Karl Marx: o patriarca da esquerda judia ?

Karl Marx: o patriarca da esquerda judia ?

O livro de Kevin MacDonald intitulado The Culture of Critique (CofC) deveria ser revisado para focalizar Karl Marx, o fundador do primeiro movimento intelectual e político dos judeus de âmbito mundial? Sendo o criador judeu do socialismo “científico”, ele deu início à crítica radical da sociedade europeia que se estende ao século XXI. Embora o CofC aborde especificamente os movimentos intelectuais e políticos judaicos do século XX, ele certamente poderia ter ampliada sua compreensão da esquerda judaica, se Marx pudesse ser incluído no seu quadro teórico como o fundador dos movimentos intelectuais e políticos que tanto orientaram a esquerda judia no século XX.

A primeira questão a ser levantada é se Marx se reconhecia como dirigente judeu de um movimento intelectual e político de judeus. O CofC de Kevin MacDonald indica os passos a seguir para a solução do problema. Examinemos detidamente as indicações de Kevin MacDonald.

A metodologia de Kevin MacDonald é bastante objetiva. O primeiro passo consiste em “identificar movimentos influentes sob direção judaica, quaisquer sejam, não importando se todos ou a maioria dos judeus participassem deles”. O segundo passo consiste em “determinar se os participantes judeus se assumiam como judeus e se, por tal participação, buscassem atender a interesses judeus”. [i] Depois, então, discutiremos a influência e o impacto desses movimentos na Europa e nos Estados Unidos.

Em vista desses critérios de Kevin MacDonald, acreditamos em que o socialismo científico de Marx atenda aos dois quesitos.

Em primeiro lugar, Marx teve participação direta na criação das principais organizações de esquerda no século XIX. A maioria das primeiras organizações socialistas sofreram influência direta de Marx, quais sejam: a Liga Comunista, cofundada por Marx e Engels em 1847; o Partido Social-Democrático da Alemanha, fundado em 1863; o Partido Socialista Trabalhista da América, fundado em 1876; o Partido dos Trabalhadores Franceses, cofundado pelo genro de Marx, Paul Lafargue, em 1880; e a Federação Social-Democrática Britânica, fundada em 1881. A maioria dessas organizações moldaria a vida política da Europa e dos Estados Unidos no século XX.

Aquele que foi o sabatigói [N.T.: no original: Shabbos Goy] de Marx por longo tempo, Engels, reconheceu a preponderância dos judeus nos movimentos esquerdistas do século XIX:

Ademais, temos para com os judeus uma dívida de gratidão. Sem falar de Heine e Böme, Marx era de pura origem judia; Lassalle era judeu. Muitos entre os melhores da nossa gente são judeus. Meu amigo Victor Adler, que agora está cumprindo pena numa prisão em Viena por sua devoção à causa do proletariado; Eduard Bernstein, o editor da publicação londrina  Sozialdemokrat, Paul Singer, um dos melhores homens no Reichstag —essas pessoas deixam-me orgulhoso por sua amizade, e todos eles são judeus! Eu mesmo fui considerado judeu pelo [semanário conservador] Gartenlaube. Na verdade, se eu tivesse de escolher, preferiria ser um judeu a ser um “Herr von” ! [ii]

Em 1911, o sociólogo Robert Michels chamou atenção para a “abundância de judeus na direção dos partidos socialistas e revolucionários”:

Sobretudo na Alemanha, a influência dos judeus tem sido evidente no movimento dos trabalhadores. Os dois primeiros grandes capitães, Ferdinand Lassalle e Karl Marx, eram judeus, bem assim como o contemporâneo deles Moses Hess. O primeiro eminente político da velha escola a abraçar o socialismo, Johann Jacoby, era judeu. Também Karl Höchberg, um idealista, seu pai era rico comerciante de Francoforte, fundador da primeira revista socialista publicada em língua alemã. Paul Singer, que quase sempre presidia os congressos socialistas alemães, era judeu. Entre os 81 deputados socialistas mandados ao Reichstag na penúltima eleição geral, havia nove judeus. Este número é extremamente alto, comparado com a percentagem de judeus na população da Alemanha, com o total de trabalhadores judeus e com o número de judeus no Partido Socialista. [iii]

Em segundo lugar, longe de ser um etnomasoquista antissemita, Karl Marx identificava-se fortemente como judeu e estava muito envolvido com a comunidade judaica:

Com os judeus e a judaicidade, Marx sempre manteve laços positivos. Entre seus amigos mais próximos estavam os judeus Heinrich Heine and Ludwig Kugelmann; por certo tempo privou com Moses Hess e ajudou o ex-comunista de Colônia Abraham Jacoby a emigrar para os Estados Unidos (onde ele se tornou um médico influente). [iv]

Fato indicando forte identificação judaica é que, quando Jacoby militava pela revolução na Europa, sua agenda era a “emancipação” judaica, — a naturalização e eleitoralização dos judeus. Como no caso de Marx, seus associados mais próximos também tinham forte senso de identidade grupal judaica. Eles compartilhavam objetivos, crenças e compromissos em pró da emancipação dos judeus.

A persistente crítica de Marx contra as sociedades europeias resultava dos sentimentos de sua marginalização. Ele era etnicamente judeu, fora criado numa família liberal judia conforme os valores do Iluminismo. Seu pai abraçou o universalismo iluminista por causa da marginalidade dos judeus na sociedade europeia. Em consequência de sua marginalidade social, Marx tornou-se hostil à cultura e aos valores europeus. Reagindo a isso, ele construiu uma identidade social judia positiva, retratando o comportamento judeu balizado pelo ganho financeiro como motivo de orgulho étnico, não como conduta a ser demonizada. Conforme Marx, a emancipação dos judeus não implicaria a dissolução de sua identidade étnica, antes seria resultado da futura condição proletário-comunista ou, mais precisamente, secular, das sociedades europeias, com plena aceitação dos judeus. Ele chegou a acreditar que o judaísmo secular cumpriria papel positivo nas sociedades cristãs europeias. O triunfo mundial do comunismo corresponderia à vitória mundial do judaísmo secular, deixando livres os judeus para a defesa de seus interesses coletivos em sociedades formalmente europeias ainda, mas judaizadas. Nesse particular, Marx não era diferente dos profetas hebreus — que pregavam o domínio israelita do mundo sob a realeza messiânica, a não ser pelo fato de que Marx disfarçava seu particularismo étnico judeu sob a roupagem universalista do Iluminismo liberal.

Em A questão judaica, ele não apenas clamou pela emancipação judaica, como também desafiou o “antissemitismo”. Ele faria a mesma coisa novamente em A sagrada família, publicado em 1844. Esses ensaios foram escritos para refutar Bruno Bauer, para quem a raça judia era “horrorosa” e não teria contribuído com nada para a “construção da modernidade”. [v] Marx acreditava que o preconceito antissemita europeu poderia ser eliminado pela transformação da Europa nas utopias proletário-comunistas, por cuja tolerância poderia o judaísmo continuar a existir. Aparentemente Marx não se iludia ao combater pela emancipação dos judeus, pois ele tinha plena consciência de ser judeu e queria proteger os judeus da perseguição branca por meio do universalismo, em detrimento das maiorias europeias na própria Europa.

Os mais importantes discípulos de Marx ou eram judeus ou eram descendentes de judeus, a exemplo de Adler, Bauer, Bernstein, Luxemburg, Lenin, Trotsky e os membros da Escola de Francforte. Apesar disso, os marxistas judeus aparentemente não ligavam importância à identidade judia de seus membros, pretendendo apresentar a luta pela emancipação judaica como parte da luta contra a sociedade burguesa. Como observou Kevin MacDonald no CofC, os ativistas étnicos judeus escamoteavam sua etnicidade judaica, recrutando não judeus para servir de manequins, que vestiam de linda roupagem para disfarçar o que na realidade era um movimento judeu. Dissimulando sua judaicidade, os dirigentes marxistas puderam promover os interesses judaicos quase sem nenhuma oposição, o que lhes permitiu recrutar mais inocentes úteis entre os góis. Embora o socialismo moderno deva suas origens a um judeu e tenha sido dominado pelos judeus, o movimento atraiu muitos góis, alguns deles se destacaram, como Bebel e Liebknecht. Aliás, quando foi da morte de Marx em 1883, seu maior porta-voz era Engels, um sabatigói.

Marx dizia-se amigo do proletariado, mas suas relações com a comunidade judaica eram estreitas. Como todos os ativistas étnicos judeus, Marx tinha a obsessão de combater o antissemitismo onde quer que se lhe deparasse, mas para não alarmar os góis, esse combate apresentava-se de mistura com a luta contra a sociedade burguesa. O artifício prestava-se a propósito vital, já que assim Marx acobertava sua atitude adversa à sociedade europeia e ainda atraía os não judeus para a nova fé secular judaica — não judeus que também iriam ajudá-lo na luta contra o antissemitismo, como se apenas militassem pela revolução proletária mundial. Enquanto ínfima minoria nas sociedades europeias, os judeus sempre se serviram de não judeus para a consecução de seus objetivos, assim fizeram os marxistas que se valeram do proletariado, assim fazem os neoconservadores que se valem dos conservadores do estabilismo para favorecer Israel.

A análise e a apologética marxistas sempre tiveram por base o “cepticismo e esoterismo científicos”.[vi] Como indica Kevin MacDonald no seu CofC, os ativistas étnicos judeus do século XX comumente lançavam mão dessas táticas mistificatórias. O capitalismo deve atender a requisitos de alto padrão para ser considerado um sistema econômico viável, apesar de sua longa história de sucesso na geração de crescimento econômico, enquanto o comunismo é sempre considerado profícuo, apesar de seus embaraçosos precedentes de estado policial autoritário, pauperização massiva, totalitarismo extremo e catástrofes ambientais. Temos aí dois pesos e duas medidas quanto ao ônus da prova que servem para apresentar o marxismo como um sistema de crenças viável. De igual modo, os apoiantes judeus de Marx argumentam, maliciosamente, que “O socialismo não fracassou, o que fracassou foi o estalinismo, isto é, a ditadura burocrática do partido”. [vii]

A análise econômica de Marx era tão hegelianizante que seus críticos e adeptos não lhe puderam compreender a exata significação. Livros dele como A ideologia alemã e O capital geram ainda controvertidas interpretações. Ele vazava seu discurso em linguagem científica para cobrir suas profecias como o verniz da credibilidade. Por exemplo, o socialismo de Marx era chamado de socialismo “científico”, para que se distinguisse de suas variantes “utópicas”. O fato de apresentar sua versão do socialismo como “científica” indica que o esoterismo da linguagem de Marx era proposital, no que foi imitado pelos epígonos. Na realidade, o socialismo marxiano consistia numa espécie de culto secular da religião judia, cujos princípios dogmáticos não permitiam revisão, mesmo quando confrontados com irrefutáveis evidências em contrário. Até os nossos dias, nenhuma das leis marxistas do desenvolvimento capitalista tornou possível experiências empíricas de falsificação, nem qualquer de suas profecias foi confirmada.

É interessante notar que Franz Boas não foi o primeiro intelectual judeu a submeter a aplicação social do darwinismo a virulenta crítica intelectual; essa honraria cabe a Marx e a seu sabatigói pessoal, Engels. A princípio, eles eram adeptos entusiastas da obra de Darwin A origem das espécies. Acreditavam que a seleção natural corroborava a análise dialético-materialista do desenvolvimento histórico. Entretanto, Marx e Engels chegaram à conclusão de que a teoria de Darwin era “metafisicamente inaceitável”:

Dado que Darwin via a luta na natureza, em grande parte, como luta entre indivíduos, sua teoria pareceu-lhes solapar a própria possibilidade da solidariedade de classe e a eliminação final do conflito humano. […] Na opinião de Marx, a deficiência mais grave da teoria de Darwin residia na ênfase posta sobre o caráter indeterminado e aleatório das mutações, implicando que no mundo para além do reino animal o progresso fosse “puramente acidental e não necessário”, ao contrário do que desejava Marx e exigia a sua teoria (Marx apud Feuer, 1975, p. 121). O Darwinismo ameaçou a fé de Marx e Engels num processo histórico mais propício. [viii]

Em virtude de a biologia darwiniana haver limitado o poder explanatório de sua dialética histórica, Marx and Engels recorreram a causalidades ambientais e subjetivísticas:

Em razão de que outras teorias da evolução, como as de Trémaux e Lamarck, tivessem enfatizado como causas das mutações adaptativas nas espécies ou nas raças a ação direta do meio ambiente ou a resposta automática às necessidades do organismo, tais teorias pareceram mais atraentes para Marx e Engels (como também para Stálin e Lysenko), por darem sanção “científica” para a mundivisão deles. [ix]

A exemplo dos ativistas étnicos judeus que Kevin MacDonald citou no CofC — Boas, Lewontin, Gould etc. — Marx e Engels combateram a aplicação social do darwinismo, porque comprometia sua capacidade de impor a perspectiva ambientalista às sociedades europeias, a partir da qual projetavam a construção de nova raça humana pela manipulação do ambiente conforme as ideias marxistas. Na consecução desse objetivo, os comunistas mataram milhões de dissidentes, sem nenhum escrúpulo, abrindo caminho para o novo homem que fosse criado pelo sistema educacional comunista.

Marx era conhecido por suas tendências ditatoriais, característica que ele compartia com os ativistas étnicos judeus do CofC. No seu pugnaz empenho para conquistar o poder, os judeus foram acusados de autoritarismo pelos seus oponentes. Em 1850, Eduard Müller-Tellering publicou Vorgeschmack in die kuenftige deutsche Diktatur von Marx und Engels, ou A foretaste of the future German dictatorship of Marx and Engels [A pré-estreia da futura ditadura alemã de Marx e Engels], atacando Marx por sua mania de dominação. Os dois tiveram um bate-boca, que Müller-Tellering atribuiu à sede de vingança do “futuro ditador alemão” Karl Marx, motivada pelo fato de ele, Müller-Tellering, haver publicado artigo contra os judeus no próprio jornal de Marx, o Neue Rheinische Zeitung [Nova Gazeta Renana]. Segundo Müller-Tellering, o implacável e vingativo comportamento de Marx resultava da natureza dos judeus, da perversidade deles.

A personalidade autoritária de Marx alienou dele o anarquista Mikhail Bakunin (1814–1876), que escreveu o seguinte:

Todo esse mundo judeu constitui uma só seita exploradora, um tipo de povo-vampiro, um parasito coletivo, voraz, auto-organizado não apenas por sobre as fronteiras dos Estados, mas também por sobre as diferenças de opinião política — esse mundo está, pelo menos em grande parte, à disposição de Marx e dos Rothschilds. Eu sei que os Rothschilds, reacionários como são e continuarão sendo, admiram profundamente os predicados do comunista Marx; e por sua vez o comunista Marx sente-se atraído, por interesse instintivo e respeitosa admiração, pelo gênio financeiro dos Rothschilds. A solidariedade judaica, aquela poderosa solidariedade que se manteve ao longo dos séculos, ligou Marx aos Rothschilds. [x]

Percebe-se aí que Bakunin tinha consciência do grande número de seguidores judeus de Marx — ele sabia que o mundo judaico repartia-se entre Marx e Rothschild. Bakunin rejeitou a ditadura do proletariado de Marx, porque implicava a centralização do poder do Estado, o que levaria ao seu controle por pequena elite. Marx e Bakunin andavam sempre às turras. Bakunin lutava por uma “confederação descentralizada de comunas autônomas”, sendo atacado por Marx, para quem o melhor seria a ditadura do proletariado. Depois do embate entre os comunistas de Marx e os anarquistas de Bakunin, no Congresso de Haia de 1872, Bakunin acabou sendo expulso da Primeira Internacional, por determinação pessoal de Marx.

Assim como os ativistas judeus citados no CofC, Marx combatia na guerra étnica contra as sociedades europeias. O seu socialismo científico ameaçava solapar a moral e as fundações intelectuais da Europa, de sorte que se transformasse numa sociedade secular para suportar indefinidamente a continuação da existência do judaísmo. Por exemplo, em O capital, a sua obra magna, Marx tentou desvelar o funcionamento dos mecanismos internos do modo de produção capitalista na Europa Ocidental, explicando por que ele entraria em colapso sob o peso de suas próprias contradições, preparando o caminho para a revolução proletária. A ditadura do proletariado era visionada como ferramenta de forte dominação, centralizada e autoritária. Quando ela foi imposta aos russos pela elite hostil que assumiu o poder a partir de 1917, teria como consequência a morte de muitos milhões e a opressão política de todos, sendo plausível supor que Marx teria ficado muito feliz se houvesse sido capaz de impor semelhante regime sobre todos os europeus. Embora a defesa que fazem os judeus do universalismo nas sociedades brancas signifique a autodestruição cultural e racial dos próprios brancos, ela enseja as condições ideais para a prosperidade judaica, ao maximizar o controle judaico sobre a população europeia inclusiva e ao minimizar o temor judaico da perseguição antissemítica.

Foi Marx quem assentou as bases ideológicas da principal corrente do ativismo étnico judeu no século XX. No quadro teórico do CofC, a importância de Marx é depreendida de sua condição de fundador judeu de um movimento intelectual e político judeu em meado do século XIX, cuja influência estende-se até o presente. Por exemplo, o mais influente movimento intelectual judeu contemporâneo, a Escola de Francforte, era seita marxista ortodoxa a princípio, mas revisou o marxismo, desviando-o da luta de classes para uma teoria enfatizando o etnocentrismo branco como o problema fundamental e inaugurando o que agora é frequentemente denominado de marxismo cultural.

A conclusão é que o engajamento judeu na esquerda remonta a meado do século XIX e continua exercendo influência no mundo contemporâneo, mostrando-se diante dos europeus como força opositora.


BIBLIOGRAFIA

BLUMENBERG, Werner. Eduard Von Müller-Tellering: Verfasser Des Ersten Antisemitischen Pamphlets Gegen Marx. Bulletin of the International Institute of Social History, v. 6, n. 3, 1951, p. 178-197. Disponível em: <www.jstor.org/stable/44629595>.

COFNAS, Nathan. Judaism as a Group Evolutionary Strategy. Human Nature, v. 29, n. 2, 10 MAR 2018, p. 134-156, 10.1007/s12110-018-9310-x. Acesso em: 13 DEZ 2019.

DRAPER, Hal. State and Bureaucracy. New York; London: Monthly Review Press, 1977. (Karl Marx’s theory of revolution, v. 1).

________. Critique of other socialisms. New York; London: Monthly Review Press, 1990. (Karl Marx’s theory of revolution, v. 4).

FINE, Robert, PHILIP, Spencer. Antisemitism and the Left : On the Return of the Jewish Question. Manchester, UK, Manchester University Press, 2018. Disponível em: <www.manchesteropenhive.com/view/9781526104960/9781526104960.00007.xml>. Acesso em: 13 DEZ 2019.

KAYE, Howard. Social meaning of modern biology: from social darwinism to sociobiology. Routledge, 2017.

MACDONALD, Kevin. The culture of critique: an evolutionary analysis of jewish involvement in twentieth-century intellectual and political movements. Westport: Praeger, 1998.

‌‌MARX, Karl. On The Jewish Question by Karl Marx. Marxists.org, 2019. Disponível em: <www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1844/jewish-question/>. Acesso em: 13 DEZ 2019.

________ The Holy Family by Marx and Engels. Marxists.org, 2019. Disponível em:  www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1845/holy-family/ch04.htm. Acesso em: 13 DEZ 2019.

‌________. Early Texts. Translated and Edited by David McLellan. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1971.

MARX, Karl, ENGELS, Friedrich. Marx and Engels, 1860-64. New York: International Publishers, 1985. (Collected works, v. 41).

MICHEL, Robert. Political Parties : a sociological study of the oligarchical tendencies of modern democracy. New York, Free Press ; London, 1962.

‌SEIGEL, Jerrold E. Marx’s fate : the shape of a life. University Park, Pa., Pennsylvania State University Press, 1993.

WARTENBERG, Thomas E. “Species-Being” and “Human Nature” in Marx. Human Studies, v. 5, n. 1, Dec. 1982, p. 77-95, 10.1007/bf02127669. Acesso em: 26 NOV 2019.

‌WISTRICH, Robert S. Karl Marx and the Jewish Question Soviet Jewish Affairs, v. 4, n. 1, jan. 1974, p. 53-60, 10.1080/13501677408577180. Acesso em: 21 NOV 2019.‌

REFERÊNCIAS

[i] MACDONALD, Kevin. Culture of critique. p. 11-2.

[ii] ENGELS, Frederick. “On anti-semitism”. Arbeiter-Zeitung, n. 19, 9 MAIO 1890. Disponível em: https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1890/04/19.htm

[iii] MICHELS, Robert. Political Parties. p. 246.

[iv] SEIGEL, Jerrold. Marx’s Fate. p.114.

[v] MARX, Karl; ENGELS, Frederick. “The Holy Family.” Marxists.org, 2019. Disponível em: www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1845/holy-family/ch04.htm.

[vi] MACDONALD, Kevin. Culture of Critique. p. 122.

[vii] MANDEL, Ernest. The Roots of the Present Crisis in the Soviet Economy (1991). Disponível em: <https://www.marxists.org/archive/mandel/1991/xx/sovecon.html>.

[viii] KAYE, Howard. Social Meaning of Modern Biology. p. 25.

[ix] KAYE, loc. cit. .

[x] DRAPER, Hal. Karl Marx’s Theory of Revolution, v. 4, p. 596.

 

Fonte: The Occidental Observer. Autor: Ferdinand Bardamu. Título original: Karl Marx: founding father of the jewish left ? Data de publicação: 4 de janeiro de 2020. Versão brasilesa: Chauke Stephan Filho.

Jews and Vulture Capitalism: A Reprise, Part 1

I recently wrote a long movie review (sort of) that focused on Wall Street stories that airbrush Jews out of the picture and instead create the impression that plain old goy males are responsible for all kinds of financial nastiness when dealing with sums over, say, a hundred million dollars (and MUCH more). The review came as Part 1 & Part 2. In the review, I emphasized the plots of popular Hollywood movies and deliberately downplayed detailed accounts of Jewish financial manipulation in institutions in Lower Manhattan, reasoning that many of today’s readers would relate more to celluloid imagery than drier non-fiction.

Today I’ll do that drier writing and perform yeoman’s work in describing instances of Jewish financial chicanery far more thoroughly, relying primarily on TOO writers such as Andrew Joyce and myself, though I will bring in a few outsiders to burnish our tale by using their more mainstream credentials.

I’ll begin with a few exciting quotes about our topic before descending into a routine rendition of Jewish perfidy when it comes to large financial scandals. Recall the title of Joyce’s dangerous title last December: “Vulture Capitalism is Jewish Capitalism.” In that essay, Joyce employed provocative phrases, accusing Jewish firms such as Paul Singer’s Elliot Associates of being one of the “cabals of exploitative financiers” possessing a “scavenging and parasitic nature” vis-a-vis gentile host nations. “Jewish enterprise — exploitative, inorganic” — results in “all forms of financial exploitation and white collar crime. The Talmud, whether actively studied or culturally absorbed, is their code of ethics and their curriculum in regards to fraud, fraudulent bankruptcy, embezzlement, usury, and financial exploitation. Vulture capitalism is Jewish capitalism.” I daresay we are here teetering on the brink of introducing age-old canards regarding Jews and money. But are they true?


A Certain Cephalopod Encircling an Unnamed Planet

Before attempting to answer that question either way, it is unavoidable that I once again trot out Rolling Stone reporter Matt Taibbi’s timeless quip in The Great American Bubble Machine as he described the 2008 market meltdown:

The first thing you need to know about Goldman Sachs is that it’s everywhere. The world’s most powerful investment bank is a great vampire squid wrapped around the face of humanity, relentlessly jamming its blood funnel into anything that smells like money. 

And with that, we get down to the dirty business of recounting seminal instances of, well, dirty business. Or maybe it’s an historical account of the transfer of wealth from various groups to Jews. Or a biological account of energy moving to one specific colony of living organisms from elsewhere. The phenomenon can be approached in many ways.

To give this essay a suitably serious tone, we begin with the Bible, where the twin themes of Jewish resource acquisition and deceit will be familiar. In A People That Shall Dwell Alone: Judaism as a Group Evolutionary Strategy, Kevin MacDonald describes the process:

The biblical stories of sojourning by the patriarchs among foreigners are very prominently featured in Genesis. Typically there is an emphasis on deception and exploitation of the host population, after which the Jews leave a despoiled host population, having increased their own wealth and reproductive success. Indeed, immediately after the creation story and the genealogy of Abraham, Genesis presents an account of Abraham’s sojourn in Egypt. Abraham goes to Egypt to escape a famine with his barren wife Sarah, and they agree to deceive the pharaoh into thinking that Sarah is his sister, so that the pharaoh takes her as a concubine. As a result of this transaction, Abraham receives great wealth . . . .

Far from being a unique story, it portrays a pattern, with MacDonald concluding, “Like the others, the Egyptian sojourn begins with deception and ends with the Israelites obtaining great treasure and increasing their numbers.”

The most famous Biblical story of deceit is the story of Exodus, where Joseph helps his relatives enter by telling them to deny being shepherds because the Egyptians dislike shepherds. The Israelites reside in Egypt and are successful: “And Israel dwelt in the land of Egypt . . . and they got them possessions therein, and were fruitful, and multiplied exceedingly” (Gen. 47:27).

From biblical times, we jump ahead to the modern era, for Jews seemed to be in a kind of hibernation until their emancipation in Europe. With that emancipation came a resumption of the biblical trend toward obtaining great treasure and increasing their numbers. How they did this often contravened prevailing Christian norms, however, as attested to by two prominent gentile writers outside the realm of TOO or related enterprises.

These eminent writers and thinkers are Paul Johnson, a conservative British writer, and Albert Lindemann, a Harvard Ph.D. and retired historian who has written dispassionately on Jews for many years. Johnson caught my attention years ago when I somehow came across his book Modern Times: The World from the Twenties to the Eighties. I was a young man then, grappling with a humanities education that left me feeling major parts of life’s stories had been left out. Given the prevailing reign of liberal thought (which was, of course, only to get far worse) I found Johnson’s contrarian conservative views refreshing, but it was his emphasis on Jewish “rationalization” of the modern world, especially in economic matters, that truly caught my attention. I can still recall the ongoing frustration I had while reading his book, principally because he would not call Jews out for bad behavior.

Actually, that’s not entirely true. What Johnson did was start by saying how much Jews had contributed to the modern world, then switch to a long, detailed list of behaviors that violated Western laws and customs. I remember wondering how he got away with that. After filling pages with shocking exposés of such conduct, he’d then close by saying how grateful we should be to Jews for “rationalizing” previously outmoded methods and beliefs. A few years later he wrote A History of the Jews, which is pretty much an expanded version of the Jewish parts of Modern Times. A History is a great reference book to have, though.

Johnson set the stage by documenting the rise of the Jews throughout Europe in the modern period:

Jews dominated the Amsterdam stock exchange, where they held large quantities of stock from both the West and East India Companies, and were the first to run a large-scale trade in securities. In London they set the same pattern a generation later in the 1690s. . . . In due course, Jews helped to create the New York stock exchange in 1792. . . . Expelled Jews went to the Americas as the earliest traders. They set up factories. In St Thomas, for instance, they became the first large-scale plantation-owners [and slave owners]. . . . Jews and marranos were particularly active in settling Brazil . . . they owned most of the sugar plantations [and their slaves]. They controlled the trade in precious and semi-precious stones. Jews expelled from Brazil in 1654 helped to create the sugar industry in Barbados and Jamaica.

Next, he shared how some gentiles reacted: In 1781 Prussian official Christian Wilhelm von Dohm published a tract claiming, in Johnson’s paraphrase, “The Jews had ‘an exaggerated tendency [to seek] gain in every way, a love of usury.’ These ‘defects’ were aggravated ‘by their self-imposed segregation. . . .’ From these followed ‘the breaking of the laws of the state restricting trade, the import and export of prohibited wares, the forgery of money and precious metals.’” In short, von Dohm described traditional Jewish communities as far more resembling a mafia-like group engaged in organized crime than what we think of as a religious community.

Continuing, Johnson wrote,

Throughout the twentieth century, American Jews continued to take the fullest advantage of the opportunities America opened to them, to attend universities, to become doctors, lawyers, teachers, professional men and women of all kinds, politicians and public servants, as well as to thrive in finance and business as they always had. They were particularly strong in the private enterprise sector, in press, publishing, broadcasting and entertainment, and in intellectual life generally. There were certain fields, such as the writing of fiction, where they were dominant. But they were numerous and successful everywhere.

This success, however, did not always come honorably, or at least that is what legions of gentiles have long claimed. Johnson described how Jewish involvement in financial scandals certainly became a prominent theme of modern anti-Semitism. As he wrote, “The Union Générale scandal in 1882, the Comptoire d’Escompte scandal in 1889 — both involving Jews — were merely curtain-raisers” to a far more massive and complex crime, the Panama Canal scandal, ‘an immense labyrinth of financial manipulation and fraud, with [Jewish] Baron Jacques de Reinach right at the middle of it.’” (Reinach committed suicide because of the scandal.) Wikipedia tells us that

Close to half a billion francs were lost and members of the French government had taken bribes to keep quiet about the Panama Canal Company’s financial troubles in what is regarded as the largest monetary corruption scandal of the 19th century. . . . Some 800,000 French people, including 15,000 single women, had lost their investments in the stocks, and founder shares of the Panama Canal Company, to the considerable sum of approximately 1.8 billion gold Francs. From the nine stock issues, the Panama Canal Company received 1.2 billion gold Francs, 960 million of which were invested in Panama, a large amount having been pocketed by financiers and politicians.

For once, Wiki includes the Jewish angle, writing that “The scandal showed, in Arendt’s view, that the middlemen between the business sector and the state were almost exclusively Jews, thus helping to pave the road for the Dreyfus Affair.”

Albert Lindemann chronicled similar episodes, particularly in his highly respected Esau’s Tear: Modern Anti-Semitism and the Rise of the Jews. In the book he noted that during the 19th century in Eastern Europe there were also persistent complaints about Jewish perjury to help other Jews commit fraud and other crimes. For example, in Russia a neutral observer noted that judges “unanimously declared that not a single lawsuit, criminal or civil, can be properly conducted if the interests of the Jews are involved.” Writing in 1914, American sociologist Edward A. Ross similarly commented on Jewish immigrants to America that “The authorities complain that the East European Hebrews feel no reverence for law as such and are willing to break any ordinance they find in their way. … In the North End of Boston ‘the readiness of the Jews to commit perjury has passed into a proverb.’”

Lindemann echoed Johnson’s description of the rise of Jewish power paired with Jewish involvement in major financial scandals. In Germany, Jews “were heavily involved in the get-rich-quick enterprises” of the period of rapid urbanization and industrialization of the 1860s and 70s. “Many highly visible Jews made fortunes in dubious ways . . . Probably the most notorious of these newly rich speculators was Hirsch Strousberg, a Jew involved in Romanian railroad stocks. He was hardly unique in his exploits, but as Peter Pulzer has written, ‘the . . . difference between his and other men’s frauds was that his was more impudent and involved more money.’”

Like Johnson, Lindemann delved back into the nineteenth century, writing that

In the summer of 1873 the stock markets in New York and Vienna collapsed. By the autumn of that year Germany’s industrial overexpansion and the reckless proliferation of stock companies came to a halt. Jews were closely associated in the popular mind with the stock exchange. Widely accepted images of them as sharp and dishonest businessmen made it all but inevitable that public indignation over the stock market crash would be directed at them. Many small investors, themselves drawn to the prospect of easy gain, lost their savings through fraudulent stocks of questionable business practices in which Jews were frequently involved. 

Also like Johnson, Lindemann believed that accusations of fraud against many European Jews were not based on mere fantasy. With respect to the Panama Canal scandal of 1888–1892, for instance, Lindemann wrote:

Investigation into the activities of the Panama Company revealed widespread bribery of parliamentary officials to assure support of loans to continue work on the Panama Canal, work that had been slowed by endless technical and administrative difficulties. Here was a modern project that involved large sums of French capital and threatened national prestige. The intermediaries between the Panama Company and parliament were almost exclusively Jews, with German names and backgrounds, some of whom tried to blackmail one another . . . .

Thousands of small investors lost their savings in the Panama fiasco. . . . A trial in 1893 was widely believed to be a white-wash. The accused escaped punishment through bribery and behind-the-scenes machinations, or so it was widely believed. The Panama scandal seemed almost designed to confirm the long-standing charges of the French right that the republic was in the clutches of corrupt Jews who were bringing dishonor and disaster to France. 

In many cases, the Jewish nexus of the financial scandal involved the idea that Jews implicated in financial scandals were being protected by other highly placed Jews. Lindemann: “The belief of anti-Semites in France about Jewish secretiveness was based on a real secretiveness of some highly placed and influential Jews. What anti-Semites suspected was not so much pure fantasy as a malicious if plausible exaggeration, since solid facts were hard to come by.” This secretiveness among prominent Jews is another example of the operation of the Talmudic Law of the Moser (which forbids informing on other Jews) and once again shows that illegal and unethical behavior is sanctioned within the Jewish community. The only crime would be to inform on other Jews.

Not surprisingly, however, the best contemporary discussion of Jewish financial power over the last two centuries comes from E. Michael Jones, publisher of Culture Wars and author of the 1200-page Jewish Revolutionary Spirit and Its Impact on World History (2008). He outdid himself by releasing in 2014 an even longer book called Barren Metal: A History of Capitalism as the Conflict between Labor and Usury. Naturally, because usury was a key topic, Jews are a primary topic of discussion.

Jones’ star is clearly rising, principally due to his presence on the Internet. Like TOO’s Kevin MacDonald, Jones ceaselessly appears in podcasts and is catholic in his willingness to appear on a wide range of shows.

With respect to Barren Metal, I will begin my consideration of Jews and usury from Chapter 64, “Napoleon Emancipates the Jews.” Previously, Jones had described many gentile financiers, but from Chapter 64 onward the pronounced Jewish role crescendoes to the point that, were the book divided in two and the second book to begin with Chapter 64, the sub-title would have to change to “Jews, Capitalism, and Usury.”

A main theme of Barren Metal is that “Capitalism is state-sponsored usury.” This is hardly a new idea, since German writer Werner Sombart explored the concept in depth in Jews and Modern Capitalism (1911). Jones describes Sombart’s idea thus: “capitalism is the philosophical and political sanctification of usury. Because money-lending, according to Sombart, is ‘one of the most important roots of capitalism,’ capitalism ‘derived its most important characteristics from money-lending.’”

Particularly with the rise of Protestantism in parts of Europe, usury lashed to state power altered the age-old economic foundation of the continent and Britain. In turn, this elicited the rise of modern anti-Semitism in Europe. For instance, Jones points to Wilhelm Marr, “the patriarch of anti-Semitism” (interestingly, three of Marr’s four wives were Jewesses), whose racial animus toward Jews may have masked an economic cause, which was usury. Marr wrote:

The burning question of our day in our Parliaments . . . is usury. . . . The political correctness of our Judified society helps it to sail by the reef which is the usury question, and as a result poor folk from every class become the victims of the Usurers and their corrupt German assistants, who are only too happy to earn 20 to 30 percent per month off of the misery of the poor. . . . In the meantime the cancer of usury continues to eat away at the social fabric, and the animosity against the Jews grows by the hour . . . so that an explosion can no longer be avoided.

In short, “This looting is, of course, to no avail because no force on earth can keep up with compound interest, which is the heart of usury.”

The climax of Barren Metal comes toward the end of the book in the chapter on the Vatican-approved periodical Civiltà Cattolica that in 1890 forthrightly addressed the Jewish Question. Far more than in modern America, enormous financial scandals in Europe of the era were directly and openly linked to Jews. In 1882, for example, the Union Generale bank collapsed and Jews were explicitly blamed for it. Its former head, for one, fumed that the Jewish financial power of the day was “not content with the billions which had come into its coffers for fifty years . . . not content with the monopoly which it exercises on nine-tenths at least of all Europe’s financial affairs.” This power, the man claimed, had “set out to destroy the Union Generale.”

In response to this collapse, famed writer Emile Zola published a novel in which a fictional young Catholic banker seethed at Jewish deceit. The Catholic character

is overwhelmed with an “inextinguishable hatred” for “that accursed race which no longer has its own country, no longer has its own prince, which lives parasitically in the home of nations, feigning to obey the law but in reality only obeying its own God of theft, of blood, of anger .  .  . fulfilling everywhere its mission of ferocious conquest, to lie in wait for its prey, suck the blood out of everyone, [and] grow fat on the life of others.”

While Zola employed fiction to make his point, Civiltà Cattolica used reason, facts and argumentation to chronicle how the Jews were able to foist their immoral ways (according to Christian mores) onto European society, and “the main way that the Jews achieved their hegemony over Christian societies was through ‘their insatiable appetite for enriching themselves via usury.’” The verdict? “The source of Jewish power is usury.”

From this central fact rolled well-known consequences:

Once having acquired absolute civil liberty and equality in every sphere with Christians and the nations, the dam which previously had held back the Hebrews was opened for them, and in a short time, like a devastating torrent, they penetrated and cunningly took over everything: gold, trade, the stock market, the highest appointments in political administrations, in the army, and in diplomacy; public education, the press, everything fell into their hands or into the hands of those who were inevitably depending upon them.

With control of gold came control of Christian society, particularly through the public press and academia, since “journalism and public education are like the two wings that carry the Israelite dragon, so that it might corrupt and plunder all over Europe.”

In the same chapter on Civiltà Cattolica, Jones discusses how the writings of one German, Father Georg Ratzinger, informed discussions in the Vatican periodical. As the name suggests, Fr. Ratzinger was indeed related to Joseph Ratzinger (his great-nephew), who became Pope Benedict XVI. The elder Ratzinger pointed directly to Jewish usury as the bane of Christian culture, which, when left unchecked, resulted in the enslavement of the surrounding Gentiles. Previously, of course, traditional Christianity forbade usury, meaning that the popes thus “deprived [Jews] of their ability to occupy the choke points in the culture.”

Ratzinger insisted it was foolish to abandon these tried and true Christian practices because Jews learned from their Talmud that “cheating the goyim was a virtue.” Linking free trade, capitalism and Jewish methods of conducting business, Ratzinger concluded that it was “to be expected that the Jews, who with centuries of practice became skilled in the deceptions of economic warfare and acquired the arts of exploitation to perfection, would take center stage under the regime of free competition.” It was not knowledge or ability, in Ratzinger’s opinion, that “makes the Jew rich and admired in society” but, rather, “deception and exploitation of others.”

Of course Ratzinger did not think Gentiles were totally blameless in these cultural and economic wars, for at a time “when Jews stand by even their own criminal element, we see Christian politicians and legislators betraying their own Christian faith on a daily basis and vying with each other to see who has the privilege of harnessing himself to the triumphal car of the Jews. In Parliament,” Ratzinger wrote, “no Jew need defend another Jew when their Christian lackeys do that for them.” (I wonder if there was a contemporary German term meaning “cuckservative.”)

Civiltà Cattolica is a treasure, as valuable now as it must have been over a century ago. I strongly encourage every serious TOO reader to familiarize himself with this tract, which can be found here.

Another fascinating topic Jones covers concerns the relationship between landed English gentry and Jewish moneylenders. “Stated in its simplest terms, the Jewish Problem involved the inverse relationship between debt and political sovereignty.” This antagonism toward growing Jewish power was common among the British aristocracy as well as politicians. The 1891 Labour Leader, for example, denounced the money-lending Rothschild family as a

blood-sucking crew [which] has been the main cause of untold mischief and misery in Europe during the present century, and has piled up prodigious wealth chiefly through fomenting wars between the States which ought never to have quarreled. Wherever there is trouble in Europe, wherever rumors of war circulate and men’s minds are distraught with fear of change and calamity, you may be sure that a hook-nosed Rothschild is at his games somewhere near the region of the disturbance.

An exemplar of this was the extended Churchill family, which fell into the clutches of Jewish moneylenders. Randolph, father of Winston and born in 1849, grew up in an era in which “spectacular bankruptcies” would plague aristocrats for much of the century. Much of this suffering was, of course, brought on by shameless profligacy among landed aristocrats, and Jones offers the Churchills as an example of this blight. Randolph—and in turn Winston—were very much in this mold, and fell straight into the hands of Jewish moneylenders, with profound consequences for Britain and all of Christendom by the time of Winston’s terms as Prime Minister.

As far back as 1874, the Churchill family was forced to sell wide swaths of land along with livestock  to Baron Rothschild in order to settle a serious debt. Randolph, who had grown up amidst rich Jews with opulent tastes, made the mistake of thinking that he could indulge such a lifestyle without the necessary funds to back it. What he didn’t understand was that “he was on the wrong side of compound interest and they [his Jewish friends] on the right side.”

What followed was predictable. Randolph eventually contracted syphilis and lost large sums of money while gambling in Monte Carlo. In this instance, a Rothschild came to his rescue—but at a price. “The Jews who were supporting Randolph’s syphilitic fantasies and the extravagant lifestyle that went along with it . . . [were] willing to write off 70,000 pounds in bad debt because [Natty Rothschild] needed a friend in high places who would share Cabinet secrets that could be turned into hard financial gains.” Finally, consider this unsettling conclusion: In time, “the British Empire would become an essentially Jewish enterprise over the course of the 19th century.” By the end of the century, Jones concludes, “The British Empire had become one huge, Jewish usury machine, administered by impecunious, extravagant, perennially indebted, morally depraved agents like Randolph Churchill.”

Since Jones saw a reason to largely skirt over events from the 1890 publication of Civiltà Cattolica until the late 1940s, I’ll do the same. The founding of the Federal Reserve, for instance, is covered in a scant eight pages, the Depression is not much more than a footnote, and The Second World War is ignored. Jones resumes his tale with the rise of University of Chicago economist Milton Friedman, who was instrumental in creating the Chicago School of economics. Being helpful, Jones translates this development as: “The Jewish usurers’ Utopia which Milton Friedman promoted under the name of Chicago School economics was the mirror image of Communism, another Jewish Utopia, because both claimed that if their programs were implemented heaven on earth would follow.” Naturally, these claims were insincere (or could have been part self-deception) and Friedman’s advocacy of transferring public works projects into private hands, therefore, “was another looting operation.”

These assets that were the product of years of investment of public money and labor should, in Friedman’s view, “be transferred into private hands, on principle.” This public to “private” wealth transfer will soon be the focus of another discussion about Jews and money later in this essay.

First, however, I’ll mention in passing the subject of Jones’ Chapter 98, the leveraged buy-outs of the 1980s. Professor Benjamin Ginsberg was hardly alone in noticing that Jermome Kohlberg, Jr., Harry Kravis and many others involved in these buy-outs were Jews. As always, Jones does not disappoint in his ability to summarize this trend: “The concentration of the nation’s wealth in the hands of a few avaricious Jews has led to corruption of both discourse and culture.”

This era was the focus of my recent essay, Vulture Capitalism, Jews — and Hollywood, where I showed how Jewry hides in plain sight their ongoing looting of gentile wealth by creating blockbuster movies which feature no Jews, instead casting famous gentile actors as financial malefactors. (See Part 1 & Part 2 here.) Thus, I’ll pass over this important era in order to focus on another looting operation that is still almost invisible to the world’s public. This operation is the one a mostly Jewish cast imposed on a newly freed Russia that was ripe for exploitation at the hands of Jews “skilled in the deceptions of economic warfare.”

Go to Part 2.

Not All Jews!

Many Jews become fearful or enraged when anyone criticizes even one single Jew. From a collectivist viewpoint, many Jews see this as a possible attack on all Jews and mobilize to resist it. Laurent Guyenot in his book From Yahwey to Zion explains the ancient roots of this collective behavior:

When a Jew is a victim, the Jewish people as a whole is victimized. … Jewishness is in some sense a latent sentiment capable of being activated by the slightest alarm.

Any aggression against a Jew awakens in him, and among the other members of his community, the trauma of the holocaust. Any anti-Semite, Judeophobic or simply Judeo-critical speech brings to mind the fear of ‘the darkest hours’ in history. Any injustice against a Jew is a little Auschwitz. Every Jew killed is a potential genocide; whoever kills a Jew kills the Jewish people.

This is a slippery slope argument with a vengeance.

So often, the one single Jew who is criticized claims victimhood to the evil of ‘anti-Semitism’, trying to rally collective Jewish appeal on his side. A good example was Leo Frank in the rape and murder of thirteen-year-old victim Mary Phagan in Atlanta in 1913. Frank claimed ‘anti-Semitism’ as the reason he was accused, and so enormous was the outpouring of Jewish support from around the nation that the equivalent of millions of dollars poured into his legal defense from wealthy Jews. So vigorous was the collective Jewish defense of this ultimately convicted (and executed by lynching) child rapist and murderer that it saw the founding of the Anti-Defamation League. The ADL went on to defend many other Jewish criminals including notorious Jewish mobsters and to counter-defame their critics. It would be a wonder if any other racial or religious group did anything but denounce and disown such a convicted criminal as Frank.

Another example was the ‘most infamous and hated (Jewish) Russian oligarch Boris Berezovsky. He owned and operated a media empire that promoted government officials including President Yeltsin, worked various schemes to acquire enormous wealth, and got himself on the state Security Council while also claiming Israeli citizenship. When Putin came to the presidency in the late 90s—partly with support from Berezovsky—he confronted the oligarch with evidence of fraud and corruption, and Berezovsky was forced to sell his TV station and flee the country. Putin brought pressure against at least five other Jewish oligarchs, and although there were cries of “anti-Semitism,” most of the Russian people were delighted. Putin defrayed the accusations by promoting another Jewish sect, Chabad Lubavitch, ostensibly using it to soothe concerns of anti-Semitism. Berezovsky’s and the Jewish oligarchs’ appeal of anti-Semitism failed to generate much Jewish support, since “In Russia, everyone is aware of the Jewish identity of these men, and the acts of the Jewish oligarchs themselves have done quite a bit to increase anti-Jewish feelings there. The oligarchs themselves recognize this, as do many Russian Jews, who blame the oligarchs for giving Jews a bad name’. It certainly failed to deter the new Russian President Putin. ‘Some Jews in Russia view this [Putin’s crackdown] as a good thing, … and believe this will reduce anti-Jewish feelings in Russian society.”

So not all Jews rally to protect Jewish criminals, and some even openly denounce them. Whether this is purely in self-interest, to deflect ‘anti-Semitism’ from relatively innocent Jews, or genuine moral appeals, it remains a fact that Jews do not always act collectively.

It was most likely self-interest that compelled German Jews in 1933 to issue statements to the world, most direcled to the ‘International Jews’, declaring that they did not approve of the international Jewish boycott of National Socialist German goods. German Jews had decent prospects in the new National Socialist economic revival that was coming so long as they behaved, and they did not want International Jews inciting resentment and hate against them. The main instigator of the boycott in America was the Jew Samuel Untermeyer, and the holy economic Jewish war against Germany was announced in the London Daily Express newspaper on March 24, 1933. On that same day the National Socialist party had won the greater than two thirds majority (82.44%) vote of the German Parliament to pass the Law of Plenary Powers (Enabling Act) that gave the party full leadership of the country.

(It turns out the International Jews were deliberately pursuing a strategy of inciting ‘anti-Semitism’ against Germany’s Jews in order to defame Germany on the world stage, of which the boycott was only one tactic among others such as assassination of National Socialist officials, publishing of books calling for German racial extermination and cedeing of the country to neighboring states, and others, a topic for another essay.)

Could genuine moral concerns have been a reason many Jews around the world did not favor the creation of the Israeli state (see esp. Jewish Criticism of Zionism), and prior efforts to prepare for it? It certainly appears to be one reason. Some Jews felt that because Palestine already had large Arab, Muslim and Christian populations, the incursion of more Jews would cause conflict. While this could bring harm to Jewish newcomers, some Jews felt it would also harm the local established peoples, and this they criticized on moral grounds, notwithstanding the appeal of ‘the Promised Land’ for the ‘Chosen people’, and the slogan ‘A land without a people, for a people without land’ concocted by Ultra-Zionist Jew Israel Zangwill, who also created the ‘Melting Pot’ theory for the US. The other reasons appear to be mainly self-interest, mainly concern that diaspora Jews would be charged with disloyalty, and religious belief among True Torah Jews that only the Jewish Messiah could lead the ‘chosen people’ back to their ‘promised land’.

Jewish self-interest likely prevented their power elite from promoting the holocaust in America until 1967. This delay was motivated by caution on the part of  Jews not wanting to risk pressuring the American public and WASP power structure with a grand campaign of Jewish victimhood and Goyish guilt. The organized Jewish community felt more confident of its power in America after Israel’s victory in the Six Day War, and began the campaign to promote the holocaust earnest throughout the country at the same time America took over from Britain and France in supplying Israel’s security. While this example may not technically qualify as one of Not All Jews!—the strategy was simply delayed—it bears mentioning as a demonstration of hesitancy within the Jews’ own power cabal.

An excellent example of Not All Jews! involved the participation of about 150,000 at least half-Jews (mischling) in the National Socialist armies fighting Communism, including dozens of officers and some fully Jewish generals. Chancellor Hitler himself personally reviewed thousands of cases and signed exemptions to the Nuremberg Laws that allowed partial Jews  to remain in or join the Wehrmacht. Bryan Mark Riggs’ Hitler’s Jewish Soldiers calls the National Socialists ‘obsessed … with racial policy’, but it just as readily shows a willingness to be flexible, as mischlings themselves were. Riggs closes his introduction with the summation that his ‘study shows just how flawed, dishonest, corrupt, bankrupt and tragic were the racial theories and policies of Hitler and the Nazis’, but again it could just as easily show they were far more flexible in their racial views than even the current ongoing war propaganda imposes. Combined with Hitler’s concept of the ‘Noble Jew’, which he applied to his parents’ Jewish physician, it is likely at least some of these Jewish soldiers enthusiastically fought for Germany and the Third Reich.

A contemporary example is present-day Breaking the Silence, former Israeli Defense Force members who expose the atrocities they and other IDF soldiers committed against Palestinians.

I will leave out such groups as Jewish Voice for Peace, and Noam Chomsky and his followers, unsure at this time if they are little more than controlled opposition. It remains to be seen if the Jews joining the Alternative for Germany Party in its counter-Islamic efforts are sincere, or attempting controlled oppositon and/or internal subversion.

But yes, to be fair: Not All Jews!

The second part of this essay will focus on individual Jews who exemplify not just refusal to participate in Jewish evil and corruption, but actively defy it.
The best of these must be Benjamin Freedman. He converted from Judaism to Catholicism, prior to which he had a career of high-level power, acting as the liason between the Senate Finance Committee (Chair, Henry Morgenthau Sr. [Jewish]) and the Secretary of the Treasury during the Wilson Administration, attending both the Treaty of Versailles and Nuremberg Trials, and associating with other high-level people and events. Freedman spent the last part of his long life expending his substantial fortune from private enterprise in trying to expose the world-conquering Jewish Cabal whose schemes he had become aware of in his career in the halls of power. His iconic speech at the Willard Hotel in 1961, detailing the manipulations of this Judeo-Masonic Cabal, has become a classic reference for those today who understand this primarily Jewish Supremacist world control agenda.

Gilad Atzmon is another former Jew, a former Isaeli citizen who once served in the IDF, and later renounced his Jewishness. He claims he did not feel right benefitting from Jewish ‘chosenness’ and in-group privilege, and could not condone his participation in collective Jewish immorality, particularly with regard to Israel. Atzman openly denounces the hypocrisies, depravity and power lust corruption of the Jewish state of Israel and the international Jewish people generally because of their power on behalf of Israel. His analysis of Jewish group behavior comes from one who knows by experience, and like Freedman, his message is one of warning.

Paul Eisen is a ‘self-identifying Jew’ who appears to be vigorously exposing and denouncing Jewish power. He has been characterized as a ‘self-hating Jew’ for such writings as Speaking the Truth to Jews, Jewish Power and My Life as a Holocaust Denier, and other writing and speaking on The Jewish Question, including his association with Deir Yassin Remembered. For this, especially ‘holocaust denial’, Eisen has lost friendships, professional colleagues, board positions, and speaking events, suffered public defamation, and endured the hard feelings of his own family members.

Most likely the foremost Jew presenting legitimate ‘anti-Semitism’ today is Ron Unz. He says he ‘grew up in a Yiddish speaking household’, and has gone on to become a successful millionaire tech entrepreneur. He is the editor/publisher of the Unz Review, an online journal that has surpassed the iconic Nation magazine in popularity, due in no small part to the writing of Unz himself in his “American Pravda” series. These long essays explore the Jewish Question in depth, identifying some (Not All!) Jews involved in the events of 911, the JFK assassination, the Leo Frank case, and many others. These are surely inquiries Not All Jews!, but for some reason Unz has escaped the harsh consequences others suffer, and he continues to expose the Jewish Cabal. He says this is because they do not want to draw more attention to his writings by confronting him, but one wonders.

Brother Nathaniel is another former Jew who converted to Christian Orthodoxy on moral grounds. Like Freedman and Atzmon, he brings a warning from one who was once on the inside. The huge volumes of knowledge and opinion on his Real Jew News speaks for itself.

Here we must exclude such Jews as Harold Rosenthal, who while as assistant to Senator Jacob Javitz of NY exposed Jewish power, bragging about it to journalist Walter White without approval; he soon died under mysterious circumstances. Also, contemporary critic of certain Israeli Jews Max Blumenthal may be omitted as potentially controlled opposition, denouncing Israel and Zionism but not addressing the world-wide Jewish Cabal.

Even—perhaps especially—National Socialist Germany was Not All Jews! Adolf Hitler’s own personal chauffeur and body guard was Emile Maurice, a part Jew who fought for right on the side of National Socialism against Communism. Maurice was one of the earliest National Socialist members who fought at the forefront of tavern brawls and street fights against Communists, to ensure Hitler and other National Socialist leaders were able to address the gatherings they organized. Maurice went on to found and serve in the SS and held various positions as a National Socialist official. Maurice debunks the myth that Hitler hated all Jews and systematically sought their extermination. In fact, Hitler spoke on record of ‘the Noble Jew’ (his family’s physician Eduard_Bloch). Other National Socialist leaders including Heinrich Himmler appealed to Hitler to replace Maurice as chauffer and body guard with a full Aryan, but Hitler refused. He designated Maurice an ‘honorary Aryan’. Some accounts claim Maurice was only 1/8 Jewish from a paternal grandfather, and thus not considered Jewish under the Nuremberg Laws of the day, making this a mild example but for Maurice’s close personal connection to the Fuhrer.

While National Socialist Germans had legitimate reasons to hate Jews in general (Not All!), they allowed many at least half-Jews or Germans-married-to-Jews to become officers in the Wehrmacht. Major Robert Borchardt, who was half-Jewish, received the Knights Cross for his fighting against the Soviets. Near the end of his life in 1983 he is reported to have said ‘Many German Jews and half-Jews who fought in the First World War and even in the Second World War believed that they should honour their fatherland by serving in the military.’ Erhard Milch, also half-Jewish, achieved the rank of Field Marshall in the Luftewaffe. Other high-ranking National Socialist military men were half-Jewish; seventy-seven in all were identified by the German government. This is most often framed as Jews desperate to escape persecution by showing loyalty, but we must consider that at least some Jews thought of Germany as a beloved fatherland and loved their Fuhrer—and hated Communism—as much as most Germans.

Some of these Jews or former Jews cannot be said to be acting in self-interest, since they have been defamed, harrassed and attacked by other Jews and many Gentiles. Such ‘Noble Jews’ are reflexively denounced as ‘self-hating Jews’ by other Jews; they are ostracized from the otherwise tight Jewish community.
They find a new home among welcoming Gentiles who discover they love ‘self-hating Jews’ above all. The growing counter-semitic movement world-wide would do well to welcome increasing numbers of  Jews who expose and denounce the designs of the organized Jewish community. It would be ideal if more of the world’s Jews should come forward to denounce and counter its power. It would likely be a game-changer.

Because Not All Jews!

(Disclaimer: This essay should in no way be understood to promote ‘Noble Jews’ who expose and denounce the Jewish Supremacist Cabal as better in any way than Gentiles who do the same.)

U.K.’s Repulsive Reality: Reflections on Leftist Witch-Hunting and the Andrew Sabisky Affair

“Ah, the rare happiness of times when you can think and speak as you please!” So said the great Roman historian Tacitus and two thousand years later his words still ring true. Just ask the crime-thinker Andrew Sabisky, who has resigned as an adviser to the British government after what the Guardian described as “fierce criticism across [the] political spectrum.”

Facts vs fantasies

In fact, Sabisky was criticized only by leftists and their cuckservative allies, but the Guardian has always preferred fantasy to reality and will always misrepresent reality when it can. That’s why it was so horrified by Sabisky’s ideas: “In one post from 2014, he suggested that politicians should pay attention to ‘very real racial differences in intelligence’ when designing the immigration system, and another from that year suggested black people on average have lower IQs than white people.” Sabisky also supported eugenics and other attempts to improve the intelligence, health and behaviour of the human race. As Steve Sailer commented, the Black-White IQ gap is “likely the single most well-confirmed fact in the history of the social sciences.” What causes the gap and how to fix it (zero success after 50 years and huge amounts of money) are other matters, but if Britain had paid attention to the gap when “designing the immigration system,” we would have been spared a whole heap of misery.

The consequences of Third-World immigration: startling rape statistics in Denmark

That is, Britain wouldn’t have allowed mass immigration by Blacks and other groups with low average IQs. And so we would have avoided the vastly increased murder, rape, corruption and welfare dependency that inevitably result from such immigration. We would also have avoided the endless rancour and recrimination of anti-racism, which incessantly criticizes Whites for the failures of these low-IQ non-Whites and seeks to destroy traditional White freedoms like free speech, free enquiry and free association. The Andrew Sabisky affair proved once again that non-Whites from “across the political spectrum” will unite against White interests. The Black Labour politician David Lammy said that Sabisky’s views were “dangerous claptrap,” while the Black Conservative politician Kwasi Kwarteng said that they were “racist, offensive and objectionable,” and “totally unacceptable.”

Repulsive and obnoxious

Lammy and Kwarteng were not interested in whether Sabisky was speaking the truth, but in whether what he said was good for Blacks such as themselves. It wasn’t, so they wanted Sabisky thrown out of government. Elsewhere, the Guardian approvingly reported that “several Tory politicians from black and minority ethnic backgrounds … made representations to No 10 about how the row of Sabisky’s appointment was damaging for the party’s relations with the black community.” But Britain has a “black community” only because of mass immigration. And like the Republicans in America, the Tories never win a majority of non-White votes, no matter how much they pander and fawn.

Libertarians for state power! Open borders → crime and terrorism → police state

None of Sabisky’s critics made any attempt to rebut the truth of what he said. They simply held it up as self-evidently wicked and worthy of exemplary punishment. You expect that from open leftists like David Lammy, but the supposedly libertarian Brendan O’Neill revealed his true leftist psychology when he condemned Sabisky’s “outright repulsive views ([Sabisky] thinks blacks are genetically less intelligent than whites)” and said that it was right to throw Sabisky out for his “obnoxious views.” Myself I’ve never understood how statements about reality can be “repulsive” or “obnoxious.” All that should matter is whether they conform to reality – that is, whether they’re right or wrong (or somewhere in-between).

“Don’t debate — defenestrate!”

I think that Sabisky’s ideas are right and accurately reflect reality. If they’re “repulsive,” that’s because reality is repulsive. But the left doesn’t care about the accuracy of Sabisky’s ideas, because the left is interested in power, not in truth. The left’s settled policy in these matters is not to debate but to defenestrate. It has been destroying the careers and livelihoods of stale pale male crime-thinkers like James Watson, Jason Richwine and Noah Carl for decades. And the defenestration of Andrew Sabisky might seem like yet another victory for the left. But you can find good news in the story, all the same. First of all, it’s clear that Boris Johnson’s new Conservative government did not want Sabisky to go. He was appointed as an adviser by the very interesting Dominic Cummings, whom I discussed at the Occidental Observer last year:

[Dominic Cummings] is not a typical Western bureaucrat or official, trained in the slippery evasions of law or the nebulous abstractions of the humanities. Instead, he recognizes the vital importance of mathematics and science in the analysis of reality and the enhancement of what he calls “performance.” As his blog lays out in great detail, he wants to draw inspiration for better governance from hard sciences like physics and great technological feats like the Moon landings. And Cummings will now be “advising” Boris Johnson at No. 10 itself. His advice will not be conventional, because Cummings despises and disdains the Civil Service and official government bureaucracy.

He’s quite right to despise and disdain them. And he’s provided hard evidence of his own greater competence and abilities. Cummings was, in the view of many on the Left, the “evil genius” behind the successful campaign for Brexit. As he’s written at his blog: “But the fact that Cameron, Heywood (the most powerful civil servant) et al did not understand many basic features of how the world works is why I and a few others gambled on the referendum — we knew that the systemic dysfunction of our institutions and the influence of grotesque incompetents provided an opportunity for extreme leverage.”

One very “basic feature” of “how the world works” is of course human genetics and its influence on cognition, psychology and “performance.” Does Cummings understand that feature? Well, he seems very careful to avoid the topic of racial and sexual differences in his public statements, but he is a good friend of the similarly interesting Chinese physicist Steve Hsu, who is not only a race realist but an actual and unabashed eugenicist. Cummings may be a eugenicist too, but he is certainly not a White nationalist. And he must have been certified fully kosher to become Johnson’s advisor. Nevertheless, his appointment is a very interesting development.

At the very least, we can hope that he will be a fox among the chickens of the Civil Service and government bureaucracy. And once ideas like his are loose in the body politic, who knows what may follow? (A Government of Grovelling Goys, The Occidental Observer, 2nd August 2019)

We now know some of what followed. Cummings called for “misfits and weirdos” to join him at the heart of government and Andrew Sabisky answered the call. Cummings must have been aware of Sabisky’s “outright repulsive views,” because Sabisky has hardly kept them secret and was posting “obnoxious” comments at Cummings’ own blog as far back as 2014. My conclusion? Cummings didn’t merely tolerate Sabisky’s crime-think but actually shares it. That is, Cummings himself recognizes the importance of genetics, the promise of eugenics, and the insanity of importing and subsidizing low-IQ populations from the Third World.

Self-serving moralism and hot air

Like all sensible people, Cummings and Sabisky are not leftists or libertarians, but realitarians. They base their ideas on repulsive reality, not on self-serving fantasies. And Sabisky has proven his competence and intelligence in a truly scientific way: by accurately predicting the future based on his observation and analysis of the past and present. He was hired by Cummings because he had already been successful “as a forecaster on defence and other policy areas.” How many of Sabisky’s self-righteous critics have been successful as “forecasters” of reality? None at all, from what I can see. David Lammy fills the typical role assigned to non-Whites in modern Western politics and culture. Like Ilhan Omar and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez in the United States, he’s a self-promoting moralizer who endlessly criticizes Whites for the failures of non-Whites. And like the supposed libertarian Brendan O’Neill, Lammy emits hot air, not solid predictions by which the accuracy of his ideas can be tested against repulsive reality.

Where Marxist fantasies lead: the horrible reality of famine and mass-murder

But I’ll criticize Sabisky myself for one thing: his naïve behaviour. He made it far too easy for leftists and cuckservatives to track his “outright repulsive views.” It was not wise of him to post at HBD Chick’s blog and the Unz Review under his own name, for example. As the SJW anti-racist Joe Mulhall commented at the Guardian: “Looking at the evidence, it starts to appear that Sabisky may not just hold unacceptable and abhorrent views in isolation but that he may actually be a neo-reactionary or alt-right believer. The idea that someone from these movements managed to become an adviser to Downing Street, if only briefly, is genuinely shocking and further evidence of how once marginal alt-right ideas have crept towards the mainstream.” Mulhall may be shocked, but crime-thinkers should be pleased. And I don’t think Mulhall wants to admit that Cummings must share Sabisky’s views on race and genetics.

BoJo didn’t cuck!

Indeed, it’s likely that many or even most of those now working with Cummings share those views and have been reading crime-think from the Unz Review, Steve Sailer and HBD Chick (and perhaps even the Occidental Observer). Cummings’ fellow crime-thinkers undoubtedly include the part-Jewish prime minister Boris Johnson, who has often been excoriated by the left for his racism, sexism and homophobia. But Cummings’ crime-thinkers obviously don’t include the fully Jewish transport minister Grant Shapps, who said that Sabisky’s words “[are] not my views and those are not the views of the government.” Unexpectedly but refreshingly, a spokesman for Boris Johnson responded by saying that “Shapps was speaking only for himself when he made that statement.”

The spokesman also “refused to say whether the prime minister thinks black people have lower IQs on average, or agrees with eugenics.” In short, BoJo didn’t cuck! He wanted to support Cummings and keep Sabisky as an adviser. And although Sabisky himself has departed from government, his “outright repulsive views” have not. The “evil genius” Dominic Cummings has the same views and will continue to act on them. That’s good news for everyone who believes in repulsive reality and supports the interests of Whites.

Jewish Crypsis in American Buddhism

“From my conversations with many of these Buddhist leaders, they have spoken openly about how their commitments to social justice are shaped by their Jewish upbringings.”
Emily Sigalow, American JewBu: Jews, Buddhists, and Religious Change, 2019.

As mentioned in a 2017 review of The Jesuit Order as a Synagogue of Jews (2010) by Boston College’s Robert Aleksander Maryks, I am especially fascinated by aspects of Jewish group behavior that involve crypsis, a phenomenon that is often facilitated by a combination of deception and self-deception on the part of Jews. To date, the most forthright and convincing theoretical framework for understanding cryptic forms of Judaism is found in Kevin MacDonald’s groundbreaking Separation and Its Discontents: Toward and Evolutionary Theory of Anti-Semitism. A substantial portion of the fourth chapter of the text (1998/2004: 121–132) is devoted to ‘Reactive Racism in the Period of the Iberian Inquisitions.’ Here MacDonald puts forth the view that the blood purity struggles of the Spanish Inquisition during the 15th and 16th centuries should be seen as “an authoritarian, collectivist, and exclusionary movement that resulted from resource and reproductive competition with Jews, and particularly crypto-Jews posing as Christians.” The historical context lies predominantly in the forced conversion of Jews in Spain in 1391, after which these ‘New Christians’ or conversos assumed (or indeed retained) a dominance in the areas of law, finance, diplomacy, public administration, and a wide range of economic activities. MacDonald argues that despite superficial religious conversions, the New Christians “must be considered a historical Jewish group” that acted in such a way as to continue the advance of its ethnic interests. An integral aspect of this was that Wealthy New Christians purchased and endowed ecclesiastical benefices for their children, with the result that many prelates were of Jewish descent.” Much of MacDonald’s theoretical framework is borne out in Maryks’s text, which convincingly demonstrates that ethnically Jewish involvement in the early Society of Jesus followed the same pattern of ethnic nepotism and religious insincerity.

Jewish crypsis in Christianity never really ceased, and the story of Jewish involvement in Vatican II, and even the contemporary activities of even minor figures like Jewish Church of England minister Giles Fraser, has deservedly been the source of much discussion in our circles. For the last couple of years, however, I’ve been intrigued by the idea that multiculturalism would present Jews with a proliferation of identities through which the cryptic pursuit of Jewish interests could be pursued, and non-Christian religious identities, other than Judaism itself, are no exception. Then, beginning with my chance discovery of a series of “anti-racist” “Whiteness seminars” offered by a series of American Buddhist organizations, and especially my investigation of the background of Buddhists for Racial Justice (BRJ), I began to unravel precisely what I had previously only theorized — a massive Jewish presence in a non-Christian religion which had been adapted to serve Jewish interests via crypsis. My investigations would providentially coincide with the November 2019 publication, by Princeton University Press, of Emily Sigalow’s American JewBu: Jews, Buddhists, and Religious Change. The remarkable findings of Sigalow’s text, together with some of my own observations, are presented in the following essay.

The Jew in the Lotus 

If I told you I’d been reading the teachings of Ram Dass, Puma Chodron, Krishna Das, Bhikkhu Bodhi, Surya Das, Zen Master Bon Seong, Thubten Chodron, and Zen Master Wu Kwang, it would probably bring to mind images of bald Tibetans, bearded Hindus, and inscrutable East Asians. Your mind would drift to exotic destinations, and dimly lit temples, far from the hustle and bustle of the American city. Such is the magic of names, and changing one’s name really can be a form of intellectual and social sleight of hand. Just ask the real individuals behind these names — Richard Alpert, Deirdre Blomfield-Brown, Jeffrey Kagel, Jeffrey Block, Jeffrey Miller, Jeff Kitzes, Cheryl Greene, and Richard Shrobe — urban leftist Jews who reinvented themselves as the founders and leading sages of American Buddhism. These figures are just part of a story that began when, in Chicago in 1893, Charles T. Strauss, a Jewish hat maker, became the first non-Asian person in the United States to convert to Buddhism. Today, it is conservatively estimated that around 30 percent of non-Asian Buddhists in America are ethnically Jewish, and many of these are in leadership positions over the remaining 70%, composed mainly of Americans of European descent.[1]

Despite a small number of early converts like Strauss, the Jewish movement into Buddhism took on significance for the first time in the late 1950s, when it gained popularity in countercultural leftism. The influx began some time around the advent of the Beats, where one of the pioneering figures was the (non-Jewish) poet Gary Snyder. Snyder, whose later writings on nature I greatly admire, had worked a series of jobs in forestry and had a deep passion for ecology and the environment, factors that drew him to some of the Far East’s traditional attitudes toward nature, especially those of Zen Buddhism. It was Snyder who introduced Zen Buddhism to Jack Kerouac (who would later immortalize the encounter in his 1958 novel The Dharma Bums) and to Allen Ginsberg. Snyder’s Zen Buddhism was spartan, intellectual, and accompanied by a conviction that man needed to return to nature, facets that Kerouac and Ginsberg found intolerable. Both Kerouac and Ginsberg, however, spun off in different directions, finding forms of Buddhism they found more amenable to their personality types. For the degenerate homosexual Ginsberg, he found what he was looking for in Chögyam Trungpa, an alcoholic and sexually licentious Tibetan monk whose doctrine of “Crazy Wisdom” promoted “flamboyant disregard for conventional behavior.” This style of Buddhism, later laced with LSD culture, would later proliferate in the leftist counterculture.

By the 1960s, strands of Buddhism perceived as permissive, or at least morally non-judgmental, were becoming increasingly popular on the countercultural Left, where the disruption of conventional behavior was the established modus operandi. Jews, disproportionately represented in this area of socio-political life, began to drift to Buddhism in significant numbers. The reasons for this drift have been debated in scholarship and media for decades (e.g. see here, here, and here). The most prominent of suggested reasons is that these Jewish converts are dissatisfied or unfulfilled with the spiritual aspects of Judaism but are resolutely hostile towards, or suspicious of, Christianity, which is seen by many Jews as the fons et origo of anti-Semitism. Sigalow, for example, quotes one young female American “JewBu” as saying, “Christianity in particular just gives me the heebie-jeebies.”[2] Another, in his late 60s, told Sigalow:

It’s hard for me to sit in a Buddhist meditation group in a Unitarian Universalist church. … Even though I appreciate it, and its philosophy is that all religions are fundamentally at some level the same, the word ‘church’ has been contaminated for me [from my Jewish upbringing].[3]

There’s a grain of truth in such interpretations. As will be demonstrated below, many of these Jews clearly, on some level, find the religious forms of Judaism insufficient, even if they obviously prize their Jewishness in other ways. There’s also a lot of truth in the idea that Jews are likely to be extremely averse to conversion to Christianity, a stance derived primarily from very anti-Christian self-understandings in Judaism which posit Christianity as pathological and negatively obsessed with Jews. It really goes without saying that whereas all religions look negatively on apostasy, Jewish to Christian conversion ranks as especially noxious among Jews, with simple atheism likely to be held in much higher regard within the group. But these are really only “push” factors that don’t really explore the pull of Buddhism. Here I posit the lack of doctrine and dogma in certain strands of Buddhism, and a lack of pressure to express certain beliefs, a fact which has enabled Jews to superficially adopt an entirely new religious and cultural identity without compromising ethnic relationships or even some of the fundamental principles of Judaism. Allen Ginsberg, for example, was not the last individual to describe himself as “both a Jew and a Buddhist.”[4] Crucially, Buddhism in 1950s and 1960s America was something very new; it could be steered, shaped, and directed in its infancy. Jews thus had a chance to fashion a new religion in their image. Indeed, one of the most remarkable aspects of Sigalow’s work is not just that it demonstrates how little Jews adapted to Buddhism, but how much they adapted it to their own identity.

Jewish Buddhist Activism

Sigalow remarks that not only have Jews “emerged as prominent teachers and leaders,”[5] in Zen, Insight Meditation, and Tibetan Buddhism, but that they have uniquely imbued American Buddhism with an “activist ethic”[6] that it has lacked elsewhere and at any time previous. Writing in The Tablet, Michelle Goldberg concedes that American Buddhism is a essentially Jewish creation that is “unlike anything seen in traditional Buddhism.” It’s interesting that non-Jewish contemporary Buddhists have noted, and argued against, a strong tendency towards “social justice” in American Buddhism. Brad Warner, a White Buddhist who trained in a Zen monastery in Japan, has observed in a number of blogs and YouTube videos (e.g. see here, here, and here) that whereas traditional Buddhism has insisted that there is no hierarchy in suffering (all people suffer, all races suffer, and none more so than others), modern American Buddhism is obsessed with liberal-left politics, social justice activism, and a negative preoccupation with White demography. Warner has also pointed out that while Buddhism encourages a focus on the present, and a letting go of the past, modern American Buddhism is bogged down in discussions of putative historical racial injustices that include trips to Auschwitz posturing as Zen meditation retreats to reflect on how we “should seek and welcome diversity.” Predictably, Warner has since been accused of being a Trump supporter (which he most definitely is not) and a neo-Nazi (which he most definitely is not).

The reason for the discrepancy between Warner’s Buddhism and that of most American Buddhists is that Warner was trained by spartan Japanese Buddhists and not, as is the case for most American Buddhists, by Jewish intellectual activists. Sigalow writes that many of the ethnically Jewish leaders and teachers of American Buddhism possessed “deep relationships with Judaism” and “brought ideas and concepts drawn from Judaism into Buddhism.”[7] Jews have been able to direct American Buddhism because they accumulated rapidly in its ranks during its first popularization in the late 1950s and early 1960s, and Jewish ethnic cliques were subsequently behind the foundation of most of the organizational structure of American Buddhism thereafter. Founded in 1975, the Insight Meditation Society, supposedly rooted in the Theravada tradition of Buddhism, is one of the largest independent centers for the study of Buddhism in America. Its founders were Jack Kornfield, Sharon Salzberg, and Joseph Goldstein. Shambhala Publications, the foremost publishing house for American Buddhism, was founded by Samuel Bercholz.

“Buddhist” Gurus: Sharon Salzberg and Joseph Goldstein

Another highly influential group, the Zen Community of New York, now known as Zen Peacemakers, was established in 1980 by Bernard Glassman. Glassman’s group is the most prominent proponent of Auschwitz tours for American Buddhists, and his website description of these ventures is quite something:

We’ll once again feel the razor wire fences of imprisonment, gather in barracks that once squeezed humans tighter than cattle, and pray by those deep rectangles in the ground that killed people because they were different on account of religion, country, ethnicity, and sexual preference. Or just because. Because we continue to have scapegoats, someone to blame, rather than accept the complex responsibility of living fully as human beings. … In Poland it is illegal to talk of Polish complicity in the murder of Jews in Poland. Democracy and diversity have become dirty words. Sectarianism and bigotry have reared their ugly heads, stoking fear of immigrants, refugees, poor families, and ethnic and religious minorities. … Today we witness the intersectionality of discrimination — individuals and groups are marginalized for being of a certain color, and of certain sexual orientation, and of certain class, and of certain religion, in complex and overlapping ways … What does diversity mean to you? Are we all in this together, or are a privileged few inside and everyone else out? Who is included, and who is excluded? Now more than ever it is crucial to bear witness to the results of xenophobia and bigotry. The 2020 retreat at Auschwitz-Birkenau will not only bear witness to the killing and torture of Jews, Gypsies, Gays, and Polish intellectuals and journalists, to a time when a non-Aryan life was deemed a worthless life. … We seek and welcome this diversity especially now, … How do we build bridges and alliances instead of walls?

If this description strikes you as utterly devoid of Buddhist content—stripped bare of even the slightest relationship to the austere, reflective Zen of the Far East and something that could have been written by an ADL operative, you aren’t alone. But this is, after all, the new “American Buddhism,” and it has an overwhelmingly Hebrew flavor. After all, California’s Spirit Rock Meditation Center was also founded by Jack Kornfield, with the assistance of fellow “Buddhist” Sylvia Boorstein. Today its key teaching staff include leading American “Buddhists” like Howard Cohn, Will Kabat-Zinn, Wes Nisker, and Donald Rothberg. Most, if not all, of the country’s largest Zen Buddhist and meditation centers, including Empty Gate Zen Center (Jeff Kitzes), the Nashville Mindfulness Center (Skip Ewing), Chogye International Zen Center (Richard Shrobe), and San Francisco Zen Center (David Zimmerman), are directed by Jews, while Jews continue to dominate most mass-appeal aspects of modern American Buddhism, especially its literary scene. All of this is a mere reflection of the Jewish takeover of early American Buddhism in the 1960s, a massive presence that prompted Chogyam Trungpa, Ginsberg’s guru, to remark in astonishment at the number of Jews among his students that they would start the “oy vey school of Buddhism.”

Analyzing the “JewBu” phenomenon from the perspective of crypsis, it is extremely interesting that there is a high level of ethnic cohesion and cooperation among Jewish converts to Buddhism. The vast majority of these individuals worked alongside each other to create the infrastructure of American Buddhism, and also married Jews. Many continued to espouse Jewish, or quasi-Jewish religious identities. Glassman, for example, employed “rabbinical tales in his dharma teachings,” as well as leading his “Buddhist retreats” to Auschwitz.[8] Gary Laderman, meanwhile, has commented that Sylvia Boorstein “describes herself both as a faithful Jew and a practicing Buddhist. … Her books have focussed on synthesising Buddhism, Judaism, and psychotherapy.”[9] Sigalow remarks that Goldstein and Kornfield were “exceedingly creative and innovative in their teachings,”[10] which is elsewhere explained as meaning that they ultimately “reconfigured Buddhism”[11] to suit their own pre-existing cultural, religious, and political tastes. It’s been argued that Jews engaged in a “doctrinal reorganization”[12] of Buddhism which essentially involved removing elements that made Buddhism particularistic, monarchical, patriarchal, or spiritually troubling to Judaism. For example, Sigalow comments that Jewish teachers have basically “muted” any “dogmatic, doctrinal, and mythological elements of Buddhism,” and cycles of reincarnation are “virtually absent in the teachings of Jewish Buddhist teachers.” Rather than embracing Buddhism, these Jews have in fact “largely abandoned” key doctrines seen as “integral” to Tibetan Buddhism.[13]

Of equal interest to the aspects removed from Buddhism by Jewish converts are those elements that Jewish converts have added to it. Sigalow points out that Jews have imbued Buddhism with “psychological and psychotherapeutic qualities” that were previously unheard of, while Michelle Goldberg claims that Jews have been behind the “psychologization of Buddhism.” This has manifested in an unusual emphasis in JewBu teachings on “tolerance” or “loving-kindness.”[14] Sigalow adds that the most profound Jewish influence was that

beginning in the 1960s, a new movement within Buddhism emerged that focussed on applying Buddhist insights to social issues confronting contemporary society. … From my conversations with many of these Buddhist leaders, they have spoken openly about how their commitments to social justice are shaped by their Jewish upbringings.[15] 

These latter changes are particularly interesting because what we essentially witness is the redefinition of a religion that Jews co-opted, and the promotion by Jewish Buddhist conversos of a new quasi-Buddhism to White converts—Sigalow points out that Jews are almost entirely absent from Asian Buddhist communities—that involves intensive self-reflection, critical pseudo-analysis of Whiteness, very high levels of tolerance, pluralism, and pseudo-religious commands to fight for “racial justice.” Since Jews pioneered psychoanalysis and Whiteness Studies, and remain key proponents of racial pluralism, it’s difficult to avoid the possibility that Jewish involvement in Buddhism is at least in part a vehicle for the pursuit of the same Jewish interests but in more cryptic form. Buddhists for Racial Justice, for example, now known as North American Buddhist Alliance, is just one of the mechanisms for such activism in the United States, one of its key figures
being a bald female-to-male transexual called Joshua Goldberg.

The promotion of a kind of psycho-therapeutic form of Neo-Buddhism among Whites could also be seen as an extension of the efforts of psychoanalysis and the Frankfurt School to treat putative cultural pathologies among Whites by addressing largely imagined repressions and anxieties. It’s been claimed by The Tablet that Jews effectively created the modern “mindfulness” industry by stripping Buddhism of its mythological elements and radically increasing those elements of Buddhism that involve the cultivation of emotional passivity among adherents. In fact, American “JewBu” Buddhism is notable for its encouragement of tolerance and pluralism, as well as the neglect of one’s own individual interests. This runs counter to the facts of historical Asian Buddhism, which has seen authoritarian and war-like forms, and also to contemporary examples like the situation in Myanmar, where Buddhist monks have demonstrated their awareness of individual and group interests by leading violent attacks on Muslims and their property.

Literal Jewish Gurus

As “Buddhist” teachers and gurus, Jews can of course obtain very high levels of White convert obedience and commitment while obscuring the precise nature of their activities. Changes of name, common in conversions to Buddhism, further obscure links between the American “Buddhist” hierarchy, making Jewish ethnic nepotism, and Jewish dominance of the movement’s origins and leadership, less obvious. For example, a promotion by a Wu Kwang of a Surya Das will raise fewer eyebrows than a Joseph Goldstein promotion of a Joshua Goldberg. The end result is that Jews have been able to very rapidly obtain a large number of priest-like spiritual roles over Whites without any of the awkward hurdles in Christianity. Unlike the historical situation in the Catholic Church, Jews have been able to saturate leadership roles in Buddhism very quickly, without suspicions, without demanding studies and examinations of theology, and without making religious declarations that run counter to Judaism. Due to the decentralized nature of Buddhism and its reliance on a system of teaching “lineages” (spiritual authority is often passed down via “direct face-to-face Dharma transmission” between master and student) all Jews had to do was insert themselves into these lineages (under the right masters) at the right time (the “oy vey school” of the 1950s and 1960s) and they could direct the future of American Buddhism thereafter, both by establishing its infrastructure, by selecting its future co-ethnic gurus via “Dharma transmission” and by expelling dissenters from their anti-White activist agenda. Thus we see many stories like that of contemporary “Zen Master” Zoketsu Norman Fischer, who describes himself as a “Dharma heir” in the lineage of Sojun Mel Weitsman.

The White Buddhist convert scene has also been a rather putrid soil for cult-like behaviors and sexual misconduct and abuse. Even before Jews swamped early Western Buddhism, huge numbers of the early Asian gurus were involved in the sexual grooming of their White followers (e.g. see here, here, here, and here). Homosexuals have likewise used the White Buddhist convert scene for depraved purposes. Confirming a credo of mine that it’s never a good idea to permit non-Whites, gays, and Jews to possess any position of authority, one of the most recent scandals has involved “American Buddhist” Noah Levine. Levine is the son of Stephen Levine, a Jewish associate of Ram Dass (Jewish psychologist Richard Alpert), and part of the same coterie as Kornfield, Goldstein, and Salzberg. Noah Levine was taught “Buddhism” by Kornfield, and subsequently went on to found the Against the Stream Meditation Center in Venice, California, as a distinct “American Buddhist lineage.” Against the Stream, which describes itself as having been founded “on antisexist and antiracist principles” became known for its use of punk imagery, and it has played a significant role in the promotion of “woke” culture within American Buddhism via its
courses on Whiteness, White privilege, and racism.

Unfortunately for Levine, and despite his anti-sexism classes, allegations emerged in late 2019 that Levine had been sexually assaulting female followers, prompting the organization to expel him. Other Buddhist organizations have distanced themselves from him and revoked his teaching certifications. Enraged, Levine let the cat out of the bag when he complained that his father and colleagues “Kornfield, Ram Dass, Joseph Goldstein, Sharon Salzberg” were essentially frauds anyway and that “these guys had no authorization to teach, they just gave it to themselves.” Or to put it another way, they simply invented their own religion based on the promotion of passivity and the celebration of diversity, and called it Buddhism.

Conclusion

As someone profoundly influenced by the philosophy of Arthur Schopenhauer, I have a natural sympathy for authentic Buddhism and its ancient teachings on suffering. It has also been remarked by many scholars that Zen Buddhism has very close parallels in the philosophies of both Nietzsche and Heidegger, with the result that there is definitely something in Buddhism that is accessible, and even useful, to the European mind and soul. That being said, the increasing drift of White Americans into Buddhism (see here, here, and here) should be viewed with alarm given the above discussion. American Buddhism is, to a very significant extent, an artificial contrivance of Jewish intellectuals designed to pacify Whites, promote multiculturalism, and otherwise advance political goals oppositional to White interests—literally the same goals of the activist Jewish community in America generally.


[1] Sigalow, American JewBu: Jews, Buddhists, and Religious Change, 1.

[2] Ibid., 159.

[3] Ibid.

[4] Ibid., 59.

[5] Ibid., 57.

[6] Ibid., 58.

[7] Ibid.

[8] Ibid., 76.

[9] G. Laderman, Religion and American Cultures: Tradition, Diversity, and Popular Expression: 2nd Edition (Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO), 57.

[10] Sigalow, 76.

[11] Ibid., 78.

[12] Ibid., 69.

[13] Ibid.

[14] Ibid., 70-71.

[15] Ibid., 73 & 76.

Recent Advances in the Study of Human Differences: Implications of the Genomic Revolution

Editor’s note: This is the final installment of Devlin’s review of Murray’s Human Diversity.

Human Diversity concludes with a consideration of the genomic revolution currently unfolding.

Older Americans learned about genetics in Mendelian terms where each gene coded for some trait which was normally either dominant or recessive. The genome as a whole was thought of as analogous to a large jigsaw puzzle. Once the entire genome was mapped, we could figure out which traits was encoded by which gene and the result would be a full understanding of inheritance.

Even long before completion of the human genome project in 2003, researchers began suspecting that things were going to get a bit more complicated this, both because some traits are under the control of more than one gene (polygenesis) and because some genes are associated with more than one trait (pleiotropy).

As recently as 1999, one of the pioneers of genome-wide analysis made news for suggesting autism might be under the control of fifteen or more genetic loci. That was thought to be an exceptionally high number at the time; today it is considered “quaintly low.” (275) Since genome-wide analysis became possible, it has been discovered that, e.g., human height is caused by the combined effects of around 100,000 different loci. Indeed, statistical correlations with height can be measured for around 62 percent of all gene loci, although most of these probably have no causal effect. The word omnigenic has begun to appear in the literature. In short, Gregor Mendel got lucky with those pea plants of his back in the nineteenth century: he stumbled upon a monogenetic trait which simplified his interpretive task greatly.

As for pleiotropy, a 2018 study looked at correlations between genetic loci affecting general cognitive function and 52 health related traits. Statistically significant correlations were measured for no fewer than 36 of these, many of which had no obvious relations to cognitive functioning. Such results could soon become typical.

The notion of a straightforward correlation between traits and the genetic loci which “encode” them has, accordingly, been displaced by that of polygenetic scores. To measure a person’s polygenetic score for a given trait, one must first know which single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) are statistically correlated with that trait. Then one performs a genome-wide association study (GWAS) on the person. For each SNP, every human being inherits two alleles, one from each parent. Depending on which alleles the subject has, this yields a genotype score of 0, 1, or 2 for that SNP. These numbers are then added up for all statistically significant SNPs as weighted by their statistical significance. This gives researchers an estimate of how likely the individual is to exhibit the trait.

Polygenetic scores are useful to researchers because the causality runs in only one direction: personality, abilities and social behavior cannot cause polygenetic scores. Furthermore, they can predict from birth, even for late-onset phenotypes, and they have 100 percent test-retest reliability. They can also predict differences between family members, which twin studies cannot do. Polygenetic scores are normally distributed, meaning it will eventually be possible to measure means and standard deviations as we do with IQ and other normally distributed traits.

Medical research is the first domain where polygenetic scores have begun proving useful:

In 2010, two technical articles in the US National Library of Medicine contained the phrase “polygenetic score” or “polygenetic risk score” in the title or abstract. By 2015, that number was up to 47. In 2018, it was 171. (293)

But the effects of the new technique are unlikely to be limited to medicine. For example, behavioral geneticist Robert Plomin expects polygenetic scores to revolutionize psychology by allowing professionals to estimate the genetic risk patients have for disorders before they develop, for creating more precise treatments, and for shifting the focus from treatment to prevention.

Not everyone is equally impressed by the advance represented by polygenetic scores. The chief objection is that statistical correlation is not causation. A trait can be heritable in the statistical sense without having any genetic mechanism. For example:

Marital status is highly heritable—72 percent in one large-sample twin study. The heritability of divorce specifically has been estimated at around 50 percent. Because divorce is heritable, we can be sure that a GWAS will identify a large number of SNPs that are significantly associated with divorce. Suppose, for example, that some of the SNPs are related to the personality trait “irritability.” Isn’t that a plausible causal link to divorce? But we can’t be sure even of that. Pervasive pleiotropy means the SNPs related to irritability are also related to a number of other traits that are just as plausibly a cause of divorce—or, conversely, might be related to resistance to divorce. Omnigenetics and pleiotropy work to create a causal map so sprawling and indeterminate that it is reasonable to conclude GWAS has taught us nothing new about the causes of divorce and finding more SNPs won’t teach us anything important. (284)

In other words, as one critic of Plomin’s claims has written: “Marriage and divorce are heritable, but they do not have a specific genetic etiology.” (284)

More generally, the critics note that

all complex human traits result from a combination of causes. If these causes interact, it is impossible to assign quantitative values to the fraction of a trait due to each, just as we cannot say how much of the area of a rectangle is due, separately, to each of its two dimensions. (285)

These critics are not merely expressing caution

about how many complications remain unresolved. They aren’t just saying that it’s early days yet and that we shouldn’t get ahead of the data. They are saying that when it comes to complex traits, the GWA [genome wide association] enterprise is futile. (285)

Moreover, “complex traits” like divorce could be influenced by completely different genetically influenced traits in different people. Irritability likely makes one more likely to be divorced, but so does a propensity for philandering, and genes influenced one such trait may not be linked to the other. This reality has resulted in evolutionary psychologists emphasizing that the traits that should be studied are those for which there is evidence that they are directly under natural selection—traits like intelligence and the various personality systems (here, p. 264).

Insofar as science is about establishing causality, such skepticism about complex traits may well be correct. But, as Murray points out, a ‘soft’ science such as sociology “has never been about causal pathways and perhaps never will be. It’s about explaining enough variance to make useful probabilistic statements.” (286) For that purpose, polygenetic scores are going to be useful and thus, predicts Murray, will inevitably be used:

By the end of the 2020s, it will be widely accepted that quantitative studies of social behavior that don’t use polygenetic scores usually aren’t worth reading. (286) When large databases with genomic information are easily available, it will be akin to professional malpractice to conduct an analysis of social behavior that does not include genomic information. Few quantitative social scientists are going to write such analyses because they won’t get past peer review. The question “Why didn’t you take genetics into account?” will be universal and will have no good answer. (287)

Genome-wide complex trait analysis, or GCTA, is another new technique with uses and limitations similar to those of polygenetic scoring. These techniques are the principle reason for Murray’s confidence that the days of enforced Lysenkoist orthodoxy are now numbered. He expects that genomic analysis will revolutionize physical anthropology, economics, political science and social policy as well as psychology and sociology, in part by permitting far more rigorous studies of environmental effects.

However, such optimism may be misplaced given the pronounced leftist proclivities of much social science, particularly in highly politicized areas like sociology. Imagine the difficulty of publishing a study in a mainstream academic journal in which race is a variable and polygenetic scores are used for variables like criminality or intelligence.

*   *   *

In his final chapter, Murray reflects on the reasons behind the ferocity of our intellectual elite’s devotion to social constructivist dogma. This is not a matter which can be decided by means of data and controlled experiments, of course; and by the same token, the empirical arguments of the previous chapters hold good regardless of what one thinks of Murray’s remarks on this subject.

The premise concealed behind all the furious insistence on egalitarian dogma is a “conflation of intellectual ability and the professions it enables with human worth.” The elites are smart, and smart people are strongly attached to their own intelligence and the things it enables them to do. Many of them imagine, therefore, that telling another group of people that nature gave them a lower average IQ is tantamount to a council of despair, as though this would make their lives less worth living. But this is not the way ordinary working people see matters.

As Murray notes, these natural differences were formerly discussed within the moral vocabulary of Christianity. God calls different men to different stations for reasons of his own—reasons that are inscrutable to human understanding; and it is rebellion against the Divine Will not to accept such providential arrangements. But our human value and eternal destiny are something else entirely: the king has no advantage over the peasant on the Day of Judgment. It behooves even the king, therefore, to retain a sense of humility and dependence on God’s unearned grace.

Today’s elite, having lost its Christian moorings, has lost any way of dealing with natural inequality. They seem to believe that high-IQ professionals are really “better” than working people in some fundamental sense, rather than simply more advantageously placed. In order for this situation not to outrage their moral sense, they must think of high status as something equally available to all at birth. Such a conception implies that they owe their own exalted abilities and status to personal effort, while their attitude “toward ordinary Americans is too often covertly condescending if they are people of color and openly disparaging if they are white.” (316) Under their leadership, what Murray considers the four chief wellsprings of human flourishing—family, community, vocation, and faith—have largely dried up for the rest of society.

But the evidence presented in Human Diversity indicates that our cognitive and social elites are merely the winners of a genetic lottery. They stand in far greater need of humility concerning their own accomplishments than “disadvantaged minorities” do of social programs. As Murray notes, within living memory “it was considered un-American to be a snob, to look down on other Americans, and to think you were better than anyone else.” Perhaps the most important consequence of the impending collapse of social constructivism will be the removal of an essential prop from the unbearable self-conceit of the Western elite. Then we can turn our attention to repairing some of the damage done on their watch to family, community, vocation and faith.

The Elephant in the Living Room: The Communist Origins of Modern Antifa

The following text is the translation of two speeches given by General  Nick Z. Glasnovic in January 2020 in the Parliament of Croatia. Transl. by T. Sunic. General Glasnovic is an MP in the Croatian Parliament

Starting from the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia in 1917, all the way to the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1988, communist regimes all over the world killed tens of millions of people. Those mass killings were carried out in the name of equality, democracy and tolerance. Most of those killed were victims of “self-genocide” given that they were mostly victims of their own countrymen. Such criminal communist insanity had been planned to the last detail. Wherever the communist cabal had come into power, i.e., from Mongolia to the Adriatic coast, the most vital part of the population had to be beheaded first.

In an effort to destroy the Christian tradition, communists had to remove the Church and the clergy. During the early communist revolutionary post-World War II fervor, religious leaders were often burned alive, or buried alive, or crucified alive. The Bolsheviks, in 1918, buried alive the Russian Christian Orthodox  Bishop Andronicus. In 1937, the  Russian theologian, mathematician and inventor, Pavel Florensky, after being subjected to torture, was executed by the Communist authorities. He was one of nameless 750,000 victims of the NKVD (Soviet secret police). He was shot in the neck at the height of the communist repression, later to be known as Stalin’s “Great Purge.” In addition to killing millions of people of various religious denominations (mostly Christians), more than 110,000 clergy of the Russian Orthodox Church were executed. Even the Red Army needed to be partially beheaded. Stalin executed several Soviet marshals, generals and tens of thousands of lower rank officers during the 1936–1937 purges. In 1931, the Cathedral of Christ the Savior in Moscow, which could accommodate up to 10,000 believers, was blown up by Stalin’s thugs. Books by foreign authors were burned or banned. In 1940, after Stalin had dismembered the Baltic states, literature in vernacular languages in those countries ​​was also banned.

Brainwashing was an integral part of all communist regimes, with psychiatric experiments on prisoners becoming a daily routine. Politically incorrect thinkers were confined to psychiatric wards where they were drugged, tortured and questioned. The Soviet NKVD and, later on, their smaller post-World War II copycat East European outlets shortly after they were established began to experiment with nerve poison, a method used later to “neutralize” political opponents, both at home and abroad. Prisoners were killed by mustard gas, ricin and digitoxin. After years of imprisonment, the Archbishop of the Ukrainian Church Theodore George Romzha was killed by a curare injection.

Nor did communism spare scientists, especially those who had obtained some prominence in the fields of genetics and forensics. The biologist Nikolai Koltsov, a Russian pioneer of modern genetics, became a victim of communist poisoning in 1940. On the same day, his wife committed suicide. Many Soviet pseudo-scientists, including a famed hoaxer Trofim Lysenko, who had rejected Mendel’s laws of heredity, succeeded in setting back for decades all efforts in genetic research in Russia.  Some modalities of the Lysenko’s quackery can be observed today among many Antifa and LGTB outlets who claim that gender and race are a matter of free choice and are not influenced by heredity.

In the early days of the communist experiment, the method of weaponizing food against their own people was also widespread, as was observed on the massive scale during the great famine in Ukraine in the 1930s. The mandatory communist slogan in the early 1950s, enforced all over communized Eastern Europe, went something like this:  “We shall grow wheat from the heavens so that hungry America and England can see it.” In order to suppress the revolt in May 1950 in the Cazin region of what is today a small slice of northwestern  Bosnia, the Yugoslav communist strongman Josip B. Tito, sent units of the Yugoslav National Army to quell the rebellion of starved peasants.

The Memory Hole

Victims of the Communist mass terror don’t seem to be a favored theme of Hollywood movies, docudrama, and TV series. These horrors are presented as little more than a minor footnote in history textbooks.  What do graduate students in the West know about Vasily Blokhin, the NKVD executive responsible for the execution of more than 7,000 Polish officers in the spring of 1940? What do Western students  know about  the fate of Ljudevit Jurak (1881–1945) and Eduard Miloslavic (1884–1952), two Croatian forensic experts who studied the mass graves at Katyn and Vinnitsa, hired in 1943 by the German Wehrmacht to examine the bodies of Poles massacred in 1940 by the Soviet commissars?   What do Chinese students, or for that matter Western students, know today about the “Great leap forward” and the “Cultural Revolution” (1966–1976) of Chairman Mao Zedong which nearly destroyed 3,000 years of Chinese history? The dead hand of Marxism and Leninism still extends over the European continent, albeit under the new label of “antifascism.”  Former communist affiliates and their latter-day antifa progeny have now rebaptized themselves into Social Democrats and Liberals. Former Yugoslav Titoists and their descendants in Croatia haven’t disappeared; they operate now under different party names, using more digestible parliamentary paraphernalia such as the “HNS” (Croatian People’s Party) the “IDS” (Istria’s Democratic Assembly), and the “HSS” ( Croatian Peasant Party).  The much vaunted Council of Europe resolution 1481, adopted in 2006 and condemning communist crimes, remains a dead letter, good enough to assuage the guilty consciences of Brussels bureaucrats.

The communist regimes left not only human, economic and ecological devastation. Communist anthropology has distorted the mental makeup of generations to come. Communism had given birth to a species deprived of any moral values, of any sense of personal responsibility, and of any sense of striving for common good. The Russian writer Alexander Zinoviev called this species an “honest liar.” In November 2019, the Belgrade historian Srdjan Cvetkovic visited Zagreb. At a scientific meeting, sponsored by the Croatian Institute of History he confirmed the long-held public secret that 56,000 Serbs had been killed from 1944 to 1946 in Serbia by the victorious Yugoslav Communists. More than 20% of those killed were under the age of 18. The conference, as was to be expected, was ignored by the mainstream media in Croatia, thus reminding us that the authorities in Croatia and her EU watchdog, are the only ones who decide on the political narrative in the mainstream media. What do children learn now in Croatia about the history of the communist crimes against the Croatian people? Nor do they know anything about the largest ethnic cleansing campaign in European history and the destruction of the German minority in the former Yugoslavia during and after World War II. One must not forget that lies and deception were imprinted in the Bolshevik genetic code. Henceforth their offspring consider themselves as the only genuine interpreters of modern history.

The history of Eastern Europe has been mapped out by countless “Naked Islands,” big or small Gulag archipelagos, foibes, and unexplored mass graves. Almost daily the Croat media report on the newly found mass graves  dating back to 1945–46. To this day the ruling class in the West has shown a total lack of personal and legal conscience towards victims of communism. If we give up the search for the truth, we also sign our moral capitulation and we decide to participate in the erasure of our collective memory. It looks, however, that we will have to put up for a much longer time with the communist elephants in our living rooms.