The January 6^th event in Washington, D.C. continues to be systematically promoted as domestic terror, but also as “White insurrection,” and “White Supremacy.”  The three words—supremacy, terror, and insurrection—have been turned into a triad memetic, where supremacy represents terror, and terror leads to insurrection.  They are self-reinforcing and self-perpetuating concepts that can be applied in nearly any context, and positioned as a profound threat to public safety that purportedly needs to be “confronted,” suppressed and extinguished.  It is a theme that is being deepened in its institutional promotion, and accelerated and heightened in its use as threat and intimidation language against millions of Americans who are either conservative, aligned with the Republican Party, or especially, if they are White and have positive attitudes about Anglo-Saxon culture.

What is fascinating however, is how this theme of domestic terror is advanced, not only by most cooperating media that many adults listen to and view, but also that it is firmly entrenched at the higher education level as a tool of political propaganda and influence directed at the nation’s young adults who are at or nearing voting age.  Getting at the 18–25-year-old cohort, with such racial and ideological messaging, is critical in influencing public attitudes, and creating a massive “force” of active followers, whereas older adults generally are either more resistant or indifferent.  Young adults are more prone to become activists, to be more vocal, and to internalize the racial terror concept into their daily thinking and behavior.

“White Supremacy” shares, in this regard, a similar opportunism with the Covid program which in many ways is also centered directly in the university sector, as the modern university or college campus contains all the characteristics and infrastructure necessary to efficiently and effectively promote and disseminate what are highly structured psychological programs, designed to “cognitively infiltrate” (in the words of former Obama advisor, Harvard Law professor Cass Sunstein) young adults.

At the center of the structured programming that I’m describing—and perhaps the most deeply committed higher education institution that is actively serving as an ideological conduit and as an effective agent or partner in racial and ethnic propaganda programming—is the University of Chicago.  Its concentrated mix of political influence (active campus “Left” alumni including former president Barack Obama, Chicago Mayor Laurie Lightfoot, US Senator Bernie Sanders, and DNC operative and former Obama advisor, David Axelrod), combined with: active government-corporate sponsored programs in race and identity; medical- and biosecurity-related communications; and the University’s deeply embedded relationships with several foundations, including especially the Rockefeller Foundation, along with the Obama, Soros, Gates, and Pritzker Foundations, and its active management of US Department of Defense and intelligence programs, make the University of Chicago arguably the epicenter of current U.S. university special interest programs that are being directly targeted against the American public.

Among its several institutional campus centers that are actively devoted to the articulation, dissemination, and even “research” concerning “White Terror” is the Chicago Program on Security and Threats (or “CPOST”).  It is headed by former Bush administration White House advisor Robert Pape (Ph.D, UChicago) who is an original member of the Bush “911” team and who subsequently promoted the “Muslim terror” construct, including creating a “Muslim suicide terror” data base as his first effort as head of UChicago’s CPOST.[1]

The Center is supported by an Advisory Board that includes former CIA Deputy (and Acting) Director, Michael Morell who made his career from the Global War on Terror program, and markets himself as one of the few confidants (and apparently a hero) at Bush’s side on 9-11.[2]  It also includes former US Army General Andrew Twomey who acted as “deputy commanding general and chief of staff for the Combined Security Transition Command in Afghanistan, where he planned and directed the execution of security assistance programs to field the Afghan National Security Forces.”[3]

Perhaps more unsettling, and threatening to the larger integrity of the university community is “Counterterrorism Strategic Advisor,” Laurie Adler.  Adler is a graduate of the University of Chicago’s master’s program in International Relations and has a resume that indicates her deep involvement in psychological operations within the Washington establishment: “During her 25-year Washington, DC career, Adler worked with US/International Governments & Fortune 500 clients on counterterrorism, public relations, and government/international affairs.  She managed complex, high-profile, crisis & international public affairs issues.”

As the Strategic Communications Advisor to the US Army’s Human Terrain System (HTS), “Adler led all strategic/crisis communications & public affairs. HTS embedded social scientists with Brigade Commanders in Iraq & Afghanistan which provided field commanders with an understanding of the local population & culture to assist their operational requirements. Spearheading a creative team, she won a $100 million US Special Operations Command psychological operations campaign contract. This campaign was to counter militant Islamic propaganda through creative information campaigns against terrorists in Iraq, Afghanistan & worldwide.”[4]

In my view, Adler’s work in the Middle East, like the larger Global War on Terror, is now being turned inward, domestically, on American citizens.  Her new “enemy” is the American “White Supremacist.”

At an organizational level, the University of Chicago consists of a multi-level hierarchy of influence and interests that together create the overall institutional culture and ideology that invites, facilitates and nourishes the kind of programming, like the ideology of “White Terror,” which then serves as a platform for academic activity (research and teaching), as well as for funding, from government agencies, and from private corporations serving them.

At its Board of Trustee level, the University is carefully organized with influencers and interests that consolidate around opportunistic themes, programs and strategic initiatives that can be used for several purposes: to extend university-corporate linkages; to attract finance to underwrite new departments or department expansion; and to attract students and researchers who otherwise have no original intellectual instinct or capability, but can attach themselves eagerly to programs that radiate authority, reinforce social and political consensus, and offer reassurances of further career prospects, especially in an institutional dimension.

The University’s “Becker Friedman Institute” (BFI) is its highly financed, para-state flagship economics center, named after Nobel economist Milton Friedman.[5]  It is another active propaganda platform, staffed with a number of political assets including former Obama chief economics advisor, the far Left Austan Goolsbee, who provides regular defense of racial activism, including his regular apologia for BLM terror and violence, by couching it in seemingly objective economic terms.

The BFI organization itself is run by former Chief Economist for the Obama administration Council of Economic Advisers, Michael Greenstone, who champions state-based programs, government spending, radical taxation, and of course equity and diversity studies as part of his larger social engineering advocacy.[6] A recent BFI-sponsored paper sought to reinforce the January 6^th event as White terror, by asserting a scientific study of cellphone location data, targeting private citizens as insurrectionists: “Profiling Insurrection: Characterizing Collective Action Using Mobile Device Data.”[7]  It was a stunning intellectual assault on Americans.

The growing consensus on the concept of “White terror” provides an organizing system of thought that allows graduate students and faculty to attach themselves to an initiative with economic promise, and social recognition.  It is by agreement, not by confrontation, that most young adults and faculty seek their orientation within local societies and institutions like university and college corporations.  By tacitly agreeing and cooperating with “White Supremacy” academic programming, both faculty and graduate students are rewarded with grants, donations, academic publishing, and promises of further employment.

For the various special interests that seek to demonize, marginalize, and responsively classify certain others as “White Supremacists”—and to attach to that label a reflexive, conditioned association of danger, threat, destabilization and criminal intent, it is especially vital to condition young adults. And there is no better place to reach them than in the nation’s higher education complex.  The university system is effectively a ready-made network of “re-education” camps that house, feed, train, socialize, condition, reinforce, and dangle life incentives (career preparation, income, economic fit and stability) in return for conforming to the status quo.

In nearly all fascist, authoritarian and operational communist regimes, it is young adult recruitment and control that is key to creating the “army” of mass obedience, and especially, an army with a self-policing sociology where the young adult mind becomes the effective jailor and keeper of its own intellectual confines and of its own tribal affiliations.  Such recruitment and control reinforce group solidarity, but they also radically reinforce group division among “insiders” and “outsiders”—among the safe and unsafe, the acceptable and the unacceptable.  In the past such programs have provided the cognitive and behavioral justification for incarceration and murder, and in some times and places, even mass extermination, imprisonment or isolation.

The “White Terror” meme cannot be as effectively deployed and enforced on older adults, as they already have a network of interests, associations, beliefs and experiences that create at least some resistance to ideological conditioning, if only through economic self-interest (such as property) and the necessary cooperative routines of living and working in an adult economy.

But students generally have no such (or many fewer) compromises, conflicts, practical concerns or attachments: they live in a world of unattached independence, their lives defined by a rented apartment or dormitory room, a meal plan, and the campus itself as their entire economic world including all the issues related to safety, security, health care, recreation, socialization, romance, and highly defined routines.

The college campus is in fact nearly the perfect microcosm of a socialist society, where many of life’s demands are kept at bay or not even visible. These needs are provided for and centrally directed by a controlling administrative authority, and by older adult “keepers” and guides (faculty) who carefully structure acceptable or desirable thinking, especially at a group political level.  Indeed, it is the power of abstraction, privately employed that, as William James remarked, creates a “vicious abstractionism” that is “among the great original sins of the rationalistic mind.”[8]

The University of Chicago further reinforces this arrangement by completely surrounding the university with authority figures—prominent, influential people. As a pillar of the establishment, it regards the state and certain corporations, foundations, and political and even religious affiliations as more, or less acceptable, or even “safe” or unsafe. In UChicago’s case, this includes the on-campus Institute of Politics, run by former Obama senior advisor and Israel-first advocate, David Axelrod, and the Obama Foundation itself, an institution that is much more than a mere presidential library that protects presidential reputations, but rather an active “community organizing” center that promotes and disseminates its racial ideology across the entire university including the professional graduate schools such as the law school, where he taught “race and law.”

The university is further reinforced ideologically by its deep managerial role with the Fermi Lab, and the Argonne National Laboratories, both Department of Defense installations.  The new Pritzker School of Molecular Engineering and the Pritzker School of Medicine, backed by Chicago’s Pritzker family, act as additional nodes of influence and ideology, including the careful thematic management and credentialing of the overall Covid and biosecurity domain, in large part through the use of the “medical expert” platform it provides. (They act also as effective state broadcast and propaganda centers, issuing medical and behavioral guidance on a nearly daily basis.)  Indeed, race, biosecurity, and social divisiveness are powerfully combined in the realm of vaccination policy, where the “unvaccinated” and especially those who doubt and question the Covid vaccines, are branded as outsiders, and linked to red state politics, and White, conservative, rural, and even southern identity

The current biological and ethno-cultural narratives of racial safety and political safety are combined together to create a powerful fear-threat reaction among young adults who are still cognitively and emotionally vulnerable and developing.  Via the totality of conditioning hosted and operated by the university complex, this represents a new social threat—a threat that is more pronounced and well beyond any previously present on our nation’s university and college campuses.  The ever-present indoctrination of racial animosity, fear and even hatred, re-establishes the education complex—including now even elementary and secondary schools—as an institutional body fully absorbed into the state itself, rather than merely part of a “complex” that historically sought to actively maintain some independence from government, commercial, and political influences.

Like the original American system of federalism that consists of separate, independent layers and units of government, the university, originally founded on similar independence, has collapsed into the center of a unified block of monolithic authority, largely because of its vulnerability to and eager willingness to obtain financial grants from government and private foundations, regardless of their objectives.

V.S. Solovyev is a graduate of the University of Chicago

[1] https://cpost.uchicago.edu/people/profile/robert_pape/

[2] https://cpost.uchicago.edu/people/profile/michael_morell/

[3] https://cpost.uchicago.edu/people/profile/andrew_twomey/

[4] https://cpost.uchicago.edu/people/profile/laurie_adler/

[5] Friedman was not quite the “free market” guru and champion that he is typically portrayed to be, and often argued for state priorities including his design of the income tax automatic payroll deduction system which utterly changed the relationship between the individual and the state by taking private property prior to private review and voluntary agreement.

[6] https://economics.uchicago.edu/directory/michael-greenstone

[7] https://bfi.uchicago.edu/working-paper/profiling-insurrection-characterizing-collective-action-using-mobile-device-data/

[8]  THE MEANING OF TRUTH: A SEQUEL TO “PRAGMATISM.” By William James. London, Bombay and Calcutta: LJongmans, Green & Co., 1909

Recent experiences of Canadians in China have Ottawa professing its intention to finally stand up to Beijing. But Canada’s internal Chinese threat demonstrates greater vulnerability to Middle Kingdom machinations. China complements its military and economic power with three Western-bestowed weapons: immigration policies, political correctness, and corporate greed.

Sino-Canadian relations came to prominence on August 10, when a Chinese court imposed the death sentence on a Canadian convicted of drug smuggling. The following day China sentenced another Canadian to 11 years on highly doubtful espionage charges in a largely secret trial. A second alleged Canadian spy awaits trial on equally dubious charges. China arrested those two in apparent retaliation shortly after Canada detained Beijing insider Meng Wanzhou, CFO of tech giant Huawei Technologies, on an American extradition request. While the Canadians languish in solitary confinement, Meng resides in one of her two Vancouver mansions.

Vague talk of trade sanctions and a boycott of Beijing’s 2022 Winter Olympics emphasizes Canada’s helplessness. But China’s depredations inside Canada have long been obvious, especially in Vancouver. The city’s pitiable state might induce scorn, but “Hongkouver” presents a warning to the entire West. With nearly 50 million Chinese living overseas, 80% of them citizens of 180 countries, the rest of the world might wonder whose interests this enormous migration serves. Two recent books have, however cautiously, examined its impact on Canada.

Both authors are journalists, so they distance themselves from any hint of racial realism. Published earlier this year, Sam Cooper’s Wilful Blindness: How A Network of Narcos, Tycoons and CCP Agents Infiltrated the West starts with a preface by a Chinese granting permission to criticize Chinese corruption. Despite Cooper’s disturbing account, the author sometimes expresses almost breathtaking naivete.

Additional revelations come from the 2019 publication Claws of the Panda: Beijing’s Campaign of Influence and Intimidation in Canada. But this writer, former Hong Kong correspondent Jonathan Manthorpe, actually considers “populism” as characterized by Boris Johnson and Donald Trump to be an even more “toxic” threat to Canada than the Chinese Communist Party.

That must be a Chernobyl-level of toxicity because Manthorpe describes China as “a fascist regime . . . with a centralized autocratic government headed by a dictatorial leader, severe economic and social regimentation, and forcible suppression of opposition.” He adds comparisons to Russian “Mafia capitalism” and “a classic Chinese imperial dynasty.”

The dynasties bring to mind the Middle Kingdom, a country that for thousands of years shut out the rest of the world to bask in its sense of racial superiority.

Now China has unleashed itself and its presumed superiority on the world. Historically, that’s a stunning reversal of more than a century of humiliation by foreign powers that ended with imperial Japan’s 1945 collapse. During the Opium Wars beginning in 1839, British gunboats opened China to the drug trade with Britain, the world’s first narco-state. Grim irony can be seen in the streets of Vancouver, where a sprawling underclass of mostly White addicts contrasts with an ostentatiously wealthy Chinese elite. Cooper says some Canadian and American intelligence sources believe today’s fentanyl trade represents Beijing’s “weaponized” use of the drug.

As Manthorpe explains, what’s good for Chinese business is good for the CCP. He says it’s irrelevant whether or not a Chinese company is state-owned. All sizeable businesses in China and many abroad hold close ties to the Beijing regime.

That’s an aspect of guanxi, the network of relationships that binds Chinese politicians, entrepreneurs, and gangsters. Yes, gangsters — Canadian police and security intel shows that “China’s government is in fact controlling drug cartels,” Cooper reports.

Beginning in the 1970s, the Chinese population of the Canadian province of British Columbia expanded rapidly thanks to exceptionally lax immigration policies, partly a reciprocal gesture for Chinese trade with powerful Canadian corporations. Maybe few places in the world can match greater Vancouver for its proportion of Chinese. Their numbers, wealth, and influence have transformed the metropolitan area.

Among the results have been soaring real estate prices. By the 1980s, middle class Canadians found Vancouver increasingly unaffordable as affluent new arrivals inflated single-family home prices and tore down modest buildings to put up monster houses and luxury towers.

“A new financial system based on secretive transactions had become the city’s economic centre of gravity,” Cooper writes. The main sources were “drug money and capital flight from Mainland China.”

Despite admonitions about “racism,” concerns have been raised since at least the 1990s about money laundering’s impact on housing. Internationally recognized as “the epicentre of money-laundering” is River Rock Casino, a BC government-owned, largely Chinese-staffed, and Chinese-patronized enterprise in the Chinese-dominated Vancouver suburb of Richmond.

Money soiled in any manner comes clean here. Chinese have literally dragged in hockey bags stuffed with grimy twenties from the street drug trade. Others use more sophisticated money transfers through underground banks in Macau or the Chinese mainland with branches in Vancouver and Richmond. These illegal banks have expanded to serve Hispanic cartels and Iranian-backed narco-terrorists.

River Rock patrons convert the money to gambling chips for a stint at the tables before redeeming the chips for respectable bank drafts. BC-originated money both comes from and fuels drug trafficking and loan sharking, with associated gangsterism like prostitution and murder. Money smuggled into BC from China generally comes from wealthy business/criminal figures (there isn’t much distinction) who, despite their usually cosy CCP connections, want to evade currency export restrictions to establish themselves, their families, and their money overseas.

With that money comes influence. And that influence — notwithstanding the flight from the motherland — serves Beijing. Following a two-year study by RCMP and the Canadian Security Intelligence Service, the 1997 Sidewinder report provided evidence of CCP-linked businessmen, intelligence operatives and Triads affecting Canadian corporate and political spheres. Targets included Canadian real estate (a place to park wealth and a means of influencing local politicians), technology (especially communications and military applications), academia (more tech intel, along with influence over Chinese students and Canadian curricula), media (to propagate the CCP message), and politicians at all levels of government.

As if confirming the evidence, Canada’s political establishment shot the messengers. “Those involved with the investigations were demoted, moved aside or ridden out of town by senior RCMP and CSIS team members,” Cooper states.

Except for a few more investigative reports that met similar fates, Canadian law enforcement largely gave up. But Manthorpe says Sidewinder’s dramatic findings “obscured the far more subtle and successful means that Beijing uses to ensure its interests in Canada and other countries.”

They include the CCP-funded Confucius Institutes in Canadian schools and universities that monitor overseas students and spread CCP propaganda. But not always subtle are tactics of the United Front Work Organizations that China maintains in its consulates and embassies. Ongoing United Front campaigns include stealing intellectual property, harassing overseas Chinese dissidents, and various means of demanding racial loyalty from the diaspora. Special ops have included buying up and shipping home Canada’s (and other countries’) supplies of personal protective equipment while the motherland kept its Covid epidemic secret. Connected with Triads and money laundering, the United Front funds Chinese and compliant White political candidates.

“Most United Front ‘overseas leaders’ are businessmen who trade on their guanxi with Beijing to earn fortunes,” Cooper explains.

Cooper names several Chinese and White politicians on Canada’s municipal, provincial, and federal levels who have likely or overt links to Chinese underground banking, real estate, loan sharking, or United Front activities. Among them is former prime minister Jean Chretien, “who since leaving office, has been at the CCP’s financial trough earning millions for himself and influencing Global Affairs [Ottawa’s foreign ministry] in the public policy realm. Various Liberal Ministers and Global Affairs have shown a bias and written policy that is favourable to China and not to Canada.” And Cooper notes that the family foundation of current Prime Minister Justin Trudeau accepted $1 million from a Chinese organization led by a United Front official.

Manthorpe portrays Canada’s last five Quebecois prime ministers as suspiciously China-friendly, from Mao-admirer Pierre Trudeau down to his son Justin. All five have political, business, and/or family links to the Desmarais family of Quebec that runs Power Corp., a strong beneficiary of Sino-Canadian trade and “the premier gatekeeper of this country’s formal relations with China.” However Quebec, unlike the provinces of Ontario and especially BC, remains relatively unscathed by Chinese immigration.

This Quebecois guanxi helps explain why Canada capitulated while our two most similar countries, Australia and New Zealand, continue to resist Chinese influence. Also unlike Canada, the US has launched “a steady stream of prosecutions” against CCP operatives for stealing technology. “It defies belief that the same level of industrial espionage is not going on in Canada,” Manthorpe argues.

But the Quebecois elite aren’t entirely to blame. The story of HD Mining International casts harsh light on BC opportunists. Neither Manthorpe nor Cooper mention this. In 2013 the Chinese company began coal mining in northeastern BC with an underground work force comprised entirely of 51 miners imported directly from China. Prior to suspending work due to declining prices, the company intended to expand the underground operation to 480 Chinese. The company claimed only Mandarin-speakers could understand longwall mining, a procedure commonly used in the US and Australia, among other countries.

Even after media publicized the story (while avoiding its obvious racial implications), the BC government continued to support the company’s Chinese-only hiring policy. HD Mining stuck with its agenda as two other companies in the same region laid off 775 Canadian coal miners.

Some Third World countries have suffered unfettered Sino arrogance, especially after being compromised by the loans and subsidies behind Belt and Road, the multi-trillion-dollar program to link much of the world’s infrastructure and resources to China. But BC has lowered the bar for First World countries. That prompts the question of who in BC benefits.

“Canadian political parties, academic institutions of various sorts, and the media have been far too willing to accept benefits, financial and otherwise, that make them beholden to the CCP,” Manthorpe stresses. “Perhaps most questionable are Canadian politicians and officials who in retirement from public life accept lucrative consultant work or advisory positions with the CCP and its agencies.”

It’s not just the Chinese elite who attract this subservience. Desperate to win votes from greater Vancouver’s huge Chinese middle class, many White politicians embarrass themselves with awkward attempts to speak Mandarin.

Much as China has transformed Canadian politics, Manthorpe says, China has overwhelmed Canadian business. “CCP practices of corruption, contempt for the rule of law and the sanctity of contracts, hierarchical arrogance, and disdain for social disparity have deeply infected the Canadian corporate world.”

Two years ago, after decades of compliance and/or complicity, the BC government ordered an inquiry of sorts into money laundering. As it plods along, the Cullen Commission will supposedly examine the problem’s full scope “including real estate, gaming, financial institutions, and the corporate and professional sectors.”

But a so-far very narrow focus suggests a number of inhibitions, including fear of racism allegations and the current provincial New Democratic Party government’s complicity, in addition to that of its 16-year BC Liberal predecessor. A thorough inquiry, as Cooper’s book implies, would release a non-partisan sorcerer’s apprentice on the entire establishment. The commission’s report comes due in December.

Meanwhile we can speculate how China will assert itself in Canada as this country succumbs to the multi-faceted social revolution. A hint might have come in Montreal’s 2019 homosexual Pride Parade, a type of event as sacrosanct in Canada as is the Hajj to Islam. Barely mentioned in Canadian media was the experience of a small number of would-be participants from Hong Kong who intended to protest Beijing’s anti-homo policies. Parade organizers barred them following threats from a much larger, aggressively contemptuous group of pro-CCP demonstrators. The Beijing supporters then disrupted the event’s moment of silence by singing the Chinese national anthem. Had Whites committed any comparable “hate crime,” of course, all hell would have broken loose. But police, marchers, and the antifa contingent that was presumably present did nothing.

Also present was Prime Minister Trudeau. Normally quick to berate wrong-thinking Anglos, he said nothing.

Even if China uses political correctness to its advantage, the country makes no concessions towards the West’s dominant ideology. Yet the regime has been embraced by Canada’s political and corporate elite.

Wayne Northrup is a pen name for the author of You Can’t Say That (http://youcantsaythat.ca/), a racial satire set in Canada.