely reliant on his aides and “note cards” for his every function and act, but deeply, desperately dependent on them for his basic daily functions and routines, like an invalid or patient in assisted care.  The White House is now a medical nursing home—or biosecurity prison.

But an additional ring of control surrounds the president and White House, consisting of a syndicate of Foundations that have effective control over the “military-industrial-university” complex, and now, the health agency establishment of the CDC, NHS and UN-related organizations.  Those primary strategic foundations are largely controlled by Jewish interests, but at a heightened level of direct operational and governance authority, largely by financial leverage.  They include the Rockefeller Foundation, the Gates Foundation, the Soros Foundation, and by penetration and control, the Obama Foundation, the Clinton Foundation, and with ties to the UK bio-research Wellcome Trust, among others.

Former Israel prime minister Ariel Sharon is reputed to have once said that “We, the Jewish people, control America, and the Americans know it.”  If they didn’t before, then they should now because the pretense has been removed, and the threat is no longer disguised: it is out there in plain sight, with authoritarian indifference to perception, and in defiance of opposition to the blatant capture of America’s system of government.

The installation of Chicago-born Merrick Garland as Attorney General and head of the U.S. Department of Justice is of great concern, because his bias for a powerful central government, whether constitutional or not, further widens the gap between American citizens and their own government, and between citizens and their enumerated rights; indeed, he appears committed to making government more and more our adversary, instead of our constitutionally circumscribed servant.

There are two elements of Garland’s professional profile that are instructive.  One, while his judicial record appears mixed—merely conventionally liberal, a larger assessment of his opinions and administrative actions, undertaken by faculty at the University of Chicago Law school, Stanford, Harvard and other law schools, shows that he was a “safe” pick due to his Harvard bona fides and his conventional career track; but it also shows that he may be more liberal than generally assumed.  The Wall Street Journal is more assertive, describing how he regularly takes sides with labor unions and government: “His many opinions…defer to administrative agencies and…are a hallmark of his jurisprudence during his nearly 20 years on the D.C. Circuit Court.”  His record clearly shows an instinct for supporting the power of central government via its agencies, and he is thought “safe,” as a government insider.  He is clearly not a champion of states’ rights, nor has he shown any passion for the rights of individual citizens: he will go along to get along; he is a judge who doesn’t rock the boat, and is a reliable servant to government interests.  That may not be new, but it is especially troubling when the separation of powers is especially necessary, and when Justice must be called on to police the government itself.  But even the New York Times expressed concerns from a liberal, human rights perspective, including his embrace of the Global War on Terror (and its infringement of civil liberties) and his position on the Guantanamo prison.

It is his core allegiance to centralized state power that is the main reason for concern regarding his influence and priorities at the Department of Justice.  At a period of extreme government intrusion through the Covid program where constitutional rights are being comprehensively challenged, if not assaulted, Garland’s natural instinct has already been shown to side with government over individualsthat he will support authoritarian control by the state; indeed, his public statements confirm his readiness to do the bidding of the current White House regime concerning the January 6th prosecution as “white supremacist terror” (where he asserts its primacy in his prosecutorial priorities, but more, it is the centerpiece to his “domestic war on terror”).  This is part of the full panoply of his larger ambitions directed at federal government control over the states and classes of individuals thought to be enemies of the state.

He fully embraces the biosecurity construct of comprehensive authoritarian, top-down state control, and unusual expansion of federal police powers such that the states are overrun with a federal law enforcement web that replaces state-level and local forces (hence the “defund the police” program, which is directed at idling local and state law enforcement, replaced with a unified, politically controlled federal and ultimately even international policing force).  He embraces, in my view, a certain “NKVD” vision of central power, extended across key American institutions.  In this, he also reflects a certain “Bolshevik-like” attitude toward weakening or even dismantling of civil liberties.  Examples include DoJ “guidance” that warns states not to push their investigations into voting fraud too aggressively, and his heavy handed order that Texas not restrict entry of migrants at risk for Covid. Indeed, the White House has just expressed its intent to organize a “whole-of-government effort” to use federal powers against the recent Texas abortion law decision—a decision that will likely further motivate proposals to pack the Supreme Court.

Garland is an “organization man” and a champion of government, not individuals and the people.  And by siding with the White House on voter fraud suppression and the entire Covid biosecurity program, including Covid mandates, he both weakens the checks and balances role of the DOJ, while also ignoring Constitutional law questions concerning efforts to bypass state legislatures, change voting rules in major swing states, and suppressing immigration and subsequent citizenship standards.  In an era of unusual constitutional violation, one after another, he is not a defender of Americans, but rather a bureaucratic apparatchik of what regime holds power, or takes power in whatever way it can, so long as legal accountability is not brought to bear by other branches, or the judiciary.

Little in Garland’s law training or early career would suggest a legal philosophy or jurisprudence of top-down centralized diktat in law and policy, but his career was entirely formed by government service, with little if any private law experience and instincts for traditional private property.  He also fully embraces the Global War on Terror program, and this especially, may be a modern marker of intent and inclination toward a tolerance for near Bolshevik-style government, if the right pretextual narratives are present.  Given his unquestioning acceptance of the entire Covid program, illegal immigration, voter fraud, racial categorization and selective prosecution of American citizens by ideology, one may expect that violations of the Constitution and Constitutional law, may face little if any challenge from his office.  Indeed, he appears to be among the most reliable nodal points of influence and control, in the rapid permeation of authoritarian biosecurity, and the dismantling of individual constitutional protections, and even international human rights law.  This tendency fits well within the constellation of interests that seek to establish a global, transnational legal regime that replaces United States Constitutional sovereignty with a centralized UN-based order. In the same way that Jewish interests have always championed a strong central government in the U.S., those same interests  favor a strong centralized authority at the international level.

Among Garland’s most threatening intellectual vulnerabilities, is his stated obsession with “White supremacy” and his confused conflation of mass media hyperbole (including his stated determination to prosecute the January 6th “insurrection”) as a racial issue, with his emotionalism over “anti-Semitism,” while the southern border of the United States has been opened, and the DOJ abstaining from prosecution of illegal immigration—all positions reflecting the views of mainstream Jewish organizations such as the ADL; indeed Garland and his Justice team are facilitating the diffusion of illegals into the interior of the country.  Together, these ideologies are directing the massive machinery of the Department of Justice, and turning it inward, on the American public, against their interests, and as a direct assault on the American Constitutional order.

Sleepwalking into a Non-White Future

“About six-in-ten White adults of all ages say the declining share of White people in the population is neither good nor bad for society.”
Pew Research Center, August 23 2021

I was fascinated and frustrated by a recent series of polls conducted by the Pew Research Center on attitudes toward America’s declining White population. While there are several interesting layers to Pew’s findings, the key message is that a significant majority of White respondents indicated that they feel the declining share of White people in the population is neither good nor bad for society. In other words, they feel that nothing will fundamentally change for them or their children despite their slide into minority status. Pew point out that “the 2020 census showed the U.S. had a shrinking non-Hispanic White population … down 3% – or about 5.1 million people – from 2010 to 2020. The decline was widespread geographically, with 35 states seeing drops in their non-Hispanic White populations.” Pew contextualize this both in terms of immigration and natural increase among non-White populations, but also in terms of a rise in interracial marriages and the growing number of multiracial or multiethnic babies. While Whites retain the largest share of the American population among single-ethnic groups, Pew are clear that they are on an inexorable downward trajectory. The “non-Hispanic White population in the U.S. that identifies with a single race” is expected to fall below 50% by 2045.

H.L. Mencken once described faith as “an illogical belief in the occurrence of the improbable.” Intended primarily as a barb against the religious, I couldn’t help but find it appropriate to the 61% of White adults who told Pew that the momentous changes outlined above will have absolutely no effect on American society and culture. This is to say nothing of the 15% of respondents who told Pew that such a transformation is “good for society” or “very good.” I wouldn’t be at all surprised if this last figure was dominated by Jews in Whiteface (see Kevin MacDonald’s comments on Jennifer Rubin’s unmitigated joy at White decline), but the general picture of this survey is undeniably of a White population sleepwalking into a future that has every indication of being very bad indeed.

Who are the sleepwalkers? Pew stress that “differences by age are especially pronounced.” Among respondents aged between 18 and 29, 29% say White demographic decline is good for society, compared with 13% who say it is bad. By contrast, “32% of Americans ages 65 and older say this demographic shift is bad for society and only 6% say it is good.” While there are some predictable differences between Republican and Democratic voters on whether the transformation of America will be good or bad, almost identical percentages of respondents from each party commented that it would bring about no meaningful social change and was neither good nor bad (61% of Republicans vs. 62% Democrats). Education does not appear to have had a dramatic effect on responses. Among those with postgraduate degrees, 14% replied that White demographic decline would be “somewhat bad” or “very bad,” while 18% responded that it would be “somewhat good” or “very good.” The largest percentage, in keeping with responses broken down by age and politics, was the 69% of postgrad degree holders who asserted that the transformation of America would be neither good nor bad.

“Neither Good nor Bad”

At the risk of over-analyzing a seemingly straightforward statement, I think it’s worth reflecting on the mental processes and cultural messaging that might produce the sleepwalking response highlighted by Pew. The results themselves, one might argue, could be interpreted in a “glass half full/glass half empty” kind of way, and there’s an element of truth to this argument. After all, more than 80% of White respondents to Pew refused to describe White demographic decline in America as a good thing. In the context of the demonization of White history and culture on a mass scale, and the intensification of social pressure against any form of White self-assertion, such a result could be seen as a Pyrrhic victory. Kevin MacDonald, along with several other writers at this site, have shown that there is systemic incentivization for accelerating the decline of White influence and demography, from diversity promotion in industry and business to discrimination against Whites in education and employment. The overwhelming message of modern multicultural society is that White majorities anywhere, and in any walk of life, are inherently bad, and that the easiest and most conclusive method of achieving a better, more vibrant, and more just society involves reducing White representation and flooding every historically White nation or institution with an ethnic panoply. Despite my own deeply pessimistic nature, I must confess to a level of astonishment that in the midst of such a hostile cultural context only 1 in 5 agreed that White demographic decline would be good.

But how to explain the hesitancy to describe it as bad? Isn’t it one of the most human instincts to regret loss of any kind? Each and every day, human beings regret the loss of loved ones, of wealth, of status, of youthful looks, of health, and of cherished possessions. White demographic decline, despite all propaganda, is clearly a harbinger of loss, indeed, massive loss. In simple terms, it marks a break in a chain of successive possession. You inherit land or possessions from an ancestor, and you pass it to a descendent, becoming in the course of that process an ancestor yourself. The United States of America has been a White project of successive possession since the days of the earliest colonies, and that project will come to an end on the day and hour that Whites cease to be capable of determining the direction of the nation. I say “capable of determining” rather than simply “determining” because there are clearly already hostile influential elites directing the course of contemporary America in ways antithetical to White interests. But a White majority at least entails the promise of hope that this situation can be rectified. The loss of the White majority is a loss of hope in recapturing the machinery and assets of the original project. After that Rubicon has been crossed, the only option will be to commence a new project that must have, at its heart, the recapturing of majority status.

Losing demographic control of White nations will resemble losing control of a car, since the consequences of being displaced on one’s own territory have been shown in the vast course of human history to be catastrophic, invariably being accompanied by a rise in violence, political subjugation, social ostracism, and dehumanization. Everything our “woke” critics wish to say about historical White imperialism or dominance are simply truisms of the human animal wherever it is found. What they now decry, they will soon prescribe. The dominant will dominate, and being a minority, especially when you are not historically adapted and tactically equipped for that position (unlike the Jews who are extremely well adapted to it), is a position of vulnerability to be avoided at all costs. Those who point to the protected status of minorities across contemporary Western nations forget that this is a side-effect of a particularly nasty White political hallucination that will evaporate as soon as Whites fall into minority status themselves. Whites who believe they will be granted, in an inter-ethnic quid pro quo, legal privileges, preferential paths to employment, and outsized representation in everything from TV ads to government have clearly not been reading between the lines of the hostile mass propaganda. They are living in a fool’s paradise. Where sleepwalking Whites expect reciprocity, they will find only revenge.

In less materialistic terms, White demographic decline is also a harbinger of profound cultural loss. The signs are already here. When was the last time you saw a media depiction of a normal, ethnically homogenous White community or even just a normal White family? White demographic decline means Whites will see less of themselves, or nothing at all, in the products of the culture they inhabit. The surrounding culture will, at best, become unrelatable and meaningless, and, at worst, incredibly hostile or dangerous.  If culture is the method by which a people speaks to itself about itself and its aspirations, then Whites can expect to become culturally muted, hearing only the browbeating messages of foreigners and losing all natural sense of direction as a consequence. White culture will either be forced to develop on the small-scale, in isolated pockets of ethnic homogeneity, or it will atrophy and stagnate. Faced with the demonization of historical White culture, in which it is regarded and presented as having the potential to inspire future White “wrongs,” White culture will also be subject to ever more aggressive erasure by the new dominant powers.

Liars, Cowards, and Gamblers

Faced with such potential losses, how and why have so many sleepwalkers conjured up a neutral, non-committal response? The first possibility, of course, is that deep down they hold more pessimistic views but are afraid to express them. All commentary on White Flight suggests that Whites abandon any area as soon as they become a minority, or even shrinking majority, in it. So how can people have neutral feelings for a process of decline on a national scale when they can’t even stomach it on Main Street? Is it possible that the results from Pew merely reflect apprehension and anxiety on the part of Whites to express their true feelings on diversity? While interesting, I don’t derive any comfort from this possibility. If there is so strong a sense of social fear that even an anonymous poll prompts evasion and disavowals of one’s own interests then the level of cowardice would be such that all is lost anyway.

I believe, however, that the poll results are at least in some way accurate in reflecting the true, though confused, feelings of the White population. The overwhelming majority of answers are reflective of inertia — of an inability to decide. I believe that the majority of these answers arise from a place in the White mind that is only too aware that diversity isn’t good, but also from a place that simply hasn’t been culturally equipped to see a little further down the road. I believe most Whites have an instinctual apprehension that White decline will be bad for society, but that they are so bombarded with contrary messaging that they struggle to conceptualize in what ways that society will be bad. And, unlike White flight, if the entire nation tips non-White, where is there to go? White Flight will itself become redundant. Whites will be locked in with diversity. Is the only option then, from a psychological standpoint, to simply engage in denial and hope for the best? The Pew results suggest so.

Contemporary mass culture is also a psychological trap in the sense that the White multiculturalist becomes little more than a gambler. The man in a casino mindlessly inserting cash into a fruit machine does so in an entirely artificial environment. He feels comfortable even as he loses money. He loses sense of time, and he continues to insert cash and pull the lever because lights flash, wheels spin, and there is an occasional but dramatic clang of coins into a shiny steel pocket. These are his meagre rewards. He feels good when they happen, but eventually the rewards stop and he has nothing left to give. The thought that the system was against him all along, and that his losses were preordained and predictable may not even occur to him as he walks away semi-dazed and uncomfortable with himself. The White multiculturalist is aware, consciously or not, that if he makes certain affirming noises about diversity, then he will receive the social equivalent of the flashing lights, spinning wheels, and clanging coins. He’ll attract many “likes,” for example, or if he really hits the jackpot he might get a grant or a promotion. He continues to insert the required price of the machine—support for diversity, but he’s ignorant, like the gambler, of the fact his environment is false and the system is designed for his bankruptcy. White demographic decline is the slowly emptying pocket of the gambler. Like all gamblers, the closer they get to the empty pocket, the more reckless and dramatic become the delusions of sudden winnings. For this reason, I expect that as White America’s decline accelerates, we can expect a superficially contradictory state of affairs in which swathes of Whites really do convince themselves that it’s for the best, and that society will be about to turn some magical Utopian corner. The gambler resists the thought that he was utterly stupid to ever have played the game. The multiculturalist will deny the suggestion that he contributes to his own downfall.

Fundamentally, this is what bothers me most about the Pew findings, and why I refuse the “glass half full” interpretation of them. Anyone suggesting that the dramatic changes in demography, power, and influence currently underway will be “neither good nor bad,” is living in an artificial environment in the national casino. Anyone who cannot see the stark and imminent losses on the horizon is living in an eternal present, divorced from the past and unable to conceptualize the future. They have no idea that the hour is getting late.

“A Kind of Triumph”

Inertia among normal Whites is in stark contrast to the palpable increase in joy and excited anticipation of opposing factions (see Kevin MacDonald’s latest piece examining the worst that Twitter has to offer). For the latter, there is no question of White decline being “neither bad nor good.” White demographic decline is instead a massive victory. It’s something so worthy of celebration, in fact, that they are counting down to it. Brookings Institute demographer William H. Frey, of unknown ethnic provenance, has opined in his 2018 Diversity Explosion: How New Racial Demographics are Remaking America that “these changes are a good-news story for America.”[1] I find it endlessly fascinating that this prophet of good news gave his first major speech on the issue to, of all possible places, the American Jewish Committee at Houston’s Beth Yeshurun synagogue.

The remark that White America’s decline was a “good news story” reminded me of the British Jewish journalist Jonathan Freedland’s comments following the 2011 UK census. Freedland first pointed out that “the country is now less white and less Christian. In 2001, white people accounted for 91% of the total population. In the latest census, that figure is down five points to 86%.” For Freedland, 1948 was a pivotal year in British history because it “saw the arrival of the Windrush, the ship bearing the Caribbean migrants who would change the face of Britain.” He cajoled his readers into the belief that he is a jolly old Anglo-Saxon with clever references to “we” and “us,” arguing that “we should love the country we have become — informal, mixed, quirky — rather than the one we used to be.” Freedland then reported gleefully that “White Britons have become a minority in London, accounting for only 45% of the city’s population,” and ended his article with the astonishing remark that “the main story is surely that this country has undergone a radical transformation in this last decade and the ones before — and it has done so with relative peace and relative calm. No one will hand out any gold medals for that, but it’s a kind of triumph all the same.” Britain, like America, is undergoing its changes “with relative peace and relative calm” because it is also home to sleepwalkers, liars, cowards, and gamblers.

Conclusion

This is an unapologetically pessimistic essay, to the extent that its intention is not to demoralize but to assist with sharpening our vision of the problem at hand. This problem involves an artificial environment, a rigged system of temporary reward, and an ever-diminishing return for any Whites playing the dangerous game of diversity. In life you either gain or lose. There is no room for stasis. The idea that massive demographic change will be “neither good nor bad” is nothing more than an illogical belief in the occurrence of the improbable. The Pew findings indicate that any kind of White awakening to a full realization of the true nature of White decline will be a mammoth task.


[1] W. H. Frey, Diversity Explosion: How New Racial Demographics are Remaking America (Washington D.C.: Brookings Institute, 2018).

Importing Afghanistan: A Very Stupid Idea with Very Powerful Enablers

Here’s some good news about Afghanistan. If you drew up a “Toxic Top Ten” of the worst possible places to receive migrants from, Afghanistan wouldn’t be #1. I think that honour would go to Somalia. Now some bad news about Afghanistan. It could be well #2 or #3 in the Toxic Ten. It’s #2 for rape convictions in Denmark, but Denmark doesn’t have the honour of having been enriched by importing large numbers of Pakistanis. The Western politicians, journalists and charities now enabling the “evacuation” of Afghans into the West should be prosecuted for crimes against humanity.

They Posture, You Pay

To be more specific: they should be prosecuted for enabling the murder, rape and other crimes that will, with 100% certainty, be committed in future years by violent, corrupt and welfare-dependant Afghans against the White citizens of Western nations. But the enablers of Afghan migration aren’t being prosecuted, of course. In Britain, all mainstream parties are united in their insistence that we have to pay the debt we owe to the translators and other Afghans who helped the British army in its doomed mission to turn an in-bred population of ever-warring clans, tribes and races into Switzerland.

But when those Afghan enablers say “we,” they mean “you.” It’s us, the little people, who will pay when a flood of vulnerable Afghans bring their rich and fascinating culture to cities and towns across the West. For a preview of coming attractions, here’s a story from 2012 about how an Afghan male in Britain used traditional Afghan methods to put an uppity White girl in her place:

Sadistic Afghan asylum seeker made ex-girlfriend watch him stab her sister and friend to death because she wouldn’t take him back

A “sadistic” asylum seeker who forced his former girlfriend to witness him stabbing her sister and her friend to death after she refused to take him back has been jailed for life. Afghan national Ahmad Otak laughed and spat on 17-year-old Kimberley Frank’s body after stabbing her 15 times at her home in Yorkshire while her sister Elisa watched helplessly. He then tied his ex-partner up with electrical flex and lured her friend Samantha Sykes, 18, to Kimberley’s flat in Wakefield, where he stabbed the teenager repeatedly before slitting her throat. (Sadistic Afghan asylum seeker made ex-girlfriend watch him stab her sister and friend to death because she wouldn’t take him back, The Daily Mail, 9 November 2012)

The take-no-nonsense Afghan Ahmad Otak and his two White victims

Before that double murder, Elisa Frank and other White girls had complained to the police and other authorities about Otak’s male-supremacist behaviour. But they complained in vain. Like the Muslim rape-gangs that have operated for decades in Yorkshire, Otak had non-White and non-Christian privilege. But I disagree with the description of him as “sadistic.” It’s redundant, because it’s already covered by the description “Afghan.” Rudyard Kipling pointed that out long ago in some sardonic advice for the working-class Whites who fought in Britain’s imperial wars:

When you’re wounded and left on Afghanistan’s plains,
And the women come out to cut up what remains,
Jest roll to your rifle and blow out your brains
An’ go to your Gawd like a soldier. (“The Young British Soldier”)

Kipling knew the irreformable savagery and sadism of Afghans when he wrote that poem in the 1890s, after Afghanistan had chewed up two British armies and given clear proof that it’s a very good place for outsiders to avoid. The proof got clearer still when Afghanistan chewed up the Russian army in the 1980s. But the neo-cons thought they knew better and sent the American army to be chewed up in its turn. Yes, two words explain the latest disaster in Afghanistan: tikkun olam. That’s Hebrew for “repair the world.” When translated from principle to practice, it entails huge loss of life and huge waste of money, and produces nations that are wrecked rather than repaired.

But it’s goyish life that’s lost, goyish money that’s wasted, and goyish nations that are wrecked, so the crypto-Trotskyist neo-cons will always be eager to try again. As Kevin MacDonald and Vox Day have pointed out, the Afghan disaster was a thoroughly Jewish enterprise. It was overseen and lied about by powerful Jewish politicians and journalists whose arrogance is matched only by their ineptitude: Bill Kristol, Paul Wolfowitz, Richard Perle, David Frum, Max Boot, Michael Ledeen, Jennifer Rubin, Ben Shapiro, et al. By no coincidence, Rubin and many of the same Jews are currently “rejoicing at the impending minority status of Whites” in America.

The Trots and the Trillions

Having listed those Jewish warmongers, I’ll now try to boggle your mind about the money they’ve wasted on Afghanistan when it could have done good for White goyim in America. In the image below, you can see 1,000 circles. One of them is blue and 999 of them are red:

1,000 circles, one blue, 999 red

If you imagine that the blue circle is $1, then all the circles together are $1,000. If the blue circle is $1,000, then all the circles are $1,000,000—a million dollars. And if the blue circle is a million dollars, all the circles are a billion dollars. Now do it one more time: if the blue circle is a billion dollars, all the circles together are a trillion dollars.

Is your mind boggled? Mine certainly is when I look at that image and run through that reasoning. As one to a thousand, a thousand to million and a million to billion, so billion to trillion. And $2.31 trillion is one estimate of how much the neo-cons have wasted turning Afghanistan from a Third-World hell-hole controlled by a poorly-equipped and media-clueless Taliban into a Third-World hell-hole controlled by a well-equipped and media-savvy Taliban. The neo-cons have a Midas touch in reverse. In myth, everything King Midas touched turned into gold. In all-too-obvious reality, everything the neo-cons touch turns into dross. And even after the disaster is obvious to everyone, they continue to defend it—and hold out the possibility of more such interventions in the future.

Crimes of the Jewish elite

And worse than dross. But the neo-cons are only one wing of the Jewish elite presently driving the West towards destruction. The two  trillion dollars and more wasted in Afghanistan was urgently needed back home in America. For example, what about the opioid epidemic ravaging working-class Whites? They’re dying “deaths of despair” thanks to the loss of their traditional jobs and their relentless demonization by the anti-White media. The Jewish Sackler family of pharmaceutical billionaires manufactured that epidemic for working-class Whites. At the same time, their neo-con co-ethnics were sending other working-class Whites to death and mutilation in Afghanistan.

But from the Jewish point of view, wasting White money on foreign wars makes excellent sense. In his novel Nineteen Eighty-Four (1949), George Orwell put it like this as he explained how “War Is Peace” for the ruthless power-addicts of IngSoc:

The essential act of war is destruction, not necessarily of human lives, but of the products of human labour. War is a way of shattering to pieces, or pouring into the stratosphere, or sinking in the depths of the sea, materials which might otherwise be used to make the masses too comfortable, and hence, in the long run, too intelligent. Even when weapons of war are not actually destroyed, their manufacture is still a convenient way of expending labour power without producing anything that can be consumed. (Nineteen Eighty-Four, Part 2, ch. 9)

The money spent by the neo-cons on foreign wars should have helped American Whites have bigger families and lead better lives. But the Jewish elite have also wasted trillions on Blacks and other non-Whites in America since the 1960s. The hopeless quest was originally for “racial equality.” Now more trillions are being wasted on a new quest for “racial equity.” The lying justification has changed, but the waste of money hasn’t. Nor has the clear and malicious intent: To stop White money benefiting Whites.

Instead, White money is being used to harm Whites. Although huge sums were spent in Afghanistan over the past two decades with disastrous results, the much smaller sums being spent on “evacuating” Afghans to the West will definitely produce results. There will be more Whites murdered, raped, maimed and robbed by Afghans. And Afghans will join the ever-growing anti-White army that battles “white racism,” “white supremacy” and “white privilege.” What’s not to like for those who hate Whites and Western civilization?

What we’re up against: White liberals rejoice at Whites becoming a minority

I know I spend too much time on Twitter, but this definitely caught my attention:

Yes, of course, it’s strange. What other definable group rejoices that they are becoming a minority and therefore with less power over their future, especially when we see so much anti-White hatred coming from high places? But this tweeter has 85.9k followers, and she is following 55.9k—which means that she is a member of a informal liberal Twitter “resist” group that reciprocates when anyone follows her, not that she is some kind of celebrity. (Although at least some liberal celebrities certainly are celebrating: Michael Moore called the announcement “the best day ever in US history.”)  “Liz ‘Bama’ #BLM #GoodTrouble” is “Bama born & raised,” and is definitely into virtue signaling: “I got nothin’ but Red heart. Equality, morality, integrity, empathy, knowledge & #’s are power. We are 1. Only here to resist.y’all.”

She tweeted this on Aug 22, and as of this writing there are 762 replies, 333 retweets (including 84 quote tweets-where tweeters commented on her tweet), and 3.2K likes, all from like-minded people, the vast majority White. Her tweet thus verges on being enough of a sample for a better understanding of how average, non-celebrity, garden-variety liberals think about the Great Replacement. First, however, I present some findings reviewed in my Chapter 8 of Individualism and the Western Liberal Tradition showing that in general people are happier in more homogeneous communities and that White people in general do not rejoice at the news that they will soon be a minority.

Sociologist Robert D. Putnam recently showed that the greater the racial diversity of a community, the greater the loss of trust.[1] Putnam’s result is confirmed by studies conducted at the local community level.[2] Moreover, people living among fellow ethnics are happier than individuals living as an ethnic minority.[3] White people living in relatively homogeneous areas like New Hampshire or Montana are more involved with friends, the community, and politics than people in more diverse areas.[4]

There are also mechanisms that are likely to create an increased sense of White identity and White interests in the years ahead. The fundamental reason for this is the demographic transformation resulting from massive immigration of non-Whites into countries that were either homogeneously White or, like the United States (which in 1960 was ninety percent White), had a dominant White majority. This transformation, in which it is obvious that White political power is declining as Whites head toward minority status, would by itself trigger defensive mechanisms of implicit Whiteness and behavior such White flight discussed above.

Individualists are less naturally ethnocentric, and the left has created a culture that encourages Whites to inhibit expressions of ethnocentrism while encouraging non-Whites to be ethnocentric. Because the media is dominated by the left and because even the conservative media is terrified of appearing to advocate White interests, explicit messages that would encourage Whites to become angry and fearful about their future as a minority are rare. Indeed, the media rarely, if ever, mentions that Whites are well on their way to becoming a minority. And this for good reason: Whites in the United States and in Canada who are given explicit demographic projections of a time when Whites are no longer a majority tend to feel angry and fearful. They are also more likely to identify as Whites and have sympathy for other Whites.[5] [See also here and here.]

In other words, while I have emphasized the ability of the higher brain centers to inhibit ethnocentrism, explicit messages indicating that one’s racial group is threatened are able to trigger ethnocentrism. This is especially important because many Whites live far from the areas of their countries undergoing the demographic shifts. Their day-to-day life of living in an essentially White environment hasn’t changed while the population centers of New York, California, Toronto, and Vancouver have changed beyond all recognition from what they were 50 years ago. An obvious inference to be made is that pro-White activists should appeal to Whites’ higher brain centers with explicit messages emphasizing these transformations.

But as indicated in the following,  messages emphasizing the dwindling White majority are cause for rejoicing among a great many Whites.

In the present case, the trigger was the announcement that the 2020 census found that for the first time in American history, the White population had declined in absolute numbers and that Whites now comprise only 57.8% of the population. Good news for Democrats, of course: “Democrats have reason to be happy with this census data set,” Dave Wasserman, House editor of the Cook Political Report, told The New York Times, citing the higher-than-expected population tallies in New York and Chicago and the steady growth of the nation’s Hispanic population.”

But such news likely triggers twinges of anxiety, even in many White liberals—twinges that need to be suppressed by finding support from like-minded people. I suppose “Liz ‘Bama’ #BLM” felt a bit of anxiety, having been brought up in the South and probably aware that quite a few White Southerners think her attitudes are indeed a bit “strange.” So she decided to Tweet to her liberal Twitter followers in hopes of getting  support for her beliefs. And support she got, as shown by the numbers of positive replies and retweets. In the following I will describe several general categories of response and give pertinent examples of each.

White Racists Are Evil and Deserve Payback for Past Treatment of Non-Whites

It is common for these liberals to direct their invective at “White racists,” imagining that good liberals like themselves will be spared any negative consequences. They are thus oblivious to the general anti-White rhetoric that is common now. It doesn’t resonate with them that White women in general and White liberals as a group are being excoriated for their racism (e.g., Robin DiAngelo’s Nice Racism).  It’s common on the left to believe that all White people share the original sin of being White and therefore are blameworthy for such things as the history of slavery and colonialism by Whites.

There is obviously a moral dimension to this. As individualists, White people are particularly prone to forming moral communities (rather than kinship-based communities like the rest of the world) and to punishing people who dissent from their moral world view, even at substantial cost to themselves and even if they share many of the same characteristics as the people they are punishing, such being White. This is termed altruistic punishment by evolutionary psychologists and is a major theme of Individualism and the Western Liberal Tradition. Liberals therefore rejoice when Whites are punished for their racial attitudes. And since many of them are quite clearly older, established White people, it doesn’t even cost them anything to rejoice about White replacement. They’re all set. Of course, that means they ignore not only the long-term prospects of the wider White population whose fate they are completely unconcerned about, but also the long-term effects on their children and other relatives (e.g., job prospects in an anti-White hiring environment), although, as indicated below, some, including “Liz ‘Bama'” probably don’t have any children.

The tweet below expresses the idea that “White supremacists” will be punished but that people like her will be just fine when Whites are a minority. She may change her mind when her children or grandchildren try to get a job, get into a good college, or get caught up in the judicial system if Whites become a minority.

A Black man tweets that Whites have nothing to worry about and Liz “Bama” #BLM responds that it’s just fine that Whites be treated in the future like non-Whites have been treated in the past. Since Liz “Bama” #BLM doesn’t mention children in her Twitter profile, I suspect she has the attitude that the retribution won’t affect her, so she really doesn’t care if anti-White hatred becomes even more mainstream than it is now. She’s got hers—in effect, a radical individualist.

People Who Advertise They Are Non-Reproductive

Here a “Mother of Cats” gives her input—presumably no children or grandchildren to worry about when Whites lose power. It’s all about coming off as good person. And presumptive fellow cat mother Liz “Bama” #BLM completely agrees.

And here’s another non-reproductive. Her(?) Twitter profile shows  enthusiasm for “dogs!,” BLM, Indigenous People, and “LGBTQIA.”

It’s Great that Whites are Becoming a Minority So We Can Usher in an Era of Peace and Harmony

While some responders look forward to retribution against “white racists,” others have the view that the world will be a much better place if non-Whites are in control. It’s going to be all peace and love. But watch out for the tax collector!

One aspect of this era of peace and harmony is that once White people are not in control, ethnic conflict will disappear—a view that’s obviously out of touch with historical reality. Fifty years of importing non-Whites has led to less ethnic conflict? But in their view, non-Whites are just so much nicer. This one is from “Feline, anarcho-socialist” (presumably non-reproductive). She is a lover of humanity.

In response to a virtue-signaler, the same person who did the previous tweet is so ill-informed she thinks that right-wing elites and corporations run the country and are preventing the triumph of the left. Watched much TV lately? Read about the politics of Hollywood, social media companies, academia, and large swaths of corporate America (Coca-Cola, etc.)?

My view is that, if all groups become minorities, it will set off ethnic/racial competition like this country’s never seen before. But:

Diversity contributes to personal growth!

And then there’s the food, but he’s careful to point out that he’s not one of those evil White gentrifiers.

The Unselfish Virtue-Signaler

Relevant to convincing these people of the short-sightedness of their ways, she also tweeted regarding liberal media coverage of the Afghanistan disaster. These people are living in a cult-like environment and actively tune out information that conflicts with their world view. Rational arguments have no weight because they are simply shut out of consciousness.

Looking Forward to a Future with Lots of Non-White Skin Tones

Finally, there’ll be a cure for skin cancer!

Media Memes: Diversity is Wonderful, and White Racists Are Stupid, Violent People

For at least the last 50 years the media has been filled with messages that White people who identify as White, have at least an implicit sense of White interests, or have negative beliefs and attitudes about non-Whites are stupid—they’re likely to live in a trailer park, shop at Walmart, and be missing a few teeth. At best they are buffoons, like Archie Bunker on Norman Lear’s All in the Family (first aired in 1971), which “spawn[ed] spinoffs that were actually just as popular; The Jeffersons, Maude, and Good Times. So popular that we actually saw a revival of All in the Family and The Jeffersons for ABC’s Live in Front of a Studio Audience in 2019.” White liberals have definitely gotten the message:

And another tweet that reflects the power of the media in promoting diversity:

And yet another pervasive meme, both in education and the media, is “white privilege,”  so it’s no surprise to read that whatever White people achieve is because it was “handed to them at birth”:

And of course, there’s the pervasive meme of “there’s no such thing as race,” coupled here with a very tendentious view of history right out of “The 1619 Project” and your average Black Studies course—and now the K-12 curriculum in many school districts.

Relatedly, this person repeats the “race is only skin deep” mantra:

Religious Reasons: Jesus Would Approve of Whites Becoming a Minority

Whites Are Still Scary and, Like a Cornered Animal, Will Fight to Retain Power. Government

This is reminiscent of Jennifer Rubin’s tweet in response to the census news that formed the starting point of my previous essay. This person must be reading the Washington Post:

But on the other hand, this tweet expresses fear that some non-Whites will join evil Whites to become part of “the oppressive.”

A Presumably Jewish Person Deciding to Not To Be White Any Longer 

Now that Whites are under continuous attack for their so-called privileges and systemic racism, etc., I have noticed in the Jewish media that it’s becoming common now for Jews to explicitly say they are not White (this doesn’t include the “fellow-Whites” who claim to be Jews while lecturing Whites on how evil they are on social media).

Not Wanting to See Race

These White folks are accepting what has become a mantra among conservatives: that we should be colorblind. This is the basis of the conservative critique of Critical Race Theory because it leads people to be more aware of race and vilifies White people. Surprised to see it because such views are definitely not approved by typical leftists these days.

Feminism and Birth Control Overturned White Control

Here’s a rather unique perspective: a White woman rejoicing at the soon-to-be White minority and crediting feminism and birth control, presumably because it has resulted in fewer Whites.

A Dissenting Voice (Who Quickly Apologizes)

Mentioning the economic disparities for POC obviously avoids thinking about why so many Asians are going well in systemically racist White America. Par for the course on the left. And here’s another person who thinks ending White majority status will lead to an end of hatred:

Conclusion

Enough already! There are a wide range of reasons, but they all come down to a whole lot of White people looking forward eagerly to a non-White future. It’s very difficult to see how White identitarians can turn this malaise around when so many of our people are so seriously deluded about the likely results of Whites losing political power. As I noted in my previous essay, the hatred won’t end with a White minority—Jewish hatred toward the West traces back to the Roman destruction of the Temple in 70 A.D. and didn’t change after they achieved power in the USSR or with the West’s involvement in the defeat of National Socialism. Black hatred is common common among BLM activists, and hostility toward Whites is a bedrock feature of Critical Race Theory that is now well established in many educational systems. Even recent immigrants like Ilhan Omar quickly learn that hostility toward White America is the route to acceptance and upward mobility. The danger is particularly acute given that elites throughout the West are firmly in favor of the Great Replacement. These are people who control the media and are able to sway elections by censoring information and by financial contributions. The people reviewed here are simply the White foot soldiers.

Despite their contempt for the intelligence of the people they disagree with, these people show no signs of operating at a very high level of mental ability—just repeating messages they can easily pick up by watching TV or getting through the education system. They are in a liberal-left bubble and I really don’t think there are rational arguments that would convince them. What might make a difference would be personal experience that conflicts with their world view—having one’s store looted by Black rioters even though you have BLM posters all over the windows. Or being denied a job or a promotion given to less qualified people because of affirmative action policies. Or being shut out of government programs for small business, such as the program giving loans only to Black farmers. Or having a child or grandchild unable to get into a good public university  and having to pay exorbitant tuition and fees for a second-rate private college. Might convince them. And maybe not.

Many of these tweeters explicitly stated that they think the world will be a much better place with Whites out of power, and they probably all believe this. But it’s yet another utopian crusade that will end badly for Whites—and likely for everyone else. In Individualism and the Western Liberal Tradition (Ch. 6) I have a  section on the nineteenth-century Puritan-descended intellectuals who dominated American elite culture and created what we would recognize today as a culture of the left—utopian, idealistic, and moralistic.

Humanity was thus heading toward a spiritual and material utopia—a golden age of peace, harmony, righteous behavior and material comfort—ideas that were often combined with the idea that this golden age would follow upon an apocalyptic battle between good and evil. Such thinking may well have been the lens through which many in the North saw the Civil War; as indicated above, it appears to characterize how Lincoln saw his role as an agent of God fighting an apocalyptic battle against evil. …

Ernest Tuveson [Redeemer Nation: The Idea of America’s Millennial Role; U of Chicago Press, 1968] notes that the moralistic, idealistic strand of American thought tends to come to the fore in times of crisis—“the expansionist period, the Civil War, the First World War.” After the evil has been vanquished, the rhetoric dies down, and disillusionment may occur as people realize that evil has not, after all, been extirpated. However, it lurks in the background and may revive in times of crisis. “Yet, despite post-Civil War disillusionment, the myth of the Redeemer Nation kept a hold on the deepest feelings of the country, and in critical moments asserted itself,” citing several speeches of Woodrow Wilson: “America had the infinite privilege of fulfilling her destiny and saving the world.”

Sound familiar? By all accounts, America is in a crisis now, and it’s no surprise that the moralistic rhetoric is deafening. America is more divided now than at any time in its history, except possible during the Civil War, that other great period of moral crusading. We have embarked on yet another battle between  absolute good (diversity) and absolute evil (a sense of White identity and interests), and when the evil is destroyed, it will usher in a golden age of harmony for all.

But disillusionment is bound to occur. The only problem is that it’s looking more and more that  when disillusionment finally does occur among even the most idealistic, moralistic leftists, there are not going to be enough White people who can turn the situation around.


[1] Putnam, “E Pluribus Unum: Diversity and Community in the Twenty-first Century”; recent literature is reviewed in Salter, “The Biosocial Study of Ethnicity”; see also “Germany’s Jeopardy.”

[2] See Salter, “The Biosocial Study of Ethnicity.”

[3] Ibid.

[4] Steve Sailer, “Fragmented Future: Multiculturalism Doesn’t Make Vibrant Communities but Defensive Ones,” The American Conservative (January 1, 2007).

[5] H. Robert Outten, Michael T. Schmitt, and Daniel A. Miller, “Feeling threatened about the future: Whites’ emotional reactions to anticipated ethnic demographic changes,” Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 38 (2011): 14–25.