Lessons from the Trumpistan Coup

Now that we’ve had the luxury of a few days to digest things, let’s take a look at the January 6th “event” in Washington and see what we can reasonably and logically conclude.  There is much that we don’t know, much that we can’t know, and yet much that is certain, or nearly so.  We need to take a moment to do some clear-headed and skeptical thinking about this whole event, to remain on solid footing, and to muster the courage to take the necessary subsequent actions.  The end result will be perhaps less ‘conspiratorial’ than some might hope for, and yet my conclusion, I think, will be more firmly justified than ever.

Let’s start with the “apparent reality.”  By all appearances, January 6 was a day of diverse protests, all of which focused on the election certification by Congress.  Authorities evidently planned for several hundred thousand people at various venues, representing related movements.  The semi-official “March to Save America” was joined by marches from other organizations like Women for America First, Stop the Steal, and (we are told) a number of renegade groups like The Proud Boys.  Around noon, “several thousand people” gathered at the Trump rally, which was then transformed into a mass protest action aimed directly at Congress.  By 1:15 pm, people had started to collect around the Capitol building.  Around 1:45, the first small group broke through the crowd-control fencing and were at the doors to the building.  This was, coincidentally, just about the time that the legislators had convened, in both the House and Senate, to begin their 2-hour debate on the objection to the Arizona delegate count.  By 2:30, Capitol police had begun to lock-down the building, and were warning congressmen and staffers to evacuate or shelter in place.  Within five minutes, protestors were in both the Rotunda (underneath the big dome) and in Statuary Hall, to the south; both areas, incidentally, are formally public spaces.  (The House chamber in the left wing, and the Senate chamber, in the right wing, are not public.)

Then things got ugly.  Around 3:15, Ashli Babbitt was shot and killed, evidently by a security guard.  Congressional offices were broken into and ransacked.  Protestors reached the entrances to the House and Senate chambers and were confronted by gun-wielding security men, barricaded on the inside.  Eventually some managed to actually enter the Senate chamber.  By 3:45, the Virginia National Guard were mobilized and on their way.  At 4:30, Trump issued his “we love you, go home” video on Twitter.  But by 5 pm, most of the excitement was over, and crowds began to disperse.  Most walked quietly out of the building; security cameras showed a few dozen subdued and sheepish-looking individuals making their way out, like a bunch of school kids heading back to their buses.  The building was more or less secure by 5:45 pm, and both Houses of Congress were able to resume work by 8 pm.  All in a day’s work.

Later we got the damage assessment:  five people dead, including the unfortunate Ms. Babbitt.  A security guard died after getting hit on the head by a pipe or fire extinguisher.  And three others died from “separate medical emergencies” apparently unrelated to the event.  Damage in and to the building was remarkably slight, especially for an “insurrection”—some windows broken, some offices ransacked, and a few minor items stolen.

The protest thus ended on a surprisingly calm note.  As I said, most people just calmly walked away, including many of those who “breached” the Capitol.  Most were gone by 5:30 or 6:00 when the building was finally secured by the late-arriving law enforcement.  Police and national guardsmen experienced little to no conflict, engaged in no shoot-outs, made no mass arrests, and put out no fires.  The relatively calm and peaceful description accords well with firsthand witnesses like Cat McGuire, who reported on “a polite, well-mannered crowd.”  Notably, she said, “I did not see a single visible weapon the entire time,” which aligns with my initial thoughts watching the event live on television.  Those who crashed the doors of the Capitol constituted “a relatively extremely small number” of people, many of whom, she conjectured, were “Antifa” types, serving as “agents provocateur” to cause trouble and give pro-Trump people, and Trump himself, a bad name.

And yet, our fine and objective media told a different story.  There was no ‘Antifa’ there at all, they said.  The crowd was an enraged White mob, directly incited by Trump, and hell-bent on death and destruction.  The event was, variously, a “coup,” an “insurrection,” or at minimum, “a riot.”  Protesters were “right-wing extremists” and even “domestic terrorists” who were attacking “the very basis of American democracy.”  Incredibly, they were also “anti-Semites” who “promoted the Holocaust.”  The Times of Israel informs us that “Holocaust-denying neo-Nazis [were] among the Trump supporters who stormed US Capitol.”[1]  CNN tells us that “the warning signs were clear: online posts from hate groups and right-wing provocateurs agitating for civil war, the deaths of top lawmakers and attacks on law enforcement.”  We also read that “the riot” was “even more violent than it first appeared.”  Indeed, “it could have been a massacre”—could have, but wasn’t.  Not even close.

A Dose of Reality

So what really was going on there?  We are immediately faced with multiple problems.  For the vast majority of us watching live, all information arrived filtered through the mass media.  The filters work differently depending on whether you watch MSNBC or Fox, but the filters are there all the same.  And we are stuck with them.  The only alternative would have been spontaneous reports from handheld protestor cellphones uploaded to social media; but at best, these portrayed a highly limited vantage point, from single individuals, who could not possibly have known what else was happening.  All that the typical viewer could see was relatively disconnected video clips and photos from outside and inside the building.  Who those people really were, and what their motives were, remain unknown.

Were there ‘Antifa’ members in the crowd?  Hard to say, if only because we really have no good idea who or what ‘Antifa’ is.  If we loosely define them as hardcore liberal leftists willing to engage in violence, then yes, it is highly likely that some such types were in the crowd.  But precisely how many, among the thousands, and what precisely they did, we will never know.

Was it an attempted coup?  The Atlantic certainly thinks so (see “This is a coup.”)  Was it an insurrection?  Do our simple-minded mass media personalities even know what they are talking about?  A ‘coup’ and an ‘insurrection’ are effectively synonymous, and are essentially equivalent to ‘rebellion’ and even ‘revolution’—all imply the violent overthrow of an existing government.[2]  Is that what happened on January 6?  Hardly.  Not even close.

Even a modicum of common sense tells us that this was no ‘coup,’ no ‘insurrection.’  The mob did not, and certainly could never have, dreamed of “overthrowing” anything, let alone the US government.  There was precisely zero chance of that happening, even if thousands of gun-totting militants managed to take the building.  They would have been talked out, starved out, or gassed out.  In the end, it would have been a suicide mission.  Only the most deluded idiot could ever have thought that he was going to Washington to “take over” the government.

So what was it?  From all accounts, it was, by and large, a rowdy mass pro-Trump rally that got further out of hand than most expected.  From everything I’ve seen so far, it was a mass protest—nothing more.  Partly planned, partly unplanned, but a mass protest nonetheless.

Mass protests generally have two distinct but intertwined goals:  1) to “make a statement,” and 2) to inflict a cost.  To state the obvious, mass protests occur because a group of people are unhappy about something, and they want something to change.  Change only occurs, in a large bureaucratic nation like ours, if a loud “message” is conveyed, or if the price of non-change becomes too high.  If thousands of Trump voters are mad as hell because they believe the election was stolen, and if they want to protest, they can either make their message heard and then hope for the best (not much hope there), or they can attempt to punish the thieves—that is, make them incur some cost for their malfeasance.

What did the mob achieve on Wednesday?  We already knew their message—Trump won the election, and it was stolen.  We know they have support across the country; even our biased media admit to some 74 million Trump voters, of whom 70% to 80% (depending on the poll) think the election was stolen.   But then what?  “We’re mad as hell and we’re not going to take it.”  And then what?  The message is impotent.  It has no consequence.

If ‘the message’ was doomed to impotence, inflicting ‘a cost’ was much more tangible, and much more achievable.  By forcing their way into the Capitol building, a motivated and reasonably prepared mob could have caused tremendous damage.  If—and I stress the conditional here—if they wanted to inflict damage, they had a golden opportunity.  They had guns, presumably hidden, and far outnumbered the handful of guards.  Any firefight would have been over quickly, with the mob victorious.  Security guards, staffers, even congressmen would have been easy prey, for kidnapping, injury, or worse.  But this did not happen.

What about physical damage?  The Capitol building is ripe for destruction.  It is the beating heart of the Washington swamp, the symbol of all that is failed and corrupt about America.  Just imagine the destruction that could have been wrought by a mob run amok.  Fires alone could have caused massive damage.  Instead of putting his feet up on Pelosi’s desk and stealing her letterhead, Richard Barnett could have burned it to ashes.  But he preferred to scrawl a message for her, leave a quarter, and walk home; what a peaceful fellow.  Imagine the impact if multiple office fires had been set, all at once.  Smoke would have been pouring out of windows all around the building; now that would have been an image for the ages.  Firefighters would never have been able to reach the building, and the damage would have been immense.  Imagine if the actual House or Senate chambers had been torched.  That would have been a real cost, and a real message.  Instead, a couple of windows were broken; and legislators were back in those very rooms just three hours later, to resume “the peoples’ work.”

Therefore, no one—not the pro-Trumpers, not the hidden provocateurs—planned any real damage, or to inflict any real cost.  No one seriously contemplated it, no one planned it, and no one executed it.  This much is obvious.  The question is, why?  Was it all for show?  Were protestors “invited” inside, with authorities being quite confident that no real damage would occur?  But the show alone would be sufficient for those in power—sufficient to play it up as a ‘coup’ and ‘insurrection,’ and to further punish Trump and his mostly White followers.

Notice how congressmen, left and right, responded to the event.  All were indignant.  All were outraged.  All condemned the “senseless violence” of the crazed mob and the “attempted overthrow” of American democracy.  All of them:  left, right, and center; Democrat and Republican; Trump supporter or not.  All of them condemned it.

Again:  Why?  The answer here is clear: All congressmen, of all stripes, have a vested interest in sustaining the system, more or less in its current form.  This is obvious.  They are all ‘winners’ in the system.  It has made them all rich, famous, and powerful.  Yes, they fight for relative power and relative influence, but this is largely a sham.  The Republican-Democrat battles are only there to give the impression of real competition.  Instead, in reality, we have a deep and radical monopoly—a monopoly of pro-corporate, pro-capitalist, pro-war, pro-Israel, and pro-Jewish individuals.  On these things, they all agree.  I’ve been saying as much for many years:  We should focus not on what divides the two parties, but on what unites them.  This is far more revealing.

The Secession Option

Thus we see that the whole pretext for the protest was misconceived, and doomed to failure.  The die-hard Trump followers are largely self-deluded.  Trump was never really on their side, and could never be their savior.  He was never going to really help middle-class families or the working man.  At best, he would slightly delay the impending decay and collapse of the nation.  But he did it in such an appalling and incompetent manner, that it became a true farce.  He hired the most buffoonish and moronic aides imaginable—Rick Perry, Bill Barr, Mike Pompeo, Sonny Perdue, Betsy DeVos…bad jokes, at best.  And his many Jewish aides and confidantes, and his many concessions to Jewish and Israeli interests, betrayed his real concerns as president.

More than anything, Trump was a symbol:  a symbol of resistance, of defiance, and of an ‘in your face’ attitude.  But nothing more.  The Trump presidency was all show, no substance.  It was, and is, hardly worth dying over.

We have better options.  But we need to wake up to the cold, hard truth.  Here it is:  this nation is finished.  It’s done, over, functionally dead.  It operates on sheer momentum.  I pity those who think they can “save America.”  I pity folks like Ms. McGuire, in her noble but hopelessly naïve fixation on America, the Constitution, and patriotism.  These are all misplaced.  America was doomed from the start, with its foolish emphasis on a fictional ‘human equality’ and its early importation of thousands of Black Africans.  And then allow millions of European Jews to flood in between 1880 and 1920, and you are done—period.  A vast virgin landscape and a fortuitous turn of global events allowed us to become a “superpower” by the late twentieth century, but this offered no real protection from our internal decay.  It just made us more dangerous.

Anyone out there today who is waving a US flag, or face-painted red, white, and blue, or wearing a MAGA hat, is a fool or a dupe.  They are serving and sustaining a corrupt system.  They are agents of their own decline.  They have no conception of the reality of the government they are so dedicated to.  The system cannot be reformed, it cannot be fixed, and it cannot be resuscitated.  Any defense or loyalty to the system is guaranteed to be in vain.

But this does not mean all is lost.  Far from it.  People of good will, people who love ‘America,’ people who still value freedom and liberty—they have options.  Or rather, they have one viable option:  secession.  The multiracial American ‘nation’ of 330 million is finished, but millions can still have some semblance of a sane and rational government, one that truly serves their interests; but it can only come by breaking away, leaving the corrupt morass of Washington, and striking out independently.  There simply is no other feasible option.  To continue to live in the current political environment, with its now-likely permanent radical leftist and anti-White orientation, is to surrender one’s future, and that of your children and grandchildren.  It need not be so.

As I recently argued, there is indeed a strong moral and political case for secession today.  The 24 continental red states form a contiguous block, and could in principle secede en masse.  Large red-county chunks of adjoining states could join in as well.  But pragmatically, it would be best for individual states to break away first, beginning with the border states:  Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, Montana, Idaho, and North Dakota.  If Florida could jettison its Jew-heavy Dade county around Miami, it would become deep red and could easily secede.

Then consider the battleground states up north.  Despite being classified as a blue state, Michigan makes a perfect case study for secession.  It was closely-divided, with Biden winning by just 150,000 votes; the outcome was tipped by Democrat-voting Blacks in the Detroit area.  Detroit’s Wayne County saw an excess of 330,000 votes for Biden.  Subtract the Detroit Black vote, and Michigan goes clearly for Trump.  Those same Blacks, incidentally, helped put Gretchen Whitmer into office in 2018.  Since then, she has proven herself a shill for the American Judeocracy.  Her first and only foreign “business development” trip was to Israel, and she consistently defends the Jewish-Democratic line on every issue.  If Michigan is to regain its political independence, Whitmer needs to be immediately and forcibly removed, along with her incompetent and unqualified Black lieutenant governor Garlin Gilchrist, her Jewish-lesbian AG Dana Nessel, and her SPLC-loving, White-hating secretary of state Jocelyn Benson.

A Detroit-less and Whitmer-less Michigan is a near-ideal secession state.  They are a border state.  They have plenty of arable land and limitless water.  And by ditching black Wayne County, the state is around 92% White.  With over 9 million industrious and well-educated Whites, Michigan could be a stunning success as an independent nation.

We know that secession is a real solution—the only real solution—by the way that our media discuss the topic.  The demonizing of the largely peaceful and impotent protestors as “insurrectionists” shows that the slightest whiff of revolt sends our media into a tizzy.  And for good reason.  They all know that their power, their wealth, and their prestige rest on a large and semi-coherent mass of people, 330 million strong, that more or less serve their interests.  If that mass shrinks, they lose—no ifs, ands, or buts.

And by ‘media,’ I mean all media.  Consider what our beloved Tucker Carlson had to say, speaking at the beginning of his show on the very first day after the protest:

Political violence begets political violence.  That is an iron law that never changes.  We have to be against that, no matter who commits the violence or under what pretext, no matter how many self-interested demagogues assure us the violence is justified or necessary.  We have a duty to oppose all of this, not simply because political violence kills other people’s children, but because in the end it doesn’t work.

No good person will live a happier life because [Ashli Babbitt] was killed in a hallway of the Capitol today.  So our only option, as a practical matter, is to fix what is causing this in the first place.  You may have nothing in common with the people on the other side of the country—increasingly, you probably don’t—but you’re stuck with them.  The idea that groups of Americans will somehow break off into separate peaceful nations of like-minded citizens is a fantasy.  That will not happen.  There is no such thing as ‘peaceful separation’; there never has been, and there won’t be.

The two hemispheres of this country are inseparably intertwined, like conjoined twins.  Neither can leave without killing the other.  As horrifying as this moment is, we have no option but to make it better, to gut it out.

What a buffoon.  What a dupe.  We can only hope that they held a gun to his head to make him spout such nonsense.  Carlson cleverly dismisses the whole concept of secession without even allowing the dreaded word to cross his lips.  In terms of substance, he is flat-out wrong:  There have been several peaceful secessions around the world in recent decades.  Violent secession has indeed succeeded many times in history—not the least, in 1776.  And his stupid analogy of “conjoined twins” fails miserably; twins are successfully separated all the time.  Yes, it takes risk and “violence” in the form of the surgeon’s knife, but such is life.  The same is true politically.  Even if it came to the dreaded “violence,” so be it.  Nothing great in this world has been won without effort and sacrifice.

Prospects for the Future

Without large-scale secession, things look bleak indeed.  Anti-White, pro-Jewish policies will be enacted at a rapid rate.  Biden’s Jewish team continues to expand; his previous appointments—Tony Blinken, Avril Haines, Ron Klain, Alejandro Mayorkas, and Janet Yellen—were supplemented by another key pick:  the Jew Merrick Garland, who was quietly designated US attorney general amidst the January 6 uproar.  We can anticipate what is to come:  Gun rights, pro-life laws, and freedom of speech and press will all come under withering attack.  Ultra-liberal immigration and citizenship laws will significantly darken the American complexion.  Overseas, the war against Israel’s enemies will resume unchallenged.  Anyone dissenting from the pro-Jewish line will be branded as a domestic terrorist.

It is important to realize that secession anywhere is a gain everywhere.  If, say, Texas alone decided to secede and take its 30 million people with it, that would yield a huge decline in power for the remaining Judeocracy.  They would have less clout, less income, less territory, and less authority.  A successful Texas Republic could also make a great role model, leading others to opt out.  Then the whole corrupt system would begin to unravel.

Patriots!  White nationalists!  Labor unionists!  College students!  Fundamentalist Christians!  Now is the time to set aside your differences and work toward the only thing that matters—independence.  If you don’t have political sovereignty, you have nothing.  Otherwise, everything will get worse for you.  Workers can expect the capitalist globalist Jews to accelerate the process of shipping their jobs overseas.  Christians can expect their Christian values to be crushed by an ever-expanding Jewish secular materialism.  Anti-war advocates can expect increasing conflicts in the Middle East and around the world.  Unless you happen, by sheer luck, to align with liberal-Jewish objectives, your cause is lost.  Focus now on what matters.  With an independent nation-state, you at least have a chance to realize your values and your dreams.  As things stand now, you will surely suffer defeat.

Forget about Washington.  Forget about Trump.  Forget about ‘America.’  These are diversionary conflicts that you are bound to lose.  Focus instead on the local, the tangible, and the achievable:  a local or state-level independence movement.

America was born in secession.  It’s in our blood.  It’s in our DNA.  Washington, Jefferson, Adams, Madison, Franklin—all secessionists in their heart of hearts.  Were they alive today, they would be leading the charge to separate from the corrupt and irredeemable Judeocracy in Washington.  Any true ‘American patriot’ today should honor their legacy, and do the same.

People of the United States!  It is time to become the people of the divided states.  Do something real.  Do something that matters.  Secede.  Now.

Thomas Dalton, PhD, has authored or edited several books and articles on politics, history, and religion, with a special focus on National Socialism in Germany.  His works include a new translation series of Mein Kampf, and the books Eternal Strangers (2020), The Jewish Hand in the World Wars (2019), and Debating the Holocaust (4th ed, 2020).  For all his works, see his personal website www.thomasdaltonphd.com.

 

 

[1] One man was photographed wearing a “Camp Auschwitz” tee-shirt.  Heaven forbid.

[2] A ‘coup’ is usually distinguished from the other terms by the fact that it is performed by a relatively small group of individuals.

 

A Quest for a Morally Based Ideology for Pro-White Activism

Abstract

What strikes me from reading the Kevin MacDonald’s book, Individualism and the Western Liberal Tradition, is that, over the course of many thousands of years, the key to power over European peoples has always been based on the power of moral communities to make people conform. Because of our individualism, our social glue is not based on extended families. But Western cultures do have a social glue. Moral communities are the social glue of the West. While in non-Western societies social cohesion is attained via kinship connections, the social glue of Western societies revolves around reputation as honest, trustworthy, fair, and—most of all—as someone who upholds the moral values of the community. Dissenting from a moral community typically means ostracism, guilt, loss of job, or worse.

The thesis of this article is that we, the European peoples, need to defend ourselves against ethnocentric peoples whose agenda is to weaken the power of the White population by erecting moral communities in which White people are seen as evil if they defend their people and culture. The best route for us to accomplish this is to build on our very strong tendency to build morally-based ingroups via inducing shame and guilt in those who dissent from the moral code of the ingroup. Since I am an ethnic Swede myself, I will focus on northwestern Europe, and specifically Scandinavia, but most of the thesis should be applicable also to White Americans.

Background

MacDonald elaborates how the European peoples, particularly northwest European peoples, have a genetic tendency towards egalitarian individualism, and that European ingroups are permeable to members outside the ingroup provided they are trustworthy and demonstrate a reputation of good moral character that is in line with the moral standards of the ingroup. This goes all the way back to Indo-Europeans and northern hunter-gatherers several thousand years ago, although the current peoples of Europe have undergone a significant evolution since that time. The northern hunter-gathers were thoroughgoing egalitarian individualists, while the Indo-European warriors were only egalitarian within the aristocratic group of warriors (they established hierarchical societies with the military elite on top), but the group was permeable to talented people from outside the group. The moral code of honor kept the group together with strong bonds, and individualism meant that individuals could rise in the hierarchy. It was not based on kinship.

The hunter-gatherer groups were genetically inclined towards egalitarian individualism because of their evolution in the far north of Europe: The harsh environment of the north, in combination with a sparse population density, and therefore a low degree of competition for resources and no need for ethnocentrism, called for intelligence and creativity in surviving the harsh environment; outsiders who were willing to help and could demonstrate useful abilities were welcome; there was less need for kin-based power structures. It strongly fostered monogamy because one man could not support more than one woman and their children. The nuclear family was the building block of society, not clans. And these traits had a genetic origin—they were not just arbitrary “social constructs”!

Thus, evolution has created an individualistic, egalitarian, monogamous race, whose bonds are mostly based on a reputation-based morality, high trust, and ingroup consensus rather than kinship and ethnocentrism. They formed moral-ideological communities in which those who violated public trust, ingroup consensus, and other manifestations of the moral order, were shunned, ostracized, and exposed to public humiliation—a fate that would have resulted in evolutionary death in the harsh northern ecology.

MacDonald finds that European peoples are significantly more individualistic than other peoples, and within Western Europe, there is an ethnically based northwest-southeast gradient of a genetic tendency towards individualism, correlated with variation in family structure within Western Europe. In this gradient, Scandinavians have the most individualist family patterns in all of Europe.

Paradoxically, Sweden, as one of the most individualistic countries in the world, has chosen a very socialistic economic policy with a powerful state and powerful tendencies toward egalitarianism, conformism and law-abidingness. Thus, on the surface it looks like a collectivistic society. It is easy to think that individualism and collectivism would be opposites? There is, however, a clear logic to this paradox:

The paradox of “individualistic collectivism”

What is unique about Sweden is the underlying morality of that attempts to liberate the individual citizen from all forms of subordination and dependency in civil society: the poor from privately based charity, the workers from their employers, wives from their husbands, children from their parents and old people from their children.

The result is that Sweden is on the extreme end of individualist societies with an extreme independence from other individuals and groups other than the state. The state has the warrant of maintaining independence of individuals so they are not dependent on their families or other individuals. Through active intervention, it promotes egalitarian conditions that guarantee individual autonomy. There is a belief that a strong state and stable social norms will keep their “neighbor” out of both their lives and their backyards.

In older times, the peasants and the king often joined in a common struggle against their common adversary: the nobility. Therefore, the peasants came to view the state, in the figure of the King, as in some sense being “on their side.”[1] The patterns of individual freedom and lack of dependency on superiors go back at least to the medieval period. Feudalism did not happen in Scandinavia; farmers had a say in their government—typically not as strong as other forces like the nobility, but a force nonetheless.

For example, one scholar notes “the obvious egalitarian tendencies, personal freedoms, and legal and political enfranchisement so strikingly evident in historical, legal, and saga sources of medieval Iceland.” The leaders (goðar) who convened in the Althing were not territorial lords, as in Feudal Europe, but had reciprocal obligations toward the free farmers who elected them; farmers could switch their allegiance at will. The rule of law prevailed: “Built into this system of annual Althing courts was the concept of impartiality, embracing an intense desire to avoid partisanship” (Ibid.:11); judges could be disqualified on the basis of kinship.[2]

Nordic societies score at the top of social trust despite low on religiosity. This trust assumes (and is the result of) strong social norms and strict moral codes: Since there are virtually no kin-based power structures, trust is based on reputation-based moral codes where those who violate public trust and other manifestations of the moral order are shunned, ostracized, and exposed to public humiliation. For instance, Swedes are terrified to violate the moral consensus surrounding migration for fear of ostracism and, quite possibly, loss of job. Western societies are communities based on moral-ideological consensus.

This high standing on trust has had economic advantages in  lowering the costs and risks of business transactions. But in modern times this trust has been on a steady decline as a result of massive immigration of groups who do not share the same moral codes because they are neither biologically inclined for that (their norms are based on kinship), nor have any such traditions. As Joseph Henrich notes, first- and second-generation immigrants from countries with intensive kinship remain relatively untrusting of strangers, foreigners, and people from other religions; they are less individualistic-independent and more conformist-obedient (pp. 207, 244). Further, people from societies with intensive kinship contribute less to group projects, volunteer less, are less likely to donate blood to strangers, are more willing to lie under oath to help a friend, and more likely to hire relatives. “Cultural transmission can perpetuate a clannish psychology for generations, even after clan organizations have vanished” (p. 195) (The Weirdest People in the World, 2020).

Thus, extreme individualistic egalitarianism results in moral-ideological communities with extreme levels of conformism and social anxiety. Individuals fear social ostracism for violating egalitarian norms and standing out from the crowd. It is not surprising that such a culture exerts strong controls on individual behavior to ensure conformity to the norms of a moral-ideological community. This clearly can be perceived as being a form of collectivism, despite the genetic origin actually having its roots in individualism!

The next level of paradox is that, over the last decades, interventions by the state have run amok to the extent that the individual freedom has been throttled to almost zero, except the “freedom” to practice any form of degenerate sexual activity. The social norms have run amok, strongly supported by hate-speech laws that have made it illegal to say anything negative about homosexual activism, or transgender activism, or the non-reversible transformation of children to the opposite sex, or even some forms of pedophilia. And it has become mandatory to accept that lesbian women should be free to have children via insemination without the need for any relationship with a man—only a confident relation with the state.

It has become very dangerous to deviate even the slightest from the stipulated “Core Values”[2] of Nordic society. It is not even accepted to have a view of your own! If you express a dissenting view in a group of more than six people, it can be illegal!

Thus: Egalitarian individualism has become totalitarian collectivist intolerance!

The weakness of individualistic societies

Besides the unpleasant totalitarian intolerance as a result of egalitarian individualism, there is a more existential threat: An individualistic society is extremely vulnerable to an influx of ethnocentric people—they can quite easily take over the society because they will always prioritize their own kin. This is especially devastating if the intruding group attains power over the media and the educational system (which is where the current moral norms are established and propagated) and political parties.

Jews excel in exploiting the weakness of an egalitarian individualistic host population by using universalistic moral arguments such as: all humans are equal in intelligence and all other traits that are linked to upward mobility; only racism keeps some groups down; you must open your heart to immigrants; minorities in your country are oppressed, etc. They can even tell people that it is morally wrong for Swedes—or Whites in general—to prioritize their own group, despite the fact that ethnocentric groups like our Middle Eastern immigrants and the Jews do it all the time!  Because we live in a moral-ideological community, such moral arguments are easily absorbed by the native White population who are genetically inclined to be more trusting of strangers—especially when messages encouraging them to do so are are propagated by the media and educational system.

Hence, we seem to have no defense against such intruding groups. Historically, that has not been so much of a problem because prospective intruders have come from nearby, which means they had similar egalitarian-individualistic origin, and to the degree they were not, the strengths and merits of egalitarian individualistic communities was stronger than the threat of “aliens” trying to infiltrate us with a different set of moral norms. But over the last 50–100 years, the immigration pattern has been very different, with people coming from the Middle East and Africa. Africans would not have been a big problem if they weren’t supported by other “alien” smarter globalistic forces, because Africans have such a low IQ. But they are being exploited by Jews and other globalists as a battering-ram to break down the homogeneity of the Swedish population.

The rest of this paper will focus on ways to combat this threat from ethnocentric kin-based groups that invade and infiltrate our nation and transform it into something people of northwestern descent strongly resent. How to combat ethnocentric intruders

Is the Church our hope?

Many people claim that Catholicism is a safeguard against Jewish and Muslim intrusion into our  societies and against unwanted transformation of our societies by these groups. Let’s take a look at what MacDonald finds about the Church in Chapter 5, The Church in European History, and then I will draw my conclusions.

Christian ideology has always been universalistic (i.e., blind to ethnicity or kinship, and equally applicable to all races), which is the very foundation for the current propaganda by the globalist elites that are leading us to nationless globalism. The church, however, had a very strong desire for power, and at the pinnacle of its power during the medieval period the elite followers of the religion saw themselves as a supranational collectivity with the Pope as their master. Hence, it had a fundamentally collectivist orientation that is so foreign to the northwestern European mind.

The church battled against other opposing collectivities, and the Europeans considered themselves part of a Christian ingroup arrayed against non-Christian out-groups, particularly Muslims and Jews who were seen as powerful and threatening enemies. Over the course of such battles, the church sought to break down kin-based power structures among the groups the church wanted to dominate. It did that by prohibiting marriage of blood relatives and only supported marriage based solely on consent of the partners. In the sixth century, the prohibition was extended to second cousins, and by the eleventh century it was extended to sixth cousins! And that even included affinal relatives (i.e., relatives by marriage)! Clearly, these prohibitions go way beyond those that would be healthy to prevent in-breading. It was exclusively a way to eradicate kin-based power structures in pursuit of expanding their own power!

It may be true that Christian ideology, once upon a time, essentially became a blueprint for an anti-Jewish group strategy, and that crusaders many hundred years ago successfully pushed back Muslim invasions. But the price for the power of the church was extreme universalism, which later proved to be very detrimental for Europeans. The church strived towards an ever increasing universalistic centralization of its papal power that expanded its domains throughout the world.

The extreme universalism that the church was propagating actually facilitated Western individualism and the egalitarian liberal tradition in the long run. Eventually, it led to the conception of Christendom as a collection of individual souls, all morally equal, united by their religious identification and ultimately paving the way for Protestantism and the Enlightenment. So, in essence, we have a church that fosters race mixing, whose universalistic agenda is an egalitarian world order with centralized power! What does that remind us of? Well, communism, the Kalergi plan,[4] and the New World Order!

In Sweden, this has been taken to absurd levels in the last few decades by the Protestant Swedish Church: The archbishop is a communist, and the church acts as a far left activist organization by taking clear political positions and by protecting illegal immigrants. It praises the phrase “Allahu Akbar” as being compatible with Christianity, and it holds ecumenical gatherings that incorporate Islam! It is compassionately in favor of mass immigration and it is totally uncritical to the claims of “refugees” no matter where they come from or why they crossed the world to come to Sweden. Most Swedish Christians believe that Jews are friends of Christianity, and they are in favor of all Jewish lobbing organizations. As a result, the Swedish Church is definitely on the side of globalism!

Catholicism does not appear to be quite as extreme as modern Protestantism in this respect, but it shares most of the globalist traits, and the trend of the Catholic church goes in the same leftward direction as the Protestant church,  i.e., having a universalistic egalitarian globalistic agenda combined with pathological altruism. These churches have come to serve the interests of the global power elites.

Believing that the church will save us is like asking George Soros for salvation!

It should be noted, however, that this negative conclusion regards the churches, not necessarily religious beliefs. Christian people may very well find good healthy support in their religious beliefs and in the Ten Commandments, provided they are strongly opposed to the leftist advocacy of the Church in other areas.

Even if the church could be reformed and “improved”, it would not help the Scandinavian nations because most people in this region are not very religious at all, even though they might be born as Christians, and be members of the Swedish Church. To believe Christianity, whether Protestant or Catholic, would help us in Scandinavia is very naive—it simply will not happen!

In a few European countries, such as Poland, Catholicism has a stronger position, and in these countries it might serve as an entity that slows down the destructive forces of culture Marxism and Jewish power, although every effort will be made to have it serve the interests of the power elites.

Implicit and explicit ethnocentrism

MacDonald describes in detail the difference between implicit and explicit ethnocentrism: Implicit ethnocentrism is more or less unconscious, e.g., simply preferring to be among people of the same race. For White people, its manifestations may be White flight or moving to a “Whiter” area, motivated at the surface level by better schools or nicer homes (not because they want to escape a community with many Blacks). Explicit ethnocentrism is to openly be in favor of or promote the interests of Whites, and be in favor of preserving the State as a nation where the majority of the population is of White heritage, or perhaps even of northwestern European heritage.

Northwestern Europeans are the least ethnocentric people in the world, and they are therefore the most susceptible to the propaganda that says: “thou shall not favor your own kind because that is racism.” Even though Whites are the least ethnocentric people, the ethnocentrism is there, and it can be controlled or suppressed: Evolutionarily ancient mechanisms in the lower brain can be controlled by higher brain centers located in the cortex that are sensitive to cultural information. Conscientious people are relatively better able to regulate the more evolutionarily ancient parts of our brain responsible for things like implicit ethnocentrism. Since Whites score higher than most races on conscientiousness, controlling (suppressing) ethnocentrism is easier for Whites on average. Their subcortical mechanisms responsible for ethnocentrism are weaker to start with and hence easier to control.

Thus: Anti-White cultural information can enable Whites to inhibit their ethnocentric tendencies. MacDonald describes in detail the extensive morally based indoctrination that all Whites are exposed to, effectively suppressing White ethnocentrism. There are overwhelming sanctions on explicit assertions of White racial identity stemming from the ability of the media and educational system to create moral communities that pathologize White identity and interests.

In Chapter 8, MacDonald suggests that the way out of the morass is to change the explicit culture, in particular to legitimize a strong sense of identity and group interests among Whites. He suggests that the first step should be a psychological one: “making proud and confident explicit assertions of White identity and interests, and creating communities where such assertions are considered normal and natural rather than grounds for ostracism.”

However, in a country such as Sweden, with its totalitarian intolerance, combined with a very weak degree of ethnocentrism, the above will be very difficult! Although praiseworthy, I suggest that before we make widespread explicit assertions of White identity and interests, we must start by establishing strong moral assertions that condemn and shame those who act against us, and that is the topic of the next section:

A Quest for a Morally Based Ideology

Given the extreme tendency of Whites to build morally based ingroups via shaming those who dissent from this morality that defines the ingroup, we should build on this asset! Over the course of thousands of years, the various powers over European peoples have all used morally based schemes to attain or maintain power.

If we are to learn something from the unprecedented successes of the Church, it must be their immense focus on the deliberate use of morality as the guiding rule and norm. What was crucial was not the belief in God as such, but the ideology that defined what was deemed to be moral and praiseworthy, what you should strive towards. More than just promoting a religious belief, it had a moral-ideological foundation. That moral consensus built group cohesion, which is necessary for a group strategy, which is of paramount importance to build up power or as a defense against enemies.

This history of the church clearly tells us that we need to build a morally based ideology that people can relate to. Logical arguments don’t bite, but moral ones do bite! Moral arguments, especially when they result in shaming, affect people by motivating them to actually change their behavior and attitudes.

Group strategies by ethnocentric peoples poised against Whites must be met by another group strategy. They cannot be met by individualism, and it can certainly not be met by logical arguments. The group strategy of Whites should ideally also be ethnocentric, but postmodern liberalism has created an individualistic, scattered, and divided society where Whites are willing to punish Whites for violating the norms of racial egalitarianism. Dogmas of “Core Values” are use to ostracize dissidents. As a group, it has made us defenseless and easy prey.

We cannot successfully go forward unless the present set of “Core Values” is deconstructed in favor of a new morally based ideology that is in line with White interests, without necessarily promoting an explicit ethnocentricity since the latter is subject to severe social sanctions. It must be a moral ideology that replaces the universalistic dogmas of “all humans are of equal value,”[5] “human rights,” and the modern-day Christian “compassion” towards all peoples of the entire world.

Whites are genetically inclined towards reputation-based moral values, which also means Whites are very sensitive to guilt. In the long run, we must advocate a certain degree of ethnocentrism, but we cannot start with that because, as noted, lack of ethnocentrism is our weakest point and expressions of ethnocentrism are subject to severe social sanctions. Reputation-based moral values are the only way to build cohesion so that Whites can act as a cohesive group and survive in a hostile environment of globalist elites whose agenda is to destroy homogenous and sovereign nations.

Some people might object by saying: “We can’t change the moral sentiments of the entire society! We are only a minority among all the liberals who dominate all the cultural high ground. I object by saying: Of course we can change that! History shows that there were actually very few who drove the moral agenda! We need to build on the fact that northwestern European Whites are extremely afraid of being regarded as immoral. We should shame those who neglect their own kind! It shifts focus from logical reasoning to an emotional state of being morally good or bad.

The new moral codes and the shaming must be directed towards liberal Whites so as to guide or force them into our cohesive group. Think of the Puritans who were experts in this field. They were very successful in becoming an elite, especially in New England, and dominating American culture until the 1960s. We can do that without the religious veneer. It is very powerful!

It’s said that forging individualists into a cohesive group is like herding cats. Doing so requires strong controls at the group level and an ideology that rationalizes the controls—exactly what Puritanism provided. Puritanism was an intensely controlling society based on a moral vision. We should do the same!

The powerful controls on thought and behavior of the Puritans made it a rather collectivist evolutionary strategy with salient distinctions between ingroup and outgroup. But over time it became less collectivistic since, as with all Western groups, it was permeable. Ultimately, the universalistic and altruistic aspect of Puritanism paved the way for its own displacement. It is a general characteristic of Western groups that they are permeable—barriers do not survive for long. But if our new morally based ideology develops into a certain degree of ethnocentrism by being less universalistic, it does have potential for long-term survival, and thereby long-term survival of the White race. It is a prerequisite for the preservation of the Western culture with its high-trust societies.

In times of war, moral exhortations, not logic, have always been used by Western elites as the primary means of motivating people for war. Moral propaganda always precedes declaration of war. Currently, we are in the midst of a fierce cultural war of values—globalism versus nationalism, miscegenation versus ethnopluralism. Hence, our moral stance is of paramount importance. Without a set of cohesive moral codes, we are defenseless.

Adaptive Moral Codes

Moral condemnation triggers a ”healthy” guilt. People will avoid or try to escape guilt and shaming. The escape should be to a moral code that allows for the survival and prosperity of our people.

In Sweden, even politicians have uttered: “Sweden does not belong to the Swedes”—and these politicians get away with it! Rather than starting discussions about historical facts, we should simply declare that such utterances are deeply immoral—a sign of a degenerate morality. We should take every opportunity to openly despise such persons. Remember that we are in the midst of a cultural war with implications for the survival of our people. We cannot afford to be soft and weak in times of war.

The positive moral imperative is that Sweden belongs to the descendants of those who have built the nation over thousands of years. Neglecting your own people should be regarded as the lowest forms of moral depravity!

People who accuse us of White Supremacy should be met with a claim that we worship Moral Supremacy of White survival and yes, Swedes ought to be supreme in Swedish society just as it’s taken for granted that Africans should be supreme in African societies.

Among nationalists, degenerate lifestyles are frowned upon, and there are a few moral codes that have gained strength in the last decade. Here are two examples:

Refuse porn!

Although there are ample scientific studies indicating that porn acts on the brain in similar ways as addictive and destructive drugs do, the moral imperative of refusing porn has an even stronger effect on people’s minds than scientific proofs do.

A corollary to the above is that those who engage in porn should be openly despised.

In Sweden, there have even been local politicians for the left-wing party (communists) that have been engaged in the production of porn movies—and they get away with it! Even the leader of the party has uttered that a porn movie can be “refreshing”! We should strongly despise such people! On accusations that we are just a bunch of old-fashioned moralizers, we should condemn those who haven’t the strength to build good relationships and a healthy family-centered society, and that porn consumers are comparable to drug addicts of low standards.

In a group of nationalists, it would be virtually impossible for a person to brag about a good porn movie he saw the other day—he would be looked upon as a despicable person.

Be the best version of yourself!

Many nationalists are engaged in martial arts and healthy food. What is important here is not whether you are super-strong and a good fighter, but the act of striving towards improving yourself. Make sure you do not become obese, and if you are overweight, do your best to improve the situation. Every person should do at least something to stay fit. Avoid junk food and pay attention to what you eat.

Slanderers try to depict nationalists who engage in martial arts as people who praise violence. The answer is of course that it is both a way to stay fit and prepare for self-defense. Those traits are edifying.

We should openly condemn and despise people who do not make the slightest efforts to get rid of obesity and who have a degenerate lifestyle!

The phrase “be the best version of yourself” is a very strong message! No one would want to go against that. Those who do not even make attempts at self-improvement are easy to condemn and despise. The fat sloppy ones are almost always liberals.

Women and the moral code

Men are much more inclined to think in strategic terms of society-level defense, security and protection than women are—it’s in the genes of men because men have always had more to gain or lose by social dominance, whereas women have often been the spoils of war. As a result, women tend to be focused on security within their face-to-face world, such as their family. Therefore, men have, for a longer time than women, been thinking about the implications of mass immigration of foreign fighting-age men, and the resulting threat to the society, as well as its moral implications. Women, on the other hand, have been completely occupied by trying to be socially accepted by their moral community and move upwards on the social ladder. Decades of vicious propaganda have made women lose their moral compass, and they have become morally very confused. Women are guided more by empathy. The following is a real-life personal anecdote:

I live in a semidetached house, and many years ago, my neighbor had a party where many women were invited. (He had lost his wife to cancer, and he had two nice daughters only a few years old, so it was very natural for him to look for a new woman among friends of friends.) These women seemed to be about 35 years of age, at least 30 but not much more than about 40. I was working on repairing my windows on the second floor, so I overheard the conversation that took place while a group of women sat outside on the terrace under a roof. The conversation went as follows:

One woman started to brag about how fantastic it was to have sex with a guy that was only 20 years old. The other women kept quiet for a while, so she went on to explain that it was so great that he was so much younger. I was somewhat appalled by this way of openly bragging about being more or less a slut, so let’s call her the slut in the following (although that epithet might be slightly too harsh). The other women didn’t know how to tackle this, but one woman slowly made fumbling attempts at saying something like: “so, this is important to you?” The slut said: “yes, it’s fantastic, it means a lot to me.” After a while, another woman said something like: “Well, I have kids, and there is so much around life with my kids, so I don’t really have much time for sex.” In essence, no shaming at all, only very lame attempts at a defense, such as “not having much time for sex”.

To me, it was obvious that these women felt unease in listening to this bragging slut. Maybe a few of them were actually jealous, since the media propaganda has been touting that having many sexual partners confers high status. It was very obvious to me that none of these women had the slightest clue how to handle this bragging slut!

Now, imagine that the slut was surrounded by a group of Puritans from old times! The sheer facial expressions from these Puritans would be enough to make the slut want to sink through the earth, and she would be so humiliated that she would have wished she was never born!

Traditionally, women have been very good at policing other women. That requires a strong moral code. Since women are inherently hypergamous,[6] women need to be policed in a monogamous society (which Western societies have always been), and that has generally been the task for other women. The Puritans were experts at that. Most of today’s women haven’t the slightest clue!

Activists for illegal immigration and “refugees” (who are vastly dominated by women) should be morally condemned, shamed, shunned, and perhaps even ostracized, for neglecting homeless Swedes in favor of e.g., Afghan men who claim to be 17 years old (while actually being much older, and quite often used as sex toys by these women). Such activists are driven by unrestrained empathy and a perverted moral code. It’s not a matter of logic or altruism, or even compassion.  They are simply of very low moral character! Period!

Fortunately, a few women have risen above the low standards just mentioned, and these women with strong moral codes will be the vanguards of the new morality for women. It is hard for a single woman to oppose a group of mainstream liberals, but if a few vanguard women stick together in shaming moral depravity, they become powerful. Two cohesive vanguard women are not only twice as strong as one; they are at least five times stronger than a single woman! There’s something deep down in women’s psyche that realizes that slutty behavior is a pathology.

Other adaptive moral codes

A morally based ideology must of course encompass many more codes than have been hinted at here. The various peoples of European descent are likely to develop somewhat different sets of sound moral codes to be permeated throughout our nations.

Summary

We need to defend ourselves against ethnocentric peoples whose agenda is to weaken and ultimately destroy the power of the White population. The best route for us to accomplish this is to build on our very strong tendency to build morally based ingroups via inducing guilt among those who dissent from this moral.

In times of war, moral preaching has always been used by the elites in order to gin up motivation for the war, and it always precedes the declaration of war. Currently, we are in the midst of a fierce cultural war of values—globalism versus nationalism, miscegenation versus marrying your own kind, ethnic homogeneity versus ethnopluralism. Without a cohesive moral code, we are defenseless.

The present set of liberal “Core Values” must be deconstructed in favor of a new morally based ideology that is in line with White interests. The guilt for dissenting from these codes must be directed towards liberal Whites so as to guide them into a cohesive group that conforms to these values. With a set of cohesive moral codes in place, we have the power to defend ourselves. It is a prerequisite for the long-term survival of the White race and the Western culture with its high-trust societies.


[1] Lars Trägårdh, Statist Individualism.

[2] Byock, J. (2015)[2002]. The Icelandic Althing: The dawn of parliamentary democracy. In: J.M. Fladmark (ed.), Heritage and Identity: Shaping the Nations of the North. London: Routledge; originally: Donhead St. Mary, UK, 2002.

[3] In Sweden, the term is “Värdegrunden”, a word that has no direct translation into English, but the closest is “basic values” or “core values”. Every major company, every school, every institution, every public or private organisation, has a set of those “Core Values” listed in their guidelines. Every employee must abide and completely conform to these norms! It is the factual current religion of Sweden.

[4] https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/2016/10/04/the-coudenhove-kalergi-plan-White-genocide-by-design-part-1/

[5] The term used in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is ’dignity’. The phrase says: “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.” But in Sweden, and several other countries, the term “value” is used instead, and the phrase that is perpetually propagated is: “All humans’ equal value.”

[6] Sexual Utopia in Power, by Roger Devlin

I was at the Washington, D.C. “Save America” rally

Part I

Contrary to Big Media’s Big Fat Lies, the Save America rally on Wednesday, January 6, 2021, was in my opinion an exhilarating, momentous, peaceful protest.

Spoiler alert: I did not make it inside the Capitol, but I was in the first 25% wave of people that arrived, and like 99.9% of those around me, I jubilantly participated in a peaceful “storming” of the Capitol.

A friend I’ll call “Bill” invited me to go to Washington for what was shaping up to be an historic event. We took the train down from New York the night before and stayed at the apartment of his brother “Jim.” Bill is a former lefty type who quips that the left had to work awfully hard to get him to be the Trump supporter he now is. Jim got totally fed up with the Democrats and is now an avid Trump supporter.

Cat McGuire with two patriots

On arrival to the Ellipse where Trump would speak, I can say based on many Washington marches under my belt that the Save America rally’s turn-out was spectacular.  I heard reports of a million plus present.  We will likely never get an official crowd estimate from the National Park Service.

I’ve been to marches large and small, but I don’t recall encountering such a polite, well-mannered crowd. Bill had been to a prior Trump rally and Jim had been to three (Johnstown, Trump’s hospital vigil, November 3).

They said every rally is the same: uncommonly good, nice people. I figured their love of Trump colored their characterization of the President’s base.  But I discovered at the rally that it’s an actual thing: Trump supporters are by and large decent, down-to-earth, genuine people.

I saw many women at the rally, and tons of young people.  Contrary to the drumbeat that Trump supporters are racist white supremacists, Bill and Jim told me that the rallies they attended were very diverse:  Sikhs, African Americans, Cubans, Mexican, Vietnamese.  The election numbers prove this out, with Trump gaining incredible traction with Black and Hispanic voters.  From what I saw, this Save America rally was almost all White. I never did get a good answer why Trump’s diverse base did not get to D.C. for this rally.

I have to say I was truly surprised how incredibly informed almost everyone I met was.  The conversations I had revealed big-picture thinkers as well as familiarity with granular details. Those I spoke with certainly defied the stereotypical depictions of dumb deplorables.

As expected, there were a lot of Christians in the crowd, some of whom I had great talks with. I’m not a Christian, but I respected their deep faith and the fact that Christians I’ve been meeting of late (not Zionist Christians) are intensely engaged with the pressing political issues of our age. I was expecting to see Orthodox Jews, but didn’t, although I saw the Israeli flag a couple times.

Trump finally came on at 12:00pm and in my opinion he spoke with gravitas.  I appreciated that he came right out and told the crowd to remember all the Republicans who have ended up being turncoats, and the audience appropriately booed on cue. (Check out how Mitt Romney was heckled—uncued—on his flight to D.C.)

We left the Ellipse a little early to make it to the Capitol by 1:00pm when the certification proceedings were scheduled to commence. I assumed everyone would rally outside the Capitol. Some people were saying we should go in and demand the Senate do the right thing, but I didn’t hear anyone echo that idea.

People were angry and disgusted, saying they’ve had enough and they’re not taking it anymore. The stench of the Georgia election the day before was in the air. While the demonstrably stolen national elections were the coup de grace, the Biden Crime Family, China, the lockdowns, the riots and looting, and the totalitarian threat of a Democratic win all figured prominently in people’s minds and emotions, and I saw many protest signs that expressed those concerns.

Walking to the Capitol, we learned that Pence was going to throw Trump under the bus. The feelings of injustice were palpable.  Appropriately, the crowd made a pit stop at the Department of Justice en route to the Capitol. The crowd was really wound up, roaring chants like “Do your work!,” “Shame on you!,” and “Crime scene!”

There were two officials standing in front of the DoJ, and they weren’t the slightest bit worried that this keyed-up crowd might start pelting them with rotten eggs or something. While I saw one protester employ an actual pitchfork to carry his protest sign, I did not see a single visible weapon the entire time.  So much for White men and their guns. Yes, people were angry. Yes, people were venting. But I felt very safe with this crowd.

As we were walking down Constitution Avenue, it dawned on me that there were virtually no police anywhere. They were surely around, but on the thirty-minute walk to the Capitol, we didn’t see a single police officer. I did spy an undercover man with an ear wire and then a few police cars diagonally parked at intersections, but that’s it.

I was really taken aback by the conspicuous absence of a police presence. Every major march I’ve been to, the streets are fully lined with police, sometimes on horses.  I remember being terrified once at a New York City protest when a cop on an enormous steed charged into us demonstrators.

Bill, Jim, and I got to the Capitol about 1:30pm before much of the crowd had arrived and saw protesters running up the steps. We were surprised to see so many going up the steps because we assumed there was a police barrier.

We smelled tear gas and heard flash-bang grenades going off in the distance, but very soon the disturbance fizzled and the unruffled crowd paid no more attention to the possibility of violence—especially since no reinforcements came at all until we left the event at 4:00pm. It was at that time—finally—that police cars began converging on the site as we were walking away.

For some, entering the Capitol was very easy.  I talked to a young Asian man who couldn’t believe how easy it was to enter the building. A White guy told me he went in and out several times. Apparently, there were various entrances.

Dozens of people were rushing up the stairway and congregating on the balconies.  Where we were, though, there was gridlock on the steps.  The long line prompted many to climb the walls, the scaffolding, and construction trailer roofs, which is what we did, and it gave us a panoramic bird’s eye view.

There was a tremendous sense of excitement.  Dozens of people, even hundreds, could have easily “stormed” the Capitol, but chose not to. In fact, a relatively extremely small number entered the building. In my opinion, most did not go in because there was so much camaraderie and patriotic zeal taking place outside. Crowds were singing the Star Spangled Banner, and of course chanting “USA! USA!” The energy was electric, 100% positive, and we were determined to make sure our presence was known to the lawmakers inside who we assumed were deliberating on the certification.

For a crowd this size and in light of the crimes that had been done against our country, the heightened energy flowing amongst us could have been combustible.  But we protesters had about as much malevolence as an energized Superbowl crowd.

Because the vast majority of the crowd was not engaging in violence, I suggest that there was a Charlottesville-type situation in which Antifa types violently breached the Capitol despite filmed instances of Trump supporters trying to stop them.

And just as with Charlottesville that likewise brimmed with agents provocateur, the media are now demonizing the Trump protesters with the calumny of White supremacism—and implicitly treating them as proxies for the 70 to 80 million Trump voters.

I spoke with a middle-aged White guy who was 20 feet behind the late Ashli Babbit. He told me he heard a shot, saw her fall down, and that she was hit in the neck. He said there were people on the scene who told everyone to leave so they could attend to her. He did not tarry, and had to leave through a broken glass door. He struck me as someone who was in a state of semi-shock.  His parting words to me were how fortunate he felt because he “could have been that person.”

Let’s be clear, the so-called Capitol riot was trifling compared to the violent rioting and looting in U.S. cities by Black Lives Matter and Antifa mobs. These events were shamelessly excused by the media, and many celebrities as well as Kamala Harris paid for the bail of those arrested.

Of the 24 photos USA Today posted of “Damage inside the US Capitol,” the most damning consisted of debris, litter, and dust. Compare the property damage of January 6th to last summer when “mostly peaceful protesters” reduced vast swaths of Washington, D.C. to flames.

Biden and Black Lives Matter are now calling the Capitol police racist for treating the violent “Capitol breachers” (Antifa) with kid gloves. If the powers that be actually thought Trump supporters were dangerous extreme-right radicals with guns looking for trouble, wouldn’t the State have been armed to the teeth to protect the Capitol?  I didn’t see any National Guard. I didn’t see any D.C. police.

About 3:00pm, with most everyone from the Ellipse now at the Capitol, we were on the lawn right next to a line of about 25 police officers who walked through the dense crowd in riot gear. They didn’t treat us as if we were “domestic terrorists,” and in turn we treated them respectfully.

Around 4:00pm, everyone began to get an emergency text message from D.C. Mayor Bowser saying a curfew would be in effect from 6:00pm that night until 6:00am the next day.  Everyone dutifully began to leave.

Later when I was able to read the media’s reporting, I was dumbfounded to see something I had experienced as so peaceful, positive, and inspiring be described as violent, negative, and destructive. Black is white. War is peace. The stolen narrative of the Save America rally is my personal 1984 moment.

Part II: How a Life-Long Leftist Ended Up at a Trump “Save America” Rally

I am not a fan of Donald Trump, nor am I a “Q” devotee.  I inherited a liberal Democrat tradition from my mother who is of Italian immigrant descent.  Since 1992, I’ve always voted Green. In the 80s and 90s, I was active in anti-racist and ecofeminist movements.  Around 2010, I emerged from a hiatus of political activity to discover a shocking fact: the 9/11 Official Narrative was riddled with inaccuracies, if not outright lies.

I discovered my liberal-left community offered little information of value on 9/11, largely because leftist thought leaders dismissed unorthodox views as “conspiracy theories.”  Thankfully, I went where the evidence took me, not where orthodox ideology dictated.  I found myself surfing right-wing (!) websites and dialoguing with lions, and tigers, and libertarians, oh my!

By 2016, I had begun to cull the best of liberal-left and conservative-libertarian positions.  My leftist colleagues made the binary assumption that if I wasn’t all-in for Hillary, I must be “for Trump.”  Au contraire.  By 2020, dismayed by the mind-muddle of Trump Derangement Syndrome, coupled with the weaponization of political identity, I now believe the liberal-left has completely devolved into unprincipled putrefying pus.  Their most pernicious mission is hijacking our nation onto an express train to Totalitarianville.

Today I’m neither left nor right.  Like so many other former lefty-liberals, I seek to align on common issues, not tribal loyalties. We embrace core values of a free society:

a) Common sense – the ability to think independently and rationally
b) Truth – a commitment to evidentiary facts and justice without censorship
c) Patriotism – love and respect for one’s country and its peoples
d) Faith – a belief that a higher spiritual force guides us all 

I lived the first 18 years of my life in a small Indiana town, population 900, where my father’s people came from Ireland in the early 1800s and farmed the land.  They were conservative Republicans—proto deplorables, if you will.  Having now lived more than half my life in cosmopolitan New York City, I admit that culturally there remains a significant gap between me and my new We-the-People allies.  Nonetheless, these days I feel a very strong, authentic connection to my roots, rural America, where locals deeply value liberty and our Constitutional freedoms.

So many lefty-liberals did not vote Democratic in 2020 in large part because they recognize that what are notionally called Democrats is now armored with the full array of Deep State Establishment Power, including Big Tech, Big Media-Entertainment, Big Pharma, Corporate Wall Street, the ABC agencies, the Academy, and the Nonprofit Industrial Complex. In cahoots with opportunistic Republicans, this Power intends to usher in a tyrannical Great Reset agenda and assassinate the Constitution—oh, except for the 25th Amendment.

I spoke with so many people at the January 6th Washington D.C. rally and learned that these folks incontrovertibly understand what Deep State Establishment Power is about. They know there is overwhelming evidence that the 2020 election was stolen.  They know that seasoned coup makers created chaotic conditions with the mail-in ballot scam, and they gaslight constituents to believe the election was fair.  More alarming, they accuse Trump of fomenting a coup that they themselves are in the midst of orchestrating as we speak.

Under the guise of audacious cunning lies and manipulative propaganda, a very criminal element cheated its way to power. That’s why the rally was called Save America.  And that is what all common sense, truth-loving, patriotic, faithful Americans must do—rise to the occasion to Save America.

Cat McGuire is an activist and writer who lives New York City. She works with Break The Spell, a public outreach group raising awareness about the Covid plandemic and the Great Reset.

First Thoughts on the Breach of the Capitol by Trump Backers: The Left Will Now Enact Permanent Hegemony

1. The obvious: violence and property destruction all summer by the left—still continuing in Portland et al.— tolerated by politicians and ignored by most of media which is now outraged by the breach of the Capitol. Sedition!! Insurrection!! How quickly they forget all the violence by the left, including the riots in DC before, during, and after Trump’s inauguration. Imagine the rioting if Trump had won. It would have made what happened at the Capitol seem like child’s play. And the media and the left would have talked about “mostly peaceful” protests.

2. With control of Congress (assuming Ossoff wins, which seems like a done deal), the Democrats will make victory permanent by adding DC and Puerto Rico as states, giving amnesty to millions of illegals so they can vote, ramp up legal immigration, and finish the demographic revolution ahead of schedule.

3. Big  Tech will ramp up censorship, and Congress may well enact “hate speech” laws with prison and fines for the dissident right, which Biden will be only too happy to sign. Websites like this one may well be targets.  If SCOTUS strikes down such laws, they will pack the Court. Or maybe just pack the Court anyway, as seems to be mainstream among Democrats.

3. A large percentage of the right believes the election was stolen (it was). I don’t think this attitude will go away, and when they realize they can’t win elections because of what the new government is doing, all bets are off. The left will use violence from the right to rationalize left authoritarianism, and with all that media power and political hegemony, they may succeed; again, fines and prison for rightest dissenters. There may well be very serious secession movements by Red State America. In any case, it’s not over until it’s over.

4. Ultimately this has come about because of the anti-White demographic revolution set into motion by the 1965 immigration law and the gradual increases in numbers of legal immigrants and illegal immigrants whose children become citizens. There’s no way that Georgia would vote for leftist radicals like Ossoff and Warnock without the demographic shift. The revolution was rationalized by the leftist media and academic culture which is now preaching Critical Race Theory aimed at inducing guilt in Whites and convincing Whites to punish other Whites who dissent from the new —what is called altruistic punishment by evolutionists (White people are particularly prone to this—long story). It’s redundant here to point out the outsize Jewish role in all this, but suffice it to say that this is the endgame dreamed of by the activist left for the last century. Their take-home message from the 2016 election was that Trump’s populist rhetoric was popular with a majority of Americans and if given enough time could have been enacted into policy. The policies Trump enunciated in 2016 had the prospect of  at least slowing down the White demographic disaster, especially if these attitudes became even more entrenched with four more years of Trump and followed by someone with fewer rough edges, more political skill, and more of a mandate to do what needs to be done. The implicit mantra on the left was “Never Again,” and they pulled out all the stops to defeat him—not only the election fraud but also but the huge boost from most of the media in ginning up Trump hate and bogus impeachment Inquisitions while ignoring (mainstream media) or censoring (Twitter, Facebook) anything bad about Biden. Most notably Hunter Biden’s scandalous deals in China and Ukraine, with a cut for the “Big Guy.” Of course, there may well be a Democrat Plan B to get serious about Biden corruption and impeach him in favor of Harris.

5. There will be a big fight in the GOP over Trump’s legacy and whether Trumpists will be the future of the party. The neocons will try to make a comeback and the Chamber of Commerce types never left. But IMO there’s no way they can get a majority of the GOP behind them. The GOP is a populist party now and it’s not going away.

6. But like I said, it’s not over until it’s over. It’s just that the hole we were in, already deep, just got a whole lot deeper. But remember, when the Roman Republic ended, there was no great regret because the Republic was dysfunctional. It’s increasingly obvious that the US is dysfunctional. Which suggests that ultimately there will be an authoritarian government of the left (more likely right now) or right. Or secession.

Addendum: Conservatives on FOX News are saying things like “It was a bad election, but we have to fix that by changing the laws and going to court, not violence”—e.g., Trey Gowdy. The problem is that the left realizes that this could happen and that’s why they will do all they can to make it permanent. “Never Again.” As always, principled conservatives are happy to go down believing in the principles.

Addendum 2: I get the argument that storming the Capitol will strengthen the left. But should Trump supporters have just gone home when they sincerely & not without reason think the election was stolen? The left wouldn’t have. Stealing election is the ultimate political crime in a democracy.

A Southern Robert E. Lee Lookalike visits the northern Australopithecus: Review of Tito Perdue’s Love Song of the Australopiths

Tito Perdue, Love Song of the Australopiths, 2020)

No one knows the true intent of the nameless character in Love Song of the Australopiths who is about to turn in his latest anti-Semitic report to his elderly associates. His accent and his phenotype, however, point to Lee Pefley, the eternal Southerner, using different aliases in order to better terminate his life in a suicidal killing spree. The plot of the book revolves around his similarly gloomy lookalikes Greta, Fred, Frank, Taw et al., all of whom defy positive identification and all of whom are living outside what we think of as normal time sequences.  Tito Perdue, in this latest installment of his doomsday scenarios, plants his atemporal Robert E. Lee lookalike back to square one. Times Square? Thirty years earlier, Lee-Lookalike had managed to make his escape from New York and managed to return to home sweet home Alabama. Now, however, as expected in his beliefs of eternal return, he is being thrown anew into the Manhattan manhunt, ready for a final showdown with the forces of Brownness and darkness.   Prior to his return, Lee had nurtured dreams about the revival of the South, only to realize that the New York cesspool had already infected the South. Now back in New York, the rules of the survival game have changed dramatically over the last 30 years. Unlike in his previous sojourns in the Big Apple, he must resort to different combat procedures. Alas, times have changed and his rebel nature obliges him to live not in a 50- or 60-year-old body, but instead lug around the body of a man approaching the age of 80 something.

During his return, New York, or what remains of it, is hit by floods and with winds blowing over 300 miles an hour.  The City fauna teems with defecating colored bipeds, overweight mischlings, and the surplus of waste from the antipodes.  Scavenging, dying and killing of sorts have become the only sport in town.  The lookalike Lee returnee meets with pockets of his confederates at closed-off locations — most of them being his former fellow travelers, quite a few his ex-beneficiaries, and some hopeless would-be right-wing literati, all hoping to jump-start the combination of Fortuna and Fatum in a desperate effort to alter the course of history.  The disconnected plots in the novel occur mostly in Manhattan, oftentimes in old run-down apartments located on upper floors along 54th Street.

In the first half of the book the ageing Lee-Lookalike reminisces about his past travelogues which would later turn into geriatric monologues. He meets with a few equally-decrepit ex-Codreanu devotees from Eastern Europe and crosses paths with a few wannabe progeny of ex-Soviet-Gulag escapees who fantasize about launching a proactive Antisemitic Combat League. His first, second and third ex are also somewhere around, but can rarely be spotted, except when auscultated on his voicemail. The biggest plight for Lee-Lookalike, however, is holding in check his incontinence which pesters him all along the way, especially when climbing up the stairs to the second or third floor of his alternate residence. Hence the reason his mind is primarily focused on a search for a solid toilet bowl somewhere in the neighborhood.

Like most of his earlier novels Perdue’s Love Song of the Australopiths is an allegorical story requesting from the reader full immersion into his language and good acquaintance with every figure of his speech. The present novel represents what the French call roman à clef, a prose that needs a special master key to decoding the plot.  In which literary genre should one therefore classify Perdue’s latest novel?  One could hastily portray him as a first-class doomsday seer who, similar to Ambrose Bierce, has learned the ropes of post-mortem survival. Oftentimes, though, one cannot help but decipher in the New York Lee-Lookalike marks of author’s own autobiographical self-derision, especially when he listens to his associates’ palavering about how to terminate the Jews. He has learned all the ins and outs of how to use his Austrian Glock and drive his Romanian Dacia clunker, yet he has a hard time learning how to load the Glock properly or put the car into the right gear.

With his knack for morbid humor (the Germans use the word “Galgenhumor”, i.e. “gallows humor”) Perdue’s prose fits best into dark romanticism featured in the early 19th century by the works of E. T. A. Hoffmann and Joseph von Eichendorff and their own encounters with alien doppelgangers. At the end of their tales, their dark doubles turn as a rule against their original heroes, dispatching them either into insane asylums or suicide. Following 1945, hundreds of now memory-holed European poets and novelists chose the latter. Similar doubles are now stalking every step of the New York based Lee-Lookalike, often leading him astray and making him pick false targets.

Tito Perdue, however, is unsurpassable in his unique comprehension of circular flows of time — a trait he inherited from his Greek muses and Roman vestals, and which can best be observed in ancient European myths. Perdue uses similar timeless procedures from the Beyond when depicting Lee Lookalike’s adventures in which the past, present and future are lumped together into one comprehensible whole.

Some of Lee Lookalike’s memorable sentences in regard to the meltdown of the time flow carry the unmistakable whiff of Martin Heidegger’s treatises and Ernst Jünger’s war dairies and will hopefully become the heritage of Western literature:

“Historians come and go, but none has ever yet been able to truly delineate the actual look and feel of any past period.”

Or this:

“What is time? A transparent material unreliable as smoke.

Understandably, such a noble, above-the-fray circular and pagan mindset exhibited by Lee-Lookalike bypasses the minds of retarded world-improving politicians and their fake doubles, given that they have always been avid promoters of linear, Bible-inspired times.

 

The goal of Lookalike-Lee to set up the Anti-Semitic society sounds like an additional oddity considering that critical research of the Jewish question is labeled today as “hate-speech,” whatever this means in the EU or US legal vernacular. No longer is anti-Semitism treated as a subject of academic opinion; instead, it is prosecuted as a felony.  In this respect and in retrospect, France and Germany of the late nineteenth century, with their renowned academic anti-Jewish think tanks, such as Die Deutsche Antisemitische Vereinigung and Ligue antisémitique de France, were far more open to free academic inquiry than the media and academia in America and the EU today. Its founders and promoters, the scholars Heinrich von Treitschke and Édouard Drumont advocated  separation at best, or assimilation at worst, rather than awaiting popular discontent which always  leads to violent pogroms and killing sprees. Modern scholars often hide the unpleasant truth that both Drumont and Treitschke, in their correspondence with the Jews, were also the most consistent adversaries of Jew-baiting.

The biggest enigma in the book consists in the author’s choice of the title. Probably the book, instead of carrying the title Love Song, should sport the title Swan Song in view of the fact that Perdue describes the devolution of miscegenated Whites into mixed-race Rehoboth bastards, who a few centuries down the road will rejoin their antediluvian australopithecine cousins in Namibia or in the Great Victoria Desert. If that’s the case, well then, the title does make sense. When reading the  book, a cartoon from the satirical magazine Kladderadatsch, printed in Weimar Germany in 1932, comes to mind, showing wealthy, self-hating, self-isolated and aping Whites who are being looked down upon by the equally aping westernized Blacks. The premonitory caption reads in English translation: “Negrification of France in 100 Years” — the last noncolored French make the biggest attraction in the Paris Zoo.”

The good news is that Perdue’s novel is the first sign of the forthcoming chaos in America and Europe. The preceding century-long aping of the alien-other will surely make many remaining Whites turn suicidal in 2021.

White Politics and Secession in South Africa

It seemed like an act of desperation. Twenty-five years after the fall of apartheid, South Africa’s Whites were counting on a Black man to save them from the corruption and malignancy of Black-majority rule. Its failure should have surprised no one.

By all appearances, Mmusi Maimane was a South African Barrack Obama. Smooth and polished, he seemed like the ideal candidate to win just enough Black votes from the tottering ANC to fulfill the promise of a multi-racial democracy.

The Democratic Alliance (DA) had long been viewed as the party of White people, but that was a handicap when Whites were just eight percent of the population. The party traced its roots back to the Progressive Party, the liberal opposition during the apartheid era, but few Black voters cared about that. Instead, the party drew most of its non-White support from the nation’s “coloured” population, a mixed-race group that shared just one thing in common with the nation’s Whites: a mutual fear of Black domination in the allegedly harmonious “Rainbow Nation.”

Maimane was supposed to be the DA’s ticket out of this electoral dead end.  The “Obama of Soweto” would lead them in the 2019 elections to a promised land where everyone would be treated equally and race no longer mattered.

It blew up in their faces.

The Afrikaners

It all could have worked out very differently. Nearly 30 years ago, in November 1993, President F.W. de Klerk convened his cabinet to inform them that he had accepted Nelson Mandela’s demands for majority rule in the new government.  Upon hearing the news, Tertius Delport, one of his negotiators, was stunned. They had given in on virtually everything. Resolved to resign, he walked down the hall to confront the president directly.

When de Klerk opened the door Delport grabbed him by his jacket lapels and cried out, “What have you done?  You have given the country away!  You allowed children to negotiate!”

“What are you going to do?” de Klerk asked coolly.

“I intend to rally enough colleagues,” Delport answered. “Together with the Conservative Party caucus, you will no longer have a majority.”

“Then there will be civil war,” de Klerk responded.

It was not out of the question. De Klerk had always viewed the military with a mixture of suspicion and disdain. Many of them viewed him as a traitor. He had already removed Magnus Malan, his widely respected defense minister. In late 1992, he resolved to clean out the rest of the dissidents in the military ranks.

“We are not playing with children,” one of his ministers warned him. “We are governing because the Defense Force allows us to do so. … The top command could decide to get rid of us and seize power. And where are we then?”

That did not dissuade de Klerk. The following day, he suspended or forcibly retired 23 senior army officers in what later came to be known as the “Night of the Generals.”

When retired General Constand Viljoen entered politics in 1994 to launch the Freedom Front, some viewed him as the country’s last chance. Many thought him capable of raising an army of up to 50,000 men from various defense forces and civilian paramilitary units that were loyal to him. Anticipating this, General Georg Meiring warned de Klerk and then met with Viljoen to sound him out.

“You and I and our men can take this country in an afternoon,” Viljoen reportedly told him. “Yes,” Meiring replied, “but what do we do in the morning after the coup? The internal resistance and foreign pressures and the stagnant economy will still be there.”

For Viljoen, the lack of support from the armed forces was decisive. “I could have stirred things up in 1994—but for what purpose?” he later said. “I don’t think any action from my side would have resulted in a major part of the Defense Force siding with me.”

Viljoen’s decision was controversial among some Afrikaners, many of whom were more than willing to fight and die to save their country. Instead, Viljoen decided to use the threat of war to win an Afrikaner homeland — a volkstaat — by peaceful means.  To placate him and his supporters, de Klerk and the ANC readily agreed to create a council to review the options. But it was just a ploy. Neither de Klerk nor the ANC ever took the idea seriously.

In the 1994 elections, the first held after the end of apartheid, Viljoen’s Freedom Front earned a little over two percent of the vote. The party was, and remains, an important voice for Afrikaners, as are advocacy organizations like AfriForum and Suidlanders, a civil defense group. But their power is limited by numbers. Whites are a small minority in South Africa. Conservative Afrikaners are just a minority within the minority.

Viljoen never had any illusions about this. His primary focus had always been the creation of an Afrikaner homeland. Consistent with the accord he signed with the ANC, a council was soon created to consider the creation of a such a volkstaat. But then, as now, the council soon faced a major obstacle: Afrikaners were spread too thinly across too many areas of the country for any single region to stand out as the obvious location.

The council considered several options, including one based primarily in the Northern Cape that eventually drew the endorsement of the Freedom Front (shown in the map below). Other proposals included carve-outs in and around Pretoria, where the largest numbers of Afrikaners live.

But each of these proposals would have required large numbers of Afrikaners to uproot and move to the new state for it to be viable. Instead, a 1993 poll indicated that just 29 percent of White South Africans backed the creation of such a homeland. Just 18 percent said they would consider moving there if one were created.

“Afrikaners do not want their own homeland,” Johann Wingard, chair of the council, eventually concluded. “They want to live anywhere in their beautiful country where they can make a decent living.” Interest in the idea soon dissipated and the council was dissolved. For many, the dream of a volkstaat seemed dead and buried.

Carel Boshoff, son-in-law of former South African Prime Minister Hendrik Verwoerd, had different ideas. In 1990 he bought a patch of land on the banks of the Orange River at the far eastern edge of the volkstaat proposed by the Freedom Front. The first few residents of the new Afrikaner town, called Orania, arrived the following year. The population has since grown to over 1,700, over a third of whom are children.

“They initially drew support from idealists,” said Dan Roodt, an Afrikaner activist. “They struggled financially in the beginning. In the early 2000s, you could buy a plot of land for a couple a hundred dollars. Now the price is 50 times that much.”

The town’s growth was powered by a strong desire for shared community and growing disenchantment with the rest of South Africa. It would have grown even faster if not for its commitment to using Afrikaner labor. “Orania does not use black labor,” Roodt said, “so it can’t build fast enough to build all the new housing they need.”

Orania had shown that the idea could work. And before long, public opinion would change.

Democratic Alliance

The Freedom Front — later renamed the Freedom Front Plus after it merged with the Conservative Party — was never the primary party of South Africa’s Whites. In the 1994 election, that distinction fell to the Nationalists under F.W. de Klerk. But there was also a third party contending for the White vote that year. The Democratic Party was barely a footnote, receiving fewer votes than the Freedom Front.  But in time — and with the backing of most of the White establishment, the media, and a healthy dose of luck — it soon propelled itself forward to become the nation’s primary party for Whites, second in size only to the ANC.

In 1994, however, it was caught in a bind. Its traditional base of support had always been urban, politically liberal Whites. That became a problem when de Klerk lifted the ban on the ANC. Suddenly the party found itself being squeezed on both sides — by the ANC on the left, which drew away some of its White liberal support, and by the Nationalists on the right, who were viewed by most Whites as the only viable check against the ANC’s growing power.

Instead of capitalizing on this advantage, however, de Klerk fumbled it away. Thinking he could retain power and influence by working with the ANC, he allied with them in a post-election “unity government.” But this only alienated the Nationalists from their base of White voters. Worse, they were blamed for failing to stop the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, which persecuted numerous White officials and military officers for their role in apartheid.

The Democratic Party took full advantage of the situation, challenging the Nationalists from the right in the 1999 elections. With the rallying cry “Fight Back!,” the party gained ground among White voters. After the election, the Nationalists continued to hemorrhage White support until 2005, when the party finally disbanded.

With its principal competition for White voters now gone, the newly renamed Democratic Alliance was free to expand its outreach to other racial groups, first to the “coloured” vote and later to the Black middle class. Like White establishment parties just about everywhere, it downplayed race and emphasized colorblind individualism and classical liberalism to maximize its cross-racial appeal. Using this strategy, it gained support in every subsequent election until 2014, when it peaked at 22 percent of the overall vote.

After that election, Helen Zille, the party’s leader, began looking for a successor. Her ideal candidate would be someone like Barrack Obama, who was then closing out his second term. Mmusi Maimane seemed to fit the bill. With Zille’s backing, he drew overwhelming support from the party in 2015.  The party then marketed him in ways that amounted to virtual plagiarism — including blatantly copying Obama’s “Hope” poster and substituting Maimane’s image instead.

But Maimane did not play along. He was not interested in being the Black face of a White party. If the DA wanted his leadership to reach Black voters, then he would force it to swallow his message — and that message was one of Black nationalism.

In his acceptance speech, he warned the party that colorblindness was not enough. “These experiences shaped me, just like they shaped so many young Black people of my generation,” he said, echoing the criticisms of South Africa’s woke left. “I don’t agree with those who say they don’t see color. Because, if you don’t see that I’m Black, then you don’t see me.”

It was not long before Maimane was locked in a power struggle with senior members of his own party, advocating for affirmative action and straying from its emphasis on non-discrimination. Under his command, the party soon came to be seen as ‘ANC-lite,’ and the DA’s White leadership was not happy.

Neither were some of its other Black leaders, but for different reasons. ”I feel powerless when my activists come to me and say they are victims of racism from senior people in the party, who say they should be grateful that the DA keeps them busy because otherwise they would probably be out stealing and killing people somewhere,” one grumbled. “I mean, what is that?”

The DA paid the price for these divisions at the ballot box. In the 2019 elections, the party lost ground for first time since 1994, failing to gain any traction against the ANC and losing White voters on the right to the Freedom Front Plus. The ANC also lost ground, but not to the “colorblind” DA. Instead, it lost votes to the explicitly Black nationalist Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) under Julius Malema, who had pledged to “cut the throat of Whiteness.”

The lesson from the election was clear. In an increasingly chaotic nation, Black nationalism was the future. White voters and their parties had gone as far as they were going to go.

After the election, the knives came out. Helen Zille, the DA’s previous leader, was elected to a powerful party position by the old guard and she quickly challenged Maimane from within. Her predecessor, Tony Leon, chaired an internal party review that laid the blame squarely at Maimane’s feet. The Institute for Race Relations, an establishment-backed think tank, said he had abandoned the party’s cherished principles.

Maimane saw the writing on the wall, but he did not go quietly. At his resignation speech he called out the DA’s White leadership in explicit terms. “Over the past few months it has become more and more clear to me that there exists those in the DA who do not see eye-to-eye with me, who do not share the vision for the party and the direction it was taking,” he said. “There have been several months of consistent and coordinated attacks on me and my leadership, to ensure that this project failed, or I failed.”

Other Black party leaders followed him out the door. “I cannot reconcile myself with a group of people who believe that race is irrelevant in the discussion of inequality and poverty in South Africa,” said Herman Mashaba as he resigned from the party and as mayor of Johannesburg, the nation’s largest city.

Malema’s EFF released a gloating statement calling the DA a “White political party in which Whites and their interests as Whites must always dominate and come first.” Maimane was later seen hobnobbing with Julius Malema in what some called an emerging ‘bromance.’

Last November, the party overwhelmingly elected a new White leader, John Steenhuisen. He trounced his primary Black challenger, Mbali Ntuli, with 80 percent of the vote. The party, it seemed, was no longer pretending. Some are now questioning how it could possibly avoid a backlash by non-White voters in the next election.

Secession

Two decades ago, the idea of a White homeland in South Africa seemed dead in the water. Any area reserved for Whites that was too far away from the cities or from employment opportunities seemed impractical. Many Whites at the time also believed, or at least hoped, that South Africa would soon become the harmonious and prosperous multiracial nation that had been promised.

That hope is now gone. A worsening economy, ever-present crime, and rising corruption have all left their mark (detailed in my previous article, South Africa’s Protection Racket). According to public opinion polls, South Africans have grown increasingly pessimistic. The situation briefly stabilized when Cyril Ramaphosa replaced Jacob Zuma as president in 2018, but his promised reforms never materialized. Now public sentiment seems to be worsening again. The DA’s failed “colorblind” political strategy has only further darkened the mood among those who had hoped for more.

These negative views are most prevalent among Whites in general and in the Western Cape in particular, one of the few regions in the nation where Blacks are not a majority. In 2009, Whites in the province allied with the local coloured population and ousted the ANC in local elections. It has been ruled by the DA since then.

“Ever since the DA came to power in Cape Town and in the Western Cape one has heard a growing chorus from visitors that ‘It feels like a different (and better) country down here!’” wrote one local observer. “The public hospitals and schools work far better here than anywhere else in South Africa, the traffic lights work better, the city center is safer, there is less litter and generally there is better governance.”

Local rule was a step in the right direction, but some activists wanted more. In 2007, they formed the Cape Party to fight for genuine independence. The party never gained traction in the few elections it contested — partly because the timing was wrong and partly because voters inclined to support separatism already had a political home in the Freedom Front Plus.

Nine years of Jacob Zuma’s presidency changed that, however, and several new organizations have emerged. Following the success of the Brexit vote in Britain, CapeXit was founded in 2018 to seek independence through international law. Another organization, the Cape Independence Advocacy Group (CIAG), was launched in 2020.

It seemed like public opinion had changed, but independence advocates decided to sponsor a poll to be sure. Unsurprisingly, the poll found overwhelming opposition among Black voters. But it also showed that Whites now strongly supported the idea, especially those who were supporters of the Freedom Front Plus.

Coloured voters — who constitute a majority of the Western Cape’s population — were more divided. While most were not yet ready to endorse full independence, the majority (68%) agreed that the Western Cape should be given more power to choose its own policies. Advocates now believe that this bloc of voters can be won over, particularly if the nation’s economy continues to deteriorate.

These poll results, which drew wide attention, have put the DA in a box. Much of its White leadership privately supports independence, but it has remained publicly silent to avoid alienating voters both inside and outside the province who do not support the effort. The Freedom Front Plus, which has endorsed independence, sees this as an opportunity. They plan to challenge the DA on this issue in the upcoming 2021 municipal elections.

Despite this growing support, however, some have condemned the independence movement as unrealistic. “Fringe groups have long advocated for the secession of the Western Cape from the rest of South Africa,” wrote Pierre De Vos, a constitutional law professor at the University of Cape Town. “Obviously, the Western Cape is not going to secede and there is no chance of the creation of an independent state.”

“Even if the Western Cape Premier calls a referendum (he won’t), and even if a majority of voters vote for secession (they won’t either), the referendum will have absolutely no impact as the president and his party will have no legal or ethical obligation to adhere to the results,” he wrote. Critics argued that the ruling ANC would inevitably reject Cape independence, not least because the Western Cape and Gauteng, the two provinces with the bulk of South Africa’s White population, provide most of the tax dollars that line the ANC’s pockets.

Supporters counter that international law, not the South African constitution, is the final word on the matter. “Countries secede on a regular basis, and the constitutional law of the parent state is almost never an insurmountable object if the other conditions required by international law are in place,” wrote Phil Craig, CIAG’s co-founder. Political will, not constitutional law, would decide this issue, as it has in nearly every other case of secession.

Bangladesh seceded from Pakistan despite the latter’s objections. Kosovo seceded from Serbia despite Serbia’s objections, and with the International Court of Justice advising that there is no prohibition of the (unilateral) declaration of independence under international law. Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Croatia, Slovenia, East Timor, South Sudan. The list goes on.
Closer to home, did the previous South African constitution prevent the end of apartheid, or Namibian independence? Countries secede on a regular basis, and the constitutional law of the parent state is almost never an insurmountable object if the other conditions required by international law are in place.

Whatever the objections, the politics of the issue are clearly trending in the supporters’ direction.  Numerous economic experts and political analysts now see South Africa entering a death spiral. Last year, the nation lost its last investment-grade credit rating when Moody’s downgraded it to “junk” status. Investors have been fleeing the country for years. According to IMF estimates, unemployment is fast approaching 40 percent. The Covid crisis has only made matters worse, contributing to widespread protests. At least one analyst estimates that if its existing economic policies are not reversed, the country faces economic and political collapse by 2030.

Despite such warnings, President Cyril Ramaphosa seems powerless to implement needed reforms. According to analysts at the establishment-backed Institute of Race Relations, power in the ANC has now shifted decisively to leftist Black nationalists. If Ramaphosa were to challenge the party’s top leadership in any meaningful way, they would remove him from office.

This worsening economic and political outlook will only heighten public support for secession over time. The final trigger could be an independence referendum in the Cape, an IMF bailout that imposes cuts on ANC-favored spending priorities, a forced removal of Ramaphosa by the ANC leadership, or a national election that forced the ANC into a governing coalition with the far-left EFF to maintain Black majority rule.

Regardless of the cause, if the Western Cape seceded, it would probably trigger similar efforts in other parts of the country. This might include some or all of the Northern Cape, which has similar demographics and is home to Orania. Another possibility is the Whiter regions in and around Pretoria and Johannesburg, which might also demand increased local autonomy. Absent that, many of these Whites might flee to a newly independent Western Cape, just as Whites fled Zimbabwe to South Africa during Robert Mugabe’s reign.

The Rainbow Nation’s days may be numbered, but now there is something new to hope for. An independent Western Cape would not be the volkstaat — nor indeed an ethnostate of any kind. But it would at least free the nation’s White population from the worst excesses of majority Black rule and reestablish the right of self-determination.

When reporters travel to Orania, they sometimes ask the residents why they chose to move there. “We want to build a better place for our children and ourselves,” one recently said.

It is a simple answer, one that anyone could have given, but now more people are beginning to realize that it is something that cannot be taken for granted. Self-rule has long been an aspiration for many White South Africans. Now, after all these years, it may finally be within reach.

Patrick McDermott is a political analyst in Washington, DC.