Russia Has No Strategy For Winning This War

If you look at and analyze the Not-War on the strategic level, well, you can’t help but come to the conclusions and talking points presented by the pessimists. If you’re honest, that is.

But the narrative has now shifted and the discussion is being framed on the tactical level. That is, the events around Bakhmut are what the Russian news and the commentators are talking about now. But the action around Bakhmut is a tactical one. There are three levels to military operations, at least in the Russian school.

Tactical

Operational

Strategic

And if you were hoping for a quick conclusion to the Bakhmut offensive, well. I’ve got more bad, but totally predictable, news for you.

URA:

The founder of Wagner PMC Yevgeny Prigozhin denied the information about the encirclement of 1.5 thousand Ukrainian soldiers near Bakhmut (Artemovsk). His comment is published by Prigozhin’s press service in the official telegram channel. He noted that the Ukrainians are putting up strong resistance and Bakhmut (Artemovsk) will not be taken in the near future.

“In all directions, the enemy is becoming more active, pulling up more and more new reserves. Every day, from 300 to 500 new fighters approach Bakhmut in all directions. Artillery fire intensifies every day,” said Yevgeny Prigozhin. He drew attention to the inappropriateness of positive promises that will not come true in the near future.

At the moment, fierce battles are being fought near Bakhmut (Artemovsk). Serious losses of the Armed Forces of Ukraine near Bakhmut were reported by the American media, 360 TV channel reports . Yevgeny Prigozhin said that the capture of Bakhmut would be the key to Russia’s victory in the Ukrainian conflict, the National News Service reports . Acting head of the DPR Denis Pushilin said that the Russian military surrounded 1.5 thousand Ukrainian soldiers near Bakhmut .

Contrast this with the early days of the war where entire swaths of Ukraine were being colored in on maps and shared by Russia pundits and bloggers. Now, they’re coloring in fields and factories and little farms. And they’re trying to keep the same level of hype going as when they were talking about entire provinces being taken. Or, perhaps they will show videos of tank getting blown up. Or platoon of soldiers getting a grenade dropped on them from a drone. Very interesting footage, don’t get me wrong. We are seeing a different kind of war — a mix of WWI trench warfare and mini-Stalingrads.

But it is undeniable that a certain “zoom-in” has occurred. At best, we’re talking endlessly about towns that have been fought over for months now.

Having a discussion about the tactical level of things is a worthy pursuit in its own right. But not when it is presented in the context of a bait and switch. That is, we were promised large scale offensives. However fierce the fighting is in Bakhmut, it doesn’t take away from the fact that everywhere else on the frontlines, we are at a standstill. Furthermore, people are drawing conclusions about the state of the war on the strategic level based on tactical level data.

They’re also making mistakes about developments on the operational level.

I will give you a concrete example of what I mean. Bakhmut, even if taken, will not be exploited on an operational level. That is, there is no follow-up planned. I have been saying this for months now. There are no large concentrations of tanks and reserve troops to throw at the enemy once Bakhmut, a key point in the Ukrainian defensive line (or so we are told), finally falls to Ukraine. And now we have confirmation that Bakhmut isn’t falling any time soon by the man leading the fighting there. So, here we have confirmation that, Wagner, working largely alone, is unable to either tactically or operationally secure a win on this front.

If Bakhmut actually were an important point in the defensive line and had to be taken no matter the cost, then you would see more resources committed to the area. Again, there are no significant resources being committed by Russia to achieve either a tactical or operational victory in the area. But if we take into account that Bakhmut is a political objective being pursued by Wagner to improve their standing in the political pecking order at home, then the situation suddenly becomes clearer. This may also shed light on why Wagner’s troops have been loudly attacking First Deputy Minister of Defense Gerasimov for not supplying them with ammo that they need. Progozhin is feuding with the Minister of Defense Shoigu and may have even attempted a soft coup against him.

Bakhmut then, was supposed to be a feather in Wagner’s cap, not a turning point for the war.

This ties neatly into our discussion of the strategic dimension of the war effort. In the early days, we saw a clear strategy reflected by large troop movements, rapid breakthroughs and consolidation of territory and so on. Since then, we have seen very little of the same kind of warfare. There was a successful advance in Donetsk, but it ran out of steam and the gains were reversed by the counter-offensives of the Ukrainian army in the fall.

And after that, we well and truly saw nothing resembling a coherent strategy from Russia at all. Only feuding among its feudal commanders and an attempt to hold a defensive line. At the moment, there are no large concentrations of fresh Russian forces anywhere, except perhaps, in Belarus.

We have no idea what Russia’s plans are on the strategic level.

Some have floated the idea of attrition warfare — that is, that the Russians are focusing on simply killing as many enemy soldiers as possible and not on securing key objectives or territory. Putting aside, for a moment, that this is a horrible strategy, there is little to indicate that this is, indeed, the strategy being pursued by Russia. Again, Bakhmut, where Russia is engaging in a brutal grinding action fighting over buildings and factories block by block, is literally the opposite of the supposed attrition warfare strategy. Wagner was sending men to take fortified enemy positions head-on. In any war, occupying a fortified defensive position is a force multiplier or a buffer for the defenders. If the goal is attrition warfare, why go on the offensive against fortified positions?

It doesn’t make a lick of sense.

Furthermore, for this attrition warfare strategy to make sense, Russia would have to be killing far more men than they are losing. But, according to the data that we have now, Russia lost more men in the early days of the war because of the risky operations that they were conducting. Then, using their superior artillery, they began to kill more Ukrainians than they lost, true. However, going on the offensive against fortified positions should have evened out the balance in the other direction again.

I believe that the evidence points to Ukraine quickly approaching 100k military deaths by the anniversary of the start of the SMO and Russia lagging behind, but not by that much. And I will revisit the topic on the one-year anniversary of the start of the Not-War.

If the strategy is to engage in attrition warfare, then simply do the math yourselves. How many years of fighting will it take at this pace to destroy the Ukrainian army, which stands at 700k now, at least, and whose numbers continue to climb and which, in theory anyway, could easily draft another million men? And, of course, their ranks are being supplemented by Western mercenaries all the while. Poland openly admits to training tank crews and sending officers into Ukraine and so does NATO.
So, yes, there have been some tactical victories in Bakhmut. There have been no successful Russian operations since the smooth retreat from Kherson though (if you want to count that) and nobody can actually point to a cohesive strategy being pursued by either the people in charge of the battlefield or the home front.

All of this points to the fact that Russia’s elites have no stomach for this fight and a deal is being worked out through backroom channels.

If, on the strategic level, the goal is to engage in attrition warfare, then it simply isn’t working fast enough.

Many pessimistic pro-Russian analysts have already come to this conclusion and point out that a new strategy is necessary. That Russia needs to fight this war like wars are normally fought. Russia needs to focus on seizing territory and strategic objectives, on breaking through enemy lines and then enveloping their positions. More men and equipment are needed to achieve decisive victories that can then be followed up on and the war concluded more rapidly, not strung out, with the number of dead steadily rising and progressively more and more of the Ukraine left in smoldering ruins.

By narrowing in our focus on the tactical level fighting over a barn in Bakhmut or Ugledar, we lose sight of the strategic goals of the war.

The initial goal of the SMO was to quickly take back Ukraine without undue bloodshed. Now though, the nightmare scenario has been realized. The neocons got their protracted war and it is bleeding the Slavic peoples dry. The West has had to spend a lot of money to keep it going, true, but a lot of that money is being stolen to line the pockets of the same politicians who wanted the war in the first place. Yes, the average Briton or German has gotten poorer as a result of this holy Crusade for Liberal Democracy and the sanctity of Ukrainian borders, but the politicians have only benefitted. And in a Liberal Democracy, that is all that matters, really.

The criticisms of Russia’s overall strategy can be extended to the Russian home front, which has not been readied for war. If the goal is to kill 1 million Ukrainian soldiers over 10 years, there have to be enough shells, at least, being made in Russia. The only problem is that there aren’t. Supply problems have already started and no new factories are being opened in Russia to supply the front. Meanwhile, Russia has not made a play to establish a dollar-less world. Russia hasn’t even divested from globalist organizations like the WTO or the WEF. Furthermore, many of the same pro-Globalist forces in the Russian government, who we had good reason to believe would be fired, at least, remain at their posts.

So, yes, there have been some tactical victories in Bakhmut. There have been no successful Russian operations since the smooth retreat from Kherson though (if you want to count that), and nobody can actually point to a cohesive strategy being pursued by either the people in charge of the battlefield or the home front.

All of this points to the fact that Russia’s elites have no stomach for this fight and a deal is being worked out through backroom channels.

Report from Washington:  DC Gulag Vigil for January 6 Political Prisoners

While in Washington for the Rage Against the War Machine rally on Sunday, February 19, I took time out on Friday and Saturday to check out the nightly DC Gulag vigil outside the DC Central Detention Facility.  Across the street from the jail in a blocked-off area dubbed the “Freedom Corner,” some serious patriots are holding the space not just for January 6 political prisoners, but for American democracy as well.

The largest manhunt in U.S. history continues apace as Americans connected to January 6 are being silently hunted down and persecuted. The Feds are rounding up people at an average rate of about one a day now, according to Randy Ireland, founder of Americans for Justice and a prominent activist for J6 inmates. While Julian Assange and Guantanamo prisoners rightfully receive worldwide attention, very few people realize that right here in the U.S.A. there are now about 1,000 American citizens who have been caught up in this domestic, politically fueled dragnet . . . with more coming.

The DC Gulag vigil was started August 1, 2022, by Micki Witthoeft (Ashley Babbitt’s mother) and Randy Ireland. It followed a 34-day encampment in DC from July 6 to August 3 by the 1776 Restoration Movement to speak with Congress about the plight of the J6 political prisoners. Many J6ers are facing bogus charges such as parading or being in a restricted area, with most carrying unfair, excessive sentences. Not a single official came to talk with the activists or learn more.

For the past two years, unlike other jail inmates, the January 6 inmates have been allowed no family visits, religious services, or medical treatment. With the instrumental help of Texas Republican congressman Troy Nehls, finally on January 23, the J6 inmates were able to have one-hour weekly visits and religious services.

At the vigil I spoke with an elderly woman who had driven over 1,100 miles from Kansas to visit her son, Billy Chrestman, whom she hasn’t seen in two years. She got to see him on Friday for one hour. That’s it. She doesn’t know when she’ll get to see him again.

I was surprised to meet Nicole Reffitt whose husband, Guy Reffitt, was famously the first January 6 protester to be convicted. Their son, Jackson, had been wired by the FBI to rat on his father. Besides the FBI, Nicole explained that her son had also been highly manipulated by his school as well as social pressure from his friends to testify against his father.

Jackson earned thousands of dollars from a GoFundMe he set up after turning his father in. Nicole is from Texas, but is at the vigil every night because she understands this issue is bigger than her husband’s imprisonment. I got goosebumps hearing her family’s ongoing Shakespearean saga. It was truly chilling.

Nicole Reffitt, whose husband Guy is now serving over 7 years in prison.

I met Tommy Tatum who was at the January 6 event and was a key eyewitness to the murder of Rosanne Boyland. The government claimed she died of a drug overdose. The reality is that she was killed by a Black Metro policewoman who beat Rosanne over the head with a baton. Tommy said he was holding Rosanne’s hand while they were stuck in a crush of bodies near the West Capitol steps.

Tommy claims the reason he is free and that the Feds won’t touch him is because he was a direct eyewitness to the murder of Rosanne Boyland. Under no circumstances do they want to let the true Boyland story go viral because her murder contradicts the official narrative. So they’ve invisibilized Tommy and his testimony. In the eyes of the law, he does not exist.

There are quite a few military veterans in the J6 community who either have no J6 relatives or friends in jail and/or were not at the January 6 event themselves. One ex-combat veteran who fits that description is Sherri Hafner from Ohio who, like others, has temporarily relocated to Washington to support the vigil. She told me she took an oath when she was 17 to defend her country from enemies foreign and domestic, and now sees a pressing domestic need to stand up for freedom.

There were several Chinese present who I learned likewise have no relatives or friends who are J6-incarcerated nor attended the January 6 event, but diligently attend the vigils along with other Chinese. I spoke with Lily, a native of China, who shared with me her disdain for life under communist rule in China, and how she and others in her church community recognize a very similar heavy hand with the January 6 persecutions.

By strange coincidence, my uber driver to the jail was a Nigerian. He told me he has friends who work inside the DC Jail. I knew exactly what that was about because I’ve read that some of most cruel Correctional Officers against the J6 inmates are Africans. It is particularly demeaning for these highly patriotic inmates to be lorded over by foreigners.

Earlier on Friday I had gone to the Victims of Communism museum.  It was like a sad, scary, heartfelt bookend to be at a vigil later that evening for dozens of American political prisoners.  The dedicated patriots manning the vigil believe our country depends on them keeping watch. They explained that all manner of dangerous legal precedents are being pushed through as part of the J6 trials, saying these precedents are going to affect our country for years to come. And hardly anyone is paying attention.

For example, the city of Washington, DC has been named as a victim in some of the lawsuits. When has an entire city ever been deemed a victim?  How could a jury of DC residents possibly be unbiased?  One would think a change of venue would be allowed, especially since most of the J6 protesters are from all over the country. Yet, change of venue motions are consistently denied for J6ers by DC judges.

As part of the J6 vigil program, cell phone calls with inmates are broadcast on a local PA system for everyone to listen in on the call and shout back words of encouragement.  There is also a regular roll call of the 115 or so inmates in the surrounding DC jails and federal prisons across America. After each name is read, vigil attendees shout “Hero!”

Every night at the 9:00pm closing, the supporters sing the Star-Spangled Banner in unison with the J6ers in the DC Jail who began the tradition among themselves in May 2021 as a way to maintain solidarity.  While everyone both inside and outside are singing, those inmates whose thin rectangular windows face the street where the vigil is located repeatedly flash their lights on and off in a sort of Morse code of unity.

During the singing, I started crying knowing how today’s “Bolsheviks” are doing all they can to destroy us, how we are in extremely dangerous times as, besides the experimental vaccines, we are now being poisoned by yet another bioweapon such as the toxic derailment in East Palestine, and how this scraggly band of patriots is at the raw edge of loyalty to our country.

This is what I wrote in the #freedomcorner “guest book”:

I’ve never felt more American than being here at #freedomcorner. USA! USA! USA!

Singing the Star-Spangled Banner while facing the DC Jail which holds many of the January 6 inmates

Posters of two of the murdered victims on January 6 — Rosanne Boyland and Ashli Babbitt

My friend, Cara Castronuova, has been reporting on J6 from the beginning. She helped me connect with the vigil and sent me this text once I was there: It is very possible to find incredible beauty & joy in even the most evil places & terrible circumstances. In the end God wins!

Here’s some superb recent coverage:

For more information about the January 6 political prisoners, see:

Cat McGuire is a freedom activist in New York City with a focus on opposing vaccine mandates, ID passports, and the New World Order Great Reset.

The Jewish Blood-Obsession

Will all great Neptune’s ocean wash this blood
Clean from my hand?
—Shakespeare, Macbeth (Act II, sc. 2)

Blood is such a strange substance in human experience.  We all have blood, of course, but it is hidden away, as it were, out of sight and out of mind.  On the one hand, it is the very fluid of the living body, as necessary as air.  Blood is life, energy, vibrancy, youth; we speak of “red-blooded,” “hot-blooded,” “flesh and blood,” “young blood.” By contrast, though, it also represents injury and death; the mere sight of blood makes some people faint dead away.  The only time most of us actually see blood is when it is leaking out of a living (or perhaps recently dead) body, and thus—not good!  Visible blood is a sign of danger, of pain, and perhaps of death.  Unsurprising, then, that most people shun the very sight of it.

And yet, some people do not shun the sight of blood.  Some, it seems, relish it.  Some find glory in it, expiation, and even salvation.  Indeed, some see it as their very linkage to God himself.  In fact, the Jews are precisely such a people.  From ancient times, the Hebrew tribe viewed blood as central to both their daily lives and their broader worldview.  Blood was ever-present in ordinary (Jewish) human affairs, and it was a key element in Jewish religious ritual.  So pervasive and so important was the use of blood that Judaism constituted a virtual blood-cult.  Stephen Geller refers to the Hebrews’ “sanguinary sacrificial cult” that is well-documented in the Old Testament.[1]  Judaism was (and remains) a “mystery religion in which blood serves as a powerful physical substance,” according to David Biale.[2]  Blood is that by which Jews commune with God; in a way, blood is the material manifestation of God himself.

Perhaps most important, in the Jewish worldview, is the idea that blood is the means by which human sin is atoned and washed away.  Evil is banished and the human soul is cleansed and restored through sacrificial blood.  In a sense, the world itself, and even the very cosmos, is purified by the spilling of such blood.  Lest we doubt this, we need only turn to the relevant Biblical passages—both Old Testament and New.  As we read in (appropriately) the Book of Hebrews, “under [Jewish] Law, almost everything is purified with blood, and without the shedding of blood, there is no forgiveness of sins” (9:22).  This is a key point, and it has profound implications.

Nor should we believe that such ‘blood cults’ were commonplace at that time.  All ancient human cultures, of course, dealt with blood in some form or another, but for nearly all of them, blood was merely of peripheral interest.  Not so with the Jews; they seem to have had a unique fascination, even an obsession, with the concept and the use of blood.  Concisely summarizing the situation, Biale (p. 10) writes, “the ancient Israelites were the only Near Easterners to make blood a central element in their religious rituals.”  And: “the central role of blood in the priestly religion of ancient Israel remains highly persuasive.”  Blood was uniquely essential to the Jewish religion and the Jewish worldview.

In the present essay, I will document some of the main elements of the Jewish blood-cult and then, at the end, draw some plausible inferences from this situation.  Needless to say, the consequences are troubling.

Blood in Ancient Cultures

Let me start by outlining a few basic facts about the nature of blood in ancient societies.  Having little detailed knowledge of human physiology, ancient peoples were naturally in awe of the “power” of blood.  It was clearly necessary for life, and if, through some injury, sufficient blood escaped the body, death quickly followed.  This was as true for animals as it was for humans; all living creatures clearly shared in this life-giving, life-sustaining fluid.

In daily human life, blood is generally hidden away and out of sight, as mentioned.  But there are a number of occasions in which it becomes visible.  One such instance, of course, is during a woman’s monthly menstrual cycle—which, notably, is the sign that a woman is fertile and physically able to bear children.  Menstrual blood is a good thing; it signifies (potential) future life.  Ancient peoples were generally unclear about the purpose of menstruation, but they knew that intercourse during such bleeding was generally unproductive, and that if the purpose of sex was procreation, that menstrual blood was a sign to abstain.[3]

On the topic of sexual intercourse, blood can also appear during a woman’s initial act of copulation, upon the tearing of the hymen tissue.  In the case of a married couple, such blood is a sign of successful consummation, and a good omen for the future family.

Animal blood was also a common sight in ancient times, at least for the farmer or butcher who regularly killed animals for meat.  And surely most women, who did the majority of cooking, had to regularly work with bloody cuts of meat in the kitchen.  As we will see, animal blood also came to hold a central role in Jewish religious life.

Jews had, additionally, other occasions to deal with blood.  One was during circumcision, when the male infant’s foreskin is surgically removed.  On the face of it, circumcision is an unquestionably bizarre bit of male genital mutilation.  It is the cutting-off of an evolved and biologically appropriate skin covering, for nothing but symbolic or ritualistic (cultic) reasons.  According to Herodotus (circa 425 BC), the procedure originated in Egypt and then spread to other cultures: “Other people, unless they have been influenced by the Egyptians, leave their genitals in their natural state, but the Egyptians practice circumcision.”  Somewhat later, he adds that “the Phoenicians and Palestinian Syrians”—which almost certainly include the Jews—“are the first to admit that they learned the practice from Egypt.”[4]  Today, around 90% of male Jews and an even higher proportion of Muslim men are circumcised.  The rate for American men is about 70%, whereas in most nations of Western Europe, the figure is more like 5%.

Apart from several minor references, circumcision is mentioned in two significant contexts in the Old Testament: First, in Genesis (17:11), where it is “a sign of the covenant” between God and Abraham; and second, in Exodus (4:24), where Moses’s wife circumcises their son, takes the bloody foreskin, and touches Moses’ penis with it—euphemistically called his “feet” in most translations.  She thereupon calls him her “bridegroom of blood”!  Quite an achievement: sexual titillation and bloody perversity, all in one short incident.

In any case, the ancient Jews viewed circumcision as a physical mark of Jewishness, and the blood that was spilled during that process was part of the holy covenant with God.  Over time, an entire ritual evolved around circumcision.  The Jewish mohel (circumciser), after the surgery, would wipe his hands of the infant’s blood and then hang the bloody cloth on the door of the synagogue, as a sign of “success.”  The mohel then placed a few drops of wine in the infant’s mouth, signifying the blood that was drawn.  This is remarkable; the infant is compelled—forced—to “drink blood” in the form of drops of wine.

And worse still:  In the Orthodox tradition known as metzitzah, still active today, the mohel himself sucks the blood from the infant’s penis, with his own mouth!  And indeed, the Talmud mandates such a process.[5]  The rabbis supposedly believed that sucking the blood would prevent infection.  This is bogus, on at least two counts: in reality, it increases the chance for infection, most notably from oral herpes, which can be fatal to an infant; and second, it’s hard to believe that the good rabbi doesn’t get some perverse sexual pleasure out of sucking the infant’s penis.  Also, it is an open question whether the mohel actually swallows the blood that he sucks; apparently it is left to his own discretion.  All in all, a truly demented procedure.

The Blood Covenant

Apart from these human biological considerations, there are two other circumstances in which blood plays a part in Judaism: in sacrifices and as a prohibited food.  Both are related, but let me begin with the blood sacrifice.  It was common Judaic practice to sacrifice one or more animals to God as a sign of piety, whether on a makeshift table, a simple altar, or in the main temple itself in Jerusalem.  Such sacrifices appear virtually from the start of the Bible; in Genesis (4:3–4) we read that Cain brought offerings of fruit to God and Abel “brought the firstlings of his flock.”

Perhaps the first blood sacrifice of major importance occurs in the original “Passover” event.  In Exodus 12 we read that God tells Moses to have his Jewish people sacrifice a lamb, one per family; then they must “take some of the blood and put it on the two doorposts and the lintel of the house.”  Consequently, when God (or his divine agent) descends on Egypt to kill all the firstborn—even the firstborn of the animals! (12:12)—he will “pass over” the Jewish houses with blood on them: “When I see the blood, I will pass over you.”  Here, the blood of the innocent lamb saves the Jews from God’s wrath.

Later on, we have a second consequential sacrifice.  After Moses and the Jews escape from the Pharaoh and are living near Mt. Sinai—presumed to be somewhere on the present-day Sinai Peninsula—God tells Moses to build an altar and then sacrifice some oxen (plural, number unknown).  As we read (Ex 24:6), Moses collects up the ox blood and divides it into two: half is thrown against the altar (which represents God), and half is scattered on the Jews:  “Moses took the blood and threw it upon the people, and said, ‘Behold the blood of the covenant which the Lord has made with you.’”  This “blood covenant” is a hugely important milestone; it bonds the Jews to God, creating a sort of “blood brotherhood.”  It attempts to make the anointed capable of contacting the divine, and it protects them from his awesome (and evidently indiscriminate) power.[6]  But here is the key point:  Only via being drenched in blood are the Jews saved.

A similar bizarre process is repeated a bit later when Moses’ older brother, Aaron, and his sons, are anointed with blood in their role as Jewish high priests.  In Exodus 29:15, Aaron and sons are instructed to kill one ram and scatter its blood on the altar, and then to slaughter a second ram.  Moses is then directed to “take part of its blood and put it upon the tip of the right ear of Aaron [and his sons].”  Similarly dabbed are their right thumbs and right big toes.  Blood and oil are then sprinkled upon Aaron and sons’ clothing.  Once again, being marked by blood and doused in blood are the means by which the Jewish high priest is anointed.

The Levitical Bloodbath

This brings us to the next “Book of Moses,” Leviticus.  This, the shortest of the five books of the Torah, is a literal bloodbath.  Blood appears constantly throughout the text; in all, there are some 90 explicit references to blood in this single, short book.  Here, the Jewish blood-cult is in its full glory.  Already in the first chapter, Moses is told to sacrifice a bull, “and Aaron’s sons the priests shall present the blood, and throw the blood round about against the altar” (1:5)—in other words, blood splattered everywhere.  And they’re only getting warmed up.

Chapters 4 and 5 expend much effort discussing the chatat, or “sin offering.”  The term appears over a dozen times, each connected to blood sacrifice.  The lesson here, once again, is that, for the Jews, their sin can only be expiated via blood.  Chapter 16 is likewise filled with references to “sin offering” and the subsequent “sprinkling of blood.” Of special interest in Chapter 17 is the proscription on the eating of blood, repeated briefly in Chapter 19; I will address that issue momentarily.  Apart from this, I haven’t the space here to examine the details of the dozens of blood-citations in Leviticus; the reader is invited to peruse that book for himself, in order to get a flavor of the Jewish obsession.

The final two books of the Torah are Numbers and Deuteronomy.  Neither talks much about blood sacrifice—at least, of the animal variety.  Here, in these two books, we turn to human slaughter.  Numbers (31) is famous for the so-called Midianite Massacre:  At God’s command, Moses’ army kills the five Midian kings and all the adult men.  They then capture all the women and children, and march them back to the Israelite camp.  Moses decides it was bad policy to hold all these captives, so he orders his men to kill all the women, all the boys, and all the non-virgin girls—the virgins, they keep for themselves.  And no small number, either; at 31:32, we read that the intrepid Israelites have claimed 32,000 (!) virgins.  Hence the slaughtered must have exceeded 100,000 by a fair number.  Nothing like another good bloodletting.

But perhaps there is a valuable lesson here for the Jews after all:  Slay and kill the innocent goyim—who are little more than animals—and splatter their blood upon the sands.  God will be most pleased.  Then claim their young girls as your sexual prize.  I think we can see many echoes here in the modern day.

Deuteronomy is similarly filled with assorted massacres and slaughters.  The word ‘destroyed’ appears more than two dozen times, along with a variety of colorful synonyms.  Surely the Judean desert sands ran red with blood.  Of particular note is the slaughter of the Canaanites in Book 7: “you must utterly destroy them; you shall make no covenant with them, and show no mercy to them.”  This, from an “all-good” God.

Wait a minute, some may say.  What about that “Thou shalt not kill” thing?  Yes indeed—what about that?  It is the famous item #6 in the Big Ten of commandments, which appears in Exodus 20.  Notoriously, there is no elaboration; just the bare four words, “Thou shall not kill.”

Many people, including very many smart people, have spent a long time puzzling over the apparent contradiction of a Bible in which “Thou shall not kill” is followed shortly by stories of mass slaughter of animals and humans.  But in fact, there is no contradiction here at all.  On this count, the Bible is perfectly consistent.  One need only realize that the Old Testament was written by Jews, about Jews, and for Jews.  It is the “Jewish Bible,” after all.  Everything in it pertains to interactions with other Jews, unless specifically stated otherwise.  The prohibition on killing applies (selectively) only to other Jews: to “your brother,” “your neighbor,” the Jew.  The commandment does not apply (obviously) to animals, and it does not apply to the non-Jews: the gentiles, the ‘goyim,’ the stranger, the “nations,” as the case may be.  In this sense, gentiles are no better than animals; and in fact, there are many Talmudic passages that implicitly and explicitly equate non-Jews with animals.  For such beings, no commandments apply.  They can be used, abused, bought, sold, exploited, beaten, or killed—all in the service of Jewish needs and Jewish interests.

Christian Blood-Salvation

A common retort to all this by Jews and their sympathizers is that, after all, Christians are “saved” and cleansed by blood too—the blood of Jesus.  We all do it!  So, it must be ok—or so they imply.  And in fact, it is true that Christians claim salvation via Christ’s blood.  But this situation only further implicates the Jews, not to mention condemning Christian foolishness.

The issue, of course, is that the early “Christian” movement was entirely conceived and conducted by ethnic Jews.[7]  Presuming he existed, Jesus himself was an ethnic Jew, as were his 12 disciples.  His most famous advocate, Paul of Tarsus, was an ethnic Jew, as were the later anonymous writers of the Gospels.  As Nietzsche rightly observed, in the New Testament, “we are among Jews.”[8]

There are some 10 passages in the New Testament where it is explicitly stated that Christians are saved by Jesus’s blood.  Three such citations can be found in the letters of Paul: In Romans, he writes of salvation “through the redemption which is in Christ Jesus, whom God put forward as an expiation by his blood, to be received by faith” (3:25).  And again: “Since, therefore, we are now justified by [Jesus’s] blood, much more shall we be saved by him from the wrath of God” (5:9); this, incidentally, is an exact transposition of the Jews’ Passover myth into Christian terms.  Then in Colossians, Paul explains how we all can live in “peace by the blood of his [Jesus’s] cross” (1:20).

Elsewhere in the New Testament, the anonymous writer of Ephesians promises that “you who were once far off have been brought near in the blood of Christ” (2:13).  And the equally anonymous Hebrews (9:6–18) offers an extended discussion on the matter, indicating a clear knowledge of Jewish practices:

These preparations having thus been made, the [Jewish] priests go continually into the outer tent, performing their ritual duties; but into the second only the high priest goes, and he but once a year, and not without taking blood which he offers for himself and for the errors of the people. …

But when Christ appeared as a high priest…he entered once for all into the Holy Place, taking not the blood of goats and calves but his own blood, thus securing an eternal redemption. For if the sprinkling of defiled persons with the blood of goats and bulls and with the ashes of a heifer sanctifies for the purification of the flesh, how much more shall the blood of Christ…purify your conscience.

Our author then summarizes the events of Leviticus, for the benefit of the non-Jewish reader:

Hence even the first covenant was not ratified without blood. For when every commandment of the Law had been declared by Moses to all the people, he took the blood of calves and goats, with water and scarlet wool and hyssop, and sprinkled both the book itself and all the people, saying, “This is the blood of the covenant which God commanded you.” And in the same way he sprinkled with the blood both the tent and all the vessels used in worship.

“Indeed,” he adds, “under the [Jewish] Law, almost everything is purified with blood, and without the shedding of blood there is no forgiveness of sins.”  As I mentioned above, this hits the nail on the head:  no blood, no salvation.  Christians have the nominal advantage of not having to spill more blood, because Jesus (allegedly) covered everyone for all time; but the Jews must repeat their ritual sacrifice on a regular basis.  No blood, no salvation.

So, we can see what is happening here:  A group of Jews, led by Paul, transposed the Jewish custom of ‘salvation through blood’ into a Christian context, using the very real blood of the (likely) real crucifixion of a mortal Jewish rabbi, Jesus, in place of the blood of animals.  Paul used the bizarre and sadistic Jewish practice of blood-salvation to draw in the naïve and superstitious Gentiles, and to cruelly promise them release from all sins and an eternal life that could never be confirmed.  In a sense, he imposed the Jewish blood-obsession on the rest of non-Jewish humanity—or at least, on those who could be duped into believing him.

Blood Libel?

This brings us to perhaps the most contentious blood-issue with the Jews: the notion of the Jewish ritual slaughter of people, also called “blood libel.”  That the Jews would ritually slaughter animals was commonplace knowledge, but the idea that they might also slaughter humans was a uniquely troubling assertion, one that dates back over two millennia.  The earliest such reference comes from 300 BC when the philosopher Theophrastus wrote that the Jews “now sacrifice live victims…both of other living beings [i.e. animals and non-Jews] and of themselves.”[9]  Later, in 168 BC, the Seleucid king Epiphanes sacked the Jewish temple in Jerusalem, only to find a captive Greek man being held for sacrifice.  Around the year 100 AD, Damocritus wrote that the Jews “caught a foreigner and sacrificed him” once every seven years.  And Cassius Dio’s Roman History (115 AD) explains that the Jews “would eat the flesh of their victims, make belts for themselves of their entrails, [and] anoint themselves with their blood”—which by now should sound familiar.  The Jews would also “wear [human] skins for clothing, and many they sawed in two, from the head downwards” —to be expected, I suppose, from a blood cult.

By the 300s AD, leading Christians were openly condemning the Jewish fixation on blood and sacrifice.  John Chrysostom, in 387, wrote, “Do you not shudder to come into the same place with men possessed [i.e., Jews], who have so many unclean spirits, who have been reared amid slaughter and bloodshed?”[10]  As the Middle Ages descended over Europe, Jews increasingly moved into Christian territory, developing a reputation for exploiting and abusing their hosts.  As also occurred in the Roman Empire, many Jews were also involved with White slave-trading, something that particularly incensed many Christians.

But it was the blood libel—that is, the murder of Christians, especially youth—that produced an uproar.  The first such case occurred in 1144 in Norwich, England, where a young boy, William, was allegedly murdered by some local Jews.  A Benedictine monk, Thomas of Monmouth, later argued that the Jews collectively chose to ritually slaughter one child per year, as a sort of offering to God, in exchange for his returning them to their Holy Land.  Notably, in William’s case, there was no accusation of any use of the boy’s blood.

That changed in 1235, when three dozen Jews were accused of the ritual murder of five boys in Fulda, Germany.  Locals claimed that the Jews extracted and consumed their blood.  In the end, 34 Jews were executed for the crime, and true “blood libel” was on its way to public notoriety.  This was followed by a similar incident regarding a young girl in Pforzheim, Germany in 1267, and with young Rudolph of Bern (Switzerland) in 1294, who was beheaded and drained of blood.  Such crimes recurred periodically over the years, roughly once per decade, on average, culminating in the particularly notorious case of Simon of Trent (now, Trento, Italy), in 1475.  In such cases, Christian blood was claimed to be required for mystic Jewish rituals, for Jewish medicines, and in the preparation of sacramental foods like matza.

Blood libel accusations continued, off and on, for the next four centuries, only to accelerate in the late 1800s.  Biale (126) explains that some 100 such accusations occurred just in the 30 years between 1880 and 1910.  Blood libel, it seems, had truly struck a chord with the common man.

The Jews, of course, always denied such crimes, at least initially; many later ‘confessed’ under torture.  Their central argument was this:  Jews are prohibited from eating blood.  And they could cite scripture to justify their defense.  In Genesis 9:4, we read that God gives Noah and his family every living thing as food, except “you shall not eat flesh with its life, that is, its blood.”  Then in the infamous Leviticus, God says to Moses, “you shall eat no blood whatever, whether of fowl or of animal, in any of your dwellings.  Whoever eats any blood, that person shall be cut off from his people.”  (‘Cut off’ is generally taken as a euphemism for ‘killed.’)  It is also found in Lev 19:26: “You shall not eat any flesh with the blood in it.”  But the most emphatic statement comes at Lev 17:10, where God speaks as follows:

If any man of the house of Israel or of the strangers that sojourn among them eats any blood, I will set my face against that person who eats blood, and will cut him off from among his people. For the life of the flesh is in the blood; and I have given it for you upon the altar to make atonement for your souls; for it is the blood that makes atonement, by reason of the life. Therefore I have said to the people of Israel, No person among you shall eat blood, neither shall any stranger who sojourns among you eat blood. … For the life of every creature is the blood of it; therefore I have said to the people of Israel, You shall not eat the blood of any creature, for the life of every creature is its blood; whoever eats it shall be cut off.

The same proscription is briefly repeated later, in Deuteronomy (“Only be sure that you do not eat the blood; for the blood is the life, and you shall not eat the life with the flesh”; 12:23).

So far, so good—except for one small problem:  none of this applies to human blood.  The Genesis and Deuteronomic passages clearly pertain to animal flesh.  In Leviticus, the whole context is around sacrificial animals, typically birds, sheep, or cattle.  The blood, as we have seen, was used for ceremonial purposes, but it would have been natural for someone—the priests, perhaps, or their families—to eat the sacrificed animal; unless the corpse was to be burned, it would have simply gone to waste.  But the blood was off limits, to be used only for sacramental, if bizarre, purposes.

This elemental point seems to be lost on everyone who, even today, attempts to defend Jews against the “antisemitic canard” of blood libel.  But there have been a few perceptive (and brave) intellectuals who understood this issue correctly and spoke out about it.  One was the German scholar of religion and Hebrew, Erich Bischoff (1867–1937).  Bischoff’s 1929 book The Book of the Shulchan Aruch was the first, and still only, learned critique of the core Jewish text known as the Shulchan Aruch, which is a condensed version of the much-larger Talmud.[11]  In an examination of one part of the Shulchan—the “Orach Chayim”—we encounter the following nonchalant passage:

If one eats something that you dip into one of the following liquids as a condiment—namely, Jàjin [wine], debâsch [honey], schèmen [oil], chèleb [milk], tal [dew], dâm [blood] and màjjim [water]—then one must wet the hands…  (Orach Chayim 158,4)

In his commentary that follows (66), Bischoff is emphatic: “The consumption of blood is allowed in the Shulchan Aruch!”  He notes that the Shulchan author, Joseph Karo, “seems to think nothing of it”—almost like it was a run-of-the-mill event.  Bischoff continues: “The Old Testament…only forbids the consumption of the blood of cattle and birds—primarily those used for sacrifices. … The Old Testament allows for other consumption of blood” (ibid.).

As further support, Bischoff quotes the influential Jewish scholar Maimonides:

Whoever deliberately eats as much blood as an olive, has forfeited his salvation. … The guilt occurs only with the blood of animals and birds, whether domestic or wild, whether clean or unclean. On the other hand, there is no indebtedness in the blood of fish, locusts, reptiles, amphibians, and human blood.  (Jad Chasakah, VI,1)

There is no “indebtedness” in those last creatures precisely because they are not mentioned in the OT; whatever is not prohibited is allowed—an ancient Jewish precept.

Should we desire more recent confirmation, we can turn to a renegade Jewish scholar, Ariel Toaff.  His highly contentious book Passovers of Blood (2007, original edition) makes a very strong case that the use of human blood, both wet and dried, was a regular Jewish practice in the Middle Ages—and perhaps is still so today.[12]  His Chapter 6 is especially relevant here; Toaff examines the use of blood during circumcision and comments on numerous instances, even “recipes,” involving the use of human blood.  In one Jewish compendium, he says, “we will find a broad range of recipes providing for the oral ingestion of blood, both human and animal” (156).  Other formulations refer to such things as “a chicken feather soaked with menstrual blood,” “dried rabbit’s blood,” “dried blood from a virgin having her first menstrual period,” and the generic “blood of children” (ibid).  Toaff’s subject compendium “furthermore stressed the prodigious properties of human blood, naturally, always dried and prepared in the form of curdles or powder, as the main ingredient of aphrodisiacal elixirs.”  And finally, Toaff quotes one Jewish defendant in the Simon of Trent trial, Israel Wolfgang, who stated, for the record, “there is no [rabbinic] prohibition against usefully benefiting from the dead bodies of Gentiles” (159).  Of course not—they are mere animals, after all.

And in the New Testament

But as with the blood sacrifice, the Jewish apologist has one other defensive tactic here: ‘the Christians do it, too.’  That is, Christians also eat blood—the blood of Christ.  This procedure has a name: the Eucharist.[13]  It is a sacrament in Catholicism and most Protestant denominations, something of highest importance.  In it, parishioners metaphorically consume (eat) Christ’s body, in the form of bread or a wafer, and drink his blood, in the form of wine or juice.  Again, on its face, this is a bizarre and even pathological ceremony: to “eat the body” and “drink the blood,” even symbolically, of your long-dead savior.  How sick is this?

Where could such a revolting idea have come from?  Oh, wait, we know:  from the Jews.  We don’t know if the Jew Jesus actually created it, or if it was concocted in the warped mind of the Jew Paul, but regardless, it was clearly of Jewish origin.  And now we can see why—the longstanding Jewish tradition of using sacrificial blood (here, the “Lamb of God”) to anoint oneself, to bind with God, and to form a covenant.  It all fits in with the Jewish soteriology.  Jews were prohibited from drinking sacrificial (animal) blood, but now, with the Gentiles, they could consume (human) sacrificial blood, symbolically.  Leave it to the Jews to turn the gullible Gentiles into (symbolic) cannibals and (symbolic) blood-drinkers.

The Eucharist, as a part of the Last Supper, has a scriptural basis, appearing twice with Paul (both times in 1 Corinthians) and once in each of the four Gospels.  The first, and chronologically earliest,[14] occurrence is in Paul; at 1 Cor 10:16, where he writes, “The cup of blessing which we bless, is it not a participation in the blood of Christ? The bread which we break, is it not a participation in the body of Christ?” Then in the next chapter, we find the one and only direct quotation of Jesus anywhere in Paul:

[Jesus] said, “This is my body which is for you. Do this in remembrance of me.” In the same way also the cup, after supper, saying, “This cup is the new covenant in my blood. Do this, as often as you drink it, in remembrance of me.”  (11:24–25)[15]

Thus Jesus explicitly calls it a “covenant of blood,” exactly as we would expect from a Jewish rabbi.

The Eucharist then appears in almost identical form in the three earliest Gospels:

Mark 14:26: “This is my blood of the covenant, which is poured out for many.”

Matt 26:28: “This is my blood of the covenant, which is poured out for many for the forgiveness of sins.”

Luke 22:20: “This cup which is poured out for you is the new covenant in my blood.”

Short and to the point.  But the last-written Gospel, John, inexplicably has a much more extended quotation:

Truly, truly, I say to you, unless you eat the flesh of the Son of man and drink his blood, you have no life in you; he who eats my flesh and drinks my blood has eternal life, and I will raise him up at the last day.  For my flesh is food indeed, and my blood is drink indeed.  He who eats my flesh and drinks my blood abides in me, and I in him.  (Jn 6:53-56)

How is it that this Gospel, written around the year 95 AD, some 65 years (!) after the crucifixion, could cite in such detail the words of Christ, when neither Paul nor the other Gospels could do so?  It makes one highly suspicious, to say the least.  In any case, we no longer find any explicit “covenant” here; now, it is just an orgy of flesh-eating and blood-drinking, accompanied by vague promises of eternal life.

In sum:  In the Eucharist we see how the Gentile Christians got hoodwinked into adopting a Jewish tradition of blood-covenants and blood-recipes, even though the Gentiles had no cultural history of such a thing.  Granted that blood is not nearly as central in Christianity as it is in Judaism, but still, it is highly important.  Within Catholicism, the Eucharist has been officially called “the fount and apex of the whole Christian life.”[16]  Good Christians everywhere:  Drink that blood!

Some Consequences

Several important points follow from all this.  First, we should not think that the Jewish blood-cult was something that only existed in ancient times, or that the blood sacrifices ceased when the Jerusalem temple was destroyed by the Romans in 70 AD.  The keepers of Judaism are nothing if not fixated on the past.  For them, for the Orthodox Jews, the Haredi and the Dati, they are literal followers of the Old Testament, the Talmud, and the Shulchan Aruch.  If you think fundamentalist Christians are hard-nosed absolutists, you haven’t yet run into a Haredi Jew.  Orthodox Jews treat their sacred documents like they were written yesterday, and they fully expect such writings to hold for eternity.  Animal sacrifice, treating Gentiles like dogs, exploiting non-Jews, cheating and killing them, child sexual abuse, blood-aphrodisiacs, oral circumcision, blood-splattering…the whole package.  The Jewish blood-cult is here to stay—as long as there are Jews.

Second, it’s no use to argue that such orthodox Jews comprise just 10 percent or 20 percent of the total Jewish population, and that therefore all this bloody religious stuff does not apply to the secular majority.  Not so.  The sentiments described above apply, to a greater or lesser degree, to nearly all Jews.  Judaism, as documented in the various texts, is not like an ordinary religion.  It is more like a guide for living as a Jew in a largely non-Jewish world.  This is absolutely true for the Talmud and the Shulchan, which are explicitly manuals for daily life.  These in turn rely on the Old Testament, which is, itself, mostly about social interactions (Jew and Gentile), with a little ‘theological frosting’ on the top.  Yes, much of the Old Testament involves words that “God says,” but this is little more than literary shorthand for “words by which good Jews should live their lives.”  As has been argued elsewhere, Jehovah is really just a stand-in for the Jewish people themselves.  It’s like the little voice sitting on your shoulder, telling you what to do.  Judaism’s holy texts are just a distillation, fixed for all time, of Jews telling themselves how to act in order to thrive and prosper.

Because of this, it is “baked in” to all Jews, no matter how secular and enlightened they claim to be.  There is a real sense, I think, in which it is effectively genetic: Jewish values and mindset inculcated so deeply that they resonate with all Jews, at a biological level, and are passed along to future generations.  The fixation with blood is one major aspect of this Jewish biological heritage.

So what? some may say.  Why do we care what religious Jews do in their synagogues, or what secular Jews think in their hearts?  Actually, it makes a huge difference, precisely because of the influence that such Jews have in American, and Western, society.

This is not the place to elaborate—I would refer readers to the recent compilation of my own writings, The Steep Climb: Essays on the Jewish Question (2023)—but let me simply state the obvious:  Jews, Jewish interests, Jewish values, and Jewish thinking utterly dominate large sectors of Western society.  We need only mention high finance; Hollywood; media generally; the federal government; and academia.  Jews own or control up to 50 percent of the estimated $140 trillion in personal wealth in the US.  They provide 25 percent to 50 percent, or more, of campaign funding at the federal level; unsurprisingly, Jews are highly overrepresented in Biden’s cabinet and cabinet-level position, including the most powerful and influential positions (Departments of State, Justice, Homeland Security, Treasury; Chief of Staff.  (Biden also has Jewish in-laws and grandchildren, and Kamala Harris is married to a Jew.)  Not more than a handful of Democratic and Republican congressmen have the nerve to stand up to AIPAC and the Jewish Lobby generally.  Jews also have a stranglehold on Hollywood, American film production, the music business, and the news media; look at the reaction to Ye (Kanye West).  As for academia, forget about it; at last check, the eight Ivy League schools had seven Jewish presidents.  And nearly all major American universities, public or private, have Jewish regents, Jewish chancellors, Jewish contributors, and/or Jewish deans, not to mention massive over-representation in many disciplines, especially in the social sciences and humanities.

Consider this:  Why, for example, do we have so much blood and gore in our popular films?  Gratuitous violence is omnipresent in American films, in virtually all genres.  It is rarely necessary to tell a story; so, why is it there?  We know why:  Jewish writers, directors, and producers.  The Jewish fixation on blood materializes in their storytelling on the big screen.  For Jews, this is somehow fulfilling, satisfying, pleasurable—whereas for most normal people, the blood and gore is repulsive and grotesque.  And worse:  Jews are adjusted to all the blood deep down, and thus are unbothered by it; but ordinary non-Jews are sickened and appalled.  For many people, especially children, teens, and youth, all this blood is psychologically damaging.  Normal people are not psychically able to process such profuse depictions of bloody violence; they become desensitized, withdrawn, and depressed.  It damages interpersonal relations and harms their ability to openly communicate.  It makes them fearful, distrustful, and suspicious.[17]

Why do we in the United States find it so easy to initiate aggressive and violent military action around the world?  Why do our political and media establishments apparently take such glee in the slaughter of people in distant lands?  Why did the Jewish-American Secretary of State Madeline Albright state in 1996 that the American sanctions on Iraq, which killed some 500,000 Iraqi children, was “worth it”?  Why does the present American military budget exceed $1.25 trillion per year, taking into account all aspects of our supposed “defense”?  We know why.

Why are the Palestinians put in an impossible and intolerable situation by their Israeli overlords?  Why are they periodically slaughtered like sheep?  Why is the pointless and unwinnable war in Ukraine being promoted and sustained, spilling profuse amounts of Gentile blood?  We know why.

The Jewish bloodlust and blood-fascination has endless implications.  We must always remember the core Jewish truth here:  no blood, no salvation.  For most people, the spilling of blood is an evil; for Jews, it is a necessary precursor to salvation and “success.”  For most people, killing is wrong; for Jews, killing—as long as it’s not a Jew—is a good thing.  “Without the shedding of blood, there is no forgiveness,” said the Jewish writer of Hebrews.  As long as Jews are in charge, as long as they call the shots, blood will be spilled.  This is one constant in an otherwise turbulent world.

When contemplating the Jewish bloodlust and blood-obsession, I cannot help but recall Shakespeare’s warning in Macbeth:

Where we are,
There’s daggers in men’s smiles. The near in blood,
The nearer bloody.  (Act II, sc. 3)

“Where we are,” in the world today: the Jews are smiling; they are on top.  Sadly, “there’s daggers in [such] men’s smiles.”  They are all smiles, niceties, and good humor.  But don’t let them get too close—“the near in blood, the nearer bloody.”

I close with the words of Macbeth himself: “Get thee back; my soul is too much charged / With blood of thine already” (Act V, sc. 8).  How appropriate.  We might recast these words today as follows:  “Get thee back, Jews; our souls are too much charged with blood of thine already.”

Thomas Dalton, PhD, has authored or edited several books and articles on politics and history, with a special focus on National Socialism.  His latest works include Classic Essays on the Jewish Question, The Steep Climb, and a new translation of For My Legionnaires.  He has also recently published the definitive critique Unmasking Anne Frank, and a new edition of political cartoons, Pan-Judah! Volume Two. All these books are available at www.clemensandblair.com.  See also his personal website www.thomasdaltonphd.com.


[1] S. Geller (1992), “Blood cult,” Prooftexts 12(2): 101.

[2] Blood and Belief (2007), p. 9.

[3] Optimal chances for pregnancy occur in the middle of a woman’s cycle rather than at the end, when the blood appears.  It is not impossible for conception to occur during menstruation, but it is very unlikely.

[4] Histories, Bk II, 36 and 104.

[5] “We learned in the Mishnah that one sucks blood from the wound after the circumcision was performed on Shabbat. Rav Pappa said: ‘A craftsman who does not suck the blood after every circumcision is a danger to the child undergoing circumcision, and we remove him from his position as circumciser’.”  Seder #2 (Moed), Tractate Shabbat, 133b,14 (text from www.sefaria.org).

[6] The phrase ‘blood covenant’ occurs one other time in the Bible, in Zechariah (“As for you also, because of the blood of my covenant with you, I will set your captives free from the waterless pit”; 9:11)

[7] For an elaboration, see my various essays in The Steep Climb: Essays on the Jewish Question (2023).

[8] Antichrist, sec. 44.

[9] For this and following citations, see my book Eternal Strangers (2020).

[10] Homilies on the Jews, I.VI.7.

[11] Long out of print in German, the book has recently been released in a first-ever English translation: The Book of the Shulchan Aruch (2023; Clemens & Blair).  Cited quotations refer to this new edition.

[12] The original 2007 edition, in its original Italian language, was quickly pulled from circulation, to be replaced by a softer, “revised edition” the following year.  However, an English translation of the original 2007 edition was published in 2020 by Clemens & Blair; the following quotations refer to this edition.

[13] The word ‘Eucharist’ derives from the Greek eukharistos, meaning ‘good’ (eu-) + ‘favor’ (kharistos)—in other words, a ‘thanksgiving.’  It has nothing to do with the word ‘Christ,’ incidentally.

[14] We would do well to recall that Paul’s letters are traditionally dated to between 50 and 70 AD.  First Corinthians would likely have been composed around 53 AD, whereas the Gospels were written between 70 (Mark) and 95 AD (John).  Paul knew nothing of the Gospels because they did not exist in his lifetime.

[15] The fact that this is the only quotation of Jesus in all of Paul’s letters is astonishing.  It is almost as if Paul had no idea what Jesus actually said during his ministry.  But this is inconceivable if Paul’s life story is true.  He is happy to quote and reference the Old Testament ad nauseum, but quote Jesus?  No, not necessary…

[16] Lumen Gentium (1964), II.11.

[17] There is abundant research on this.  For a few examples, see: Browne and Hamilton-Giachritsis (2005), “The Influence of Violent Media on Children and Adolescents: A public-Health Approach.” Lancet, vol. 365, pp. 702-710.  Anderson, C. et al (2003). “Exposure to violent media: The effects of songs with violent lyrics on aggressive thoughts and feelings.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Vol. 84, No. 5.  And Krahe, B., et al (2011). “Desensitization to media violence: Links with habitual media violence exposure, aggressive cognitions, and aggressive behavior.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Vol. 100, No. 4.

Rakib’s Retarded Rightist Rhetoric: How Men Can’t Be Women and Bangladeshis Can’t Be British

Thank Heavens for Rakib Ehsan! This insightful commentator on modern Western politics and culture has a Bangladeshi body and a British brain. 100%, innit! He’s a former “research fellow” for the Henry Jackson Society, a neo-conservative lobbying group, and now writes for everyone from the trans-skeptic Trotskyists at Spiked to the monarchophile mensches at the Jewish Chronicle. To watch him in full rhetorical flow is truly a stirring sight. For example, all right-thinking folk are agreed that mass migration from the corrupt, violent and diseased Third World has been an immeasurable boon for Britain. Equally, all right-thinking folk have to admit that there have been some problems with Third-World enrichment. You know, a suicide-bombing here (and here), and a decades-long epidemic of child-rape there (and there, there, there, there and there).

Bangladeshi body, British brain: the right-thinking rhetorician Rakib Ehsan

But fear not! Whenever a problem associated with Third-World folk occurs, Rakib Ehsan straps on his trusty Flame-Thrower of British Values and strides forth to solve it with a blast of fiery rhetoric. Take the very serious problem of Muslim rape-gangs preying on White women and girls all over Muslim-enriched England. Here’s Rakib’s fiery response:

This crisis can be ignored no longer. Politicians need to lead from the front. They need to show some moral and political gumption. To this end, the government should instruct all police forces and local councils to collect specific data — disaggregated by socio-demographic characteristics, such as ethnicity and sex — for all cases of known or suspected child sexual exploitation.

That is not happening at the moment. Indeed, it was recently reported that South Yorkshire Police have still been failing to routinely record the ethnic background of child sexual abuse suspects. Indeed, suspect ethnicity was missing in 67 per cent of cases recorded by South Yorkshire Police. This is an unacceptable state of affairs, given the significance of ethnicity in the grooming-gangs scandal. Too often politically correct identitarianism is getting in the way of protecting young, vulnerable members of the public. (Grooming gangs: the making of a national scandal, Spiked Online, 17th July 2022)

Hooray! Problem solved! Now take the even more serious problem of anti-Semitism in Britain’s vibrant Muslim community. Here’s Rakib’s fiery response:

So if the government is serious about tackling the growth of anti-Semitism among British Muslims, it needs to embark on an agenda of radical reform. This should include: identifying the parts of the country that are socially segregated, materially deprived and have a history of Islamist activity — so-called failed neighbourhoods. It should then implement localised social-cohesion and counter-extremism plans, and address the corrosive effect of official multiculturalism. This effort shouldn’t be a top-down state effort — that would be counterproductive. It should be led by local bodies — educational institutions, good-faith civic associations, social services and local police forces.

The government should also empower anti-Islamist British Muslims, who can play a key role in challenging anti-Semitism. After all, it is worth remembering that the vast majority of British Muslims are worried about Islamist extremism and do not support anti-Jewish views. For example, Muslims Against Anti-Semitism (MAAS) — a charity of which I’m proud to be a patron — is a good example of an interfaith organisation that works to cultivate stronger Muslim-Jewish relations in the UK. These are the kind of organisations that are deserving of more public backing and support. (Britain has a Muslim anti-Semitism problem, Spiked Online, 23rd January 2022)

Hooray! Problem solved again! Finally, take the woefully misguided official policy of multiculturalism, which was clearly revealed, Rakib says, in the way Muslims and Hindus “fought each other for days on end” last year in the heavily enriched English city of Leicester. Here’s his fiery response:

[Multiculturalism] is elevating the protection of group-specific identities over the needs of the most vulnerable. It is emphasising what divides us over what we have in common. And, in doing so, it is racialising and dividing society — and sowing conflict in our midst.

Diversity can be a strength. But only if it is bound by shared values, mutual obligations and a sense of common purpose. Without these essential ingredients for social cohesion, community relations in our diverse communities will disintegrate, with potentially disastrous results.

In 2023, we need to tackle the ideology of multiculturalism head-on. (In 2023, we need a reckoning with multiculturalism, Spiked Online, 21st December 2022)

Hooray! Problem solved yet again! Yes, all right-thinking folk read Rakib’s articles feeling a warm glow of optimism about Britain’s future. Okay, Muslims and other non-Whites are causing one or two problems, but you just have to look at Rakib himself to see how well non-Whites can assimilate when they try. Rakib Ehsan is British to the core, bursting with patriotism, and passionate about improving life for all of his fellow Britons, whatever their color and whatever their creed.

A golden and glorious prospect

Well, all right-thinking folk regard Rakib Ehsan as British to the core, that is. But by “right-thinking folk” I mean retarded rightists who accept his bullshit about Britain being a proposition nation based purely on values that anyone in the world can embrace. I don’t know whether Ehsan sincerely believes his own bullshit, but I do know that he is telling retarded rightists exactly what they want to hear. For example, in an article called “Will ethnic minorities be next to abandon Labour?” he tantalized them with the golden and glorious prospect of non-Whites finally recognizing that the Conservative party is their natural home. But that isn’t going to happen, of course. Nor is any of the tough action against rape-gangs, Islamism, and multiculturalism demanded by Ehsan in his articles. He’s full of posture and pretence, but reality does occasionally peep through his rhetoric. Take the opening lines of one of his articles for the Trotskyist libertarians at Spiked Online: “Britain remains a successful multi-ethnic, multi-faith society. But 2022 served up several brutal reminders of how quickly social cohesion can unravel under the impact of the divisive ideology of multiculturalism.”

Ehsan is admitting that mass immigration has turned Britain into a place where “social cohesion” can quickly unravel. That’s not a “successful” society. Still less is it a stable society. Nor does Ehsan mention that those who most promote “the divisive ideology of multiculturalism” are also those who most promote mass immigration from the Third World. And look at his admission elsewhere that “the British state [has] turned a blind eye to the rape of thousands of children” by “mainly Pakistani-heritage perpetrators.” Again, how on earth can he describe Britain as a “successful multi-ethnic, multi-faith society” when White children are being raped here on an industrial scale by brown-skinned Muslims? Of course, he doesn’t point out the obvious: that the rapes would not be happening if the Muslim “perpetrators” weren’t on British soil. Nor would the Muslim terrorism and Muslim anti-Semitism he denounces and demands tough action against in other articles.

As far as I know, Rakib Ehsan has never denounced the horrible genetic diseases caused by consanguineous marriage among Muslims, but that is yet another pathology that exists in Britain only because of mass immigration. So is the drain on the British economy caused by non-Whites who contribute much less in taxes than they take in services. The truth is that Third-World folk are very bad for Britain, but Ehsan can’t admit that because he would also have to admit the truth about himself.

Rhetoric vs reality: a transwoman and trans-Briton compared with the real thing (Ehsan is next to the White genius George Boole)

And the truth about Rakib Ehsan is very simple. He isn’t British. Instead, he’s what you might call trans-British and trans-Western: he claims an identity that he can never possess. That’s the great irony of Rakib’s regular appearances at Spiked, which incessantly condemns the lunacies and lies of transgenderism even as it promotes the even more harmful lunacies and lies of trans-Westernism. Just as “transwomen” claim to be women, but aren’t women and never will be, so Rakib Ehsan claims to be British, but isn’t British and never will be. Instead, he’s Bangladeshi and always will be. His residence on British soil doesn’t change that, which is why he needs to pretend that Britishness depends on ideas, not on biology. Here he is celebrating the betrayal of Brexit as Britain’s hostile elite ignore the wishes of White voters and open Britain’s borders even wider to the Third World:

For all the talk of post-Brexit xenophobia, or of the UK government pursuing a ‘white nationalist’ agenda, the official migration figures paint a very different picture. In the first full year of Britain’s post-Brexit immigration system, following the end of EU freedom of movement, the number of non-EU migrants arriving in Britain has risen sharply. These migrants are from predominantly non-white countries, and there have been notable increases from Commonwealth countries, such as India, Nigeria and Pakistan. Meanwhile, inward migration from predominantly white EU member states has dropped.

Although EU migrants face more restrictions than before, Brexit Britain’s skills-based immigration regime has actually liberalised the UK’s approach to the rest of the world. And this has shifted the demographics of inbound migrants towards the English-speaking Commonwealth and other non-EU allies with shared historical and cultural ties.

According to the Home Office, Indian professionals accounted for the largest number of skilled visas granted last year, with 67,839 issued — a 14 per cent increase from 2019. Brexit is clearly not about pulling up the drawbridge and turning Britain into an isolated island, cut off from global movement. On the contrary, the latest immigration figures are indicative of an outward-looking, post-Brexit internationalism, which is at ease with rising levels of migrants and students from the Indian subcontinent, west Africa, North America and Australasia. (The myth of post-Brexit xenophobia, Spiked Online, 24th April 2022)

Ehsan claims to be a patriotic Briton even as he celebrates the flooding of Britain by non-Whites from the corrupt, violent and diseased Third World. The flood is very bad for Britain, but good for Ehsan himself, because more Third-World folk mean that he stands out less as an alien intruder. Racial differences aren’t as absolute and easily defined as the anatomical differences between men and women, but there are strong parallels between transgenderism and trans-Britishness. Just as men can never become pregnant and give birth, so Bangladeshis like Ehsan could never have created the Industrial Revolution. With their low average IQ and creativity, Bangladeshis will never contribute to the world in the many and varied ways achieved by the White British.

Mass murder and mass rape

Low-IQ Pakistanis will never contribute to the world like that either. But Pakistanis certainly contribute an abundance of pathologies to the world. And if Rakib Ehsan were an honest man and truly wanted to help Britain, he’d write about the pathologies visited on his own homeland by Pakistanis:

The mass killings in Bangladesh (then East Pakistan) in 1971 vie with the annihilation of the Soviet POWs, the holocaust against the Jews, and the genocide in Rwanda as the most concentrated act of genocide in the twentieth century. In an attempt to crush forces seeking independence for East Pakistan, the West Pakistani military regime unleashed a systematic campaign of mass murder which aimed at killing millions of Bengalis, and likely succeeded in doing so. (Bangladesh Genocide Archive)

Pakistanis also committed mass rape in what would become Bangladesh. Mass murder and mass rape were also seen in the Armenian Genocide against Armenian Christians committed by Turkish Muslims under the possible control of crypto-Jews, but rape wasn’t part of the Holodomor, the genocide against Ukrainian Christians overseen by the disproportionately Jewish secret police of the Soviet Union (see Kevin MacDonald’s “Stalin’s Willing Executioners”). Curiously enough, the genocides in Armenia, Ukraine and Bangladesh go entirely unremarked on Britain’s annual Holocaust Memorial Day (HMD), which also commemorates “more recent genocides in Cambodia, Rwanda, Bosnia and Darfur.” And there is no mention on HMD that the genocide in Darfur is also being committed by Muslims.

Muslim rape-gangs are rehearsing for genocide

In other words, Holocaust Memorial Day is deliberately concealing the propensity of Muslims and Jews to commit mass murder. Rakib Ehsan could correct that by writing a hard-hitting article about the Bangladesh Genocide and linking it to the Armenian Genocide. But I’m sure he never will write such an article. If he did, he would benefit the White British but harm himself and his fellow Muslims. And how would he benefit the White British? Well, he would be warning us about what will happen here if Muslims are allowed to carry on growing in numbers, arrogance, and power. The genocides in Armenia and Bangladesh show what Muslims are capable of. And the Muslim rape-gangs of modern Britain are rehearsing for more Muslim genocide against the White British. Rakib Ehsan doesn’t want to warn the White British about what Muslims are capable of. Instead, he wants to carry on pretending that all will be well when the right policies are finally put in place and the British government finally takes the tough action that he has demanded in article after article.

Ehsan also wants to carry on serving Jewish interests, because he knows that serving Jewish interests will ensure he continues to earn a good living as he postures and pretends for his audience of retarded rightists. As I mentioned above, he’s a former “research fellow” for the Henry Jackson Society, a neo-conservative lobbying group that thinks the solution to Muslim pathologies is not an end to migration by Muslims but an ever-stronger surveillance and security state. Rakib Ehsan thinks the same. He is not British and his rhetoric for retarded rightists is very bad for Britain. But I have to be honest myself and admit that I’ve sacrificed reality for rhetorical convenience in the article above. “Britishness” is an artificial concept and Britain is not a genuine nation. Instead, it’s an uneasy marriage between the four (and more) genuine nations of England, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales.

In an ideal world, these four White nations would be independent allies. As it is, all of them are slowly submerging beneath a non-White flood of alien invaders. Or not so slowly, in the case of already independent southern Ireland, whose treacherous elite have opened its borders to the Third World and peddled lying propaganda like “Diversity is at the core of what it means to be Irish.” But in opening the borders, the elite have woken the spirit of the only true Irish: the White Irish. Resistance is beginning in Ireland, dominated by working-class folks while their liberal compatriots would rather appear virtuous. More will follow in the rest of the British Isles. Rakib’s retarded rightist rhetoric will not hold back reality much longer.

Andrew Joyce resenha Julius Evola O mito do sangue: a gênese do racialismo

A história do meu interesse por Julius Evola é a prova de que nem sempre a primeira impressão é a que fica. Eu devia ter uns 25 anos, quando adquiri o meu primeiro livro do filósofo italiano — um bonito volume de capa dura de Revolta contra o mundo moderno. Eu fiquei pensando em encomendar o livro depois das referências de alguns amigos e outras pessoas de minhas relações, até que, finalmente, decidi comprar o livro depois de assistir ao discurso/palestra de 2010, como sempre excelente, de Jonathan Bowden, sobre Evola, intitulado The world’s Most Right Wing Thinker [O pensador mais direitista do mundo]. Após tantas recomendações, minha expectativa era bem alta e, talvez por isso, ou pelo conteúdo mesmo, no final eu estava decepcionado com o livro. Até então, eu havia feito algumas incursões nos trabalhos de Nietzsche e Heidegger e na filosofia anglo-americana, ou seja, a tradição da filosofia analítica, que parecia bastante atrativa para mim. Por conseguinte, eu desenvolvi um tipo de preconceito contra a filosofia continental (e contra os filósofos continentais), atribuindo-lhe como suas marcas a pose das mais pretensiosas, os argumentos tautológicos ou repetitivos e, entre estes, o aroma de marxismo mais do que suave. Ideologicamente falando, Evola estava a anos-luz de alguns charlatães de sua época, como Jean-Paul Sartre. Durante a leitura de Revolta, entre as suas elucubrações meio místicas, eu percebi que decerto Evola tivesse pensamentos extremamente importantes a oferecer. Daí mesmo decorreu a grande frustração de minha parte, porque o autor, não obstante as coisas de enorme valor que, aparentemente, tinha a dizer, expressou tudo numa linguagem enrolada, sem necessidade disso, e as ideias acabaram perdidas na confusa estrutura textual, infelizmente. Chateado com essa experiência, eu não voltaria a ler Evola nos anos seguintes. E esta foi uma reação de que hoje eu me arrependo.

 

No período que vai da minha leitura de Revolta até a posterior descoberta que fiz de Evola, começou a aumentar a importância atribuída ao italiano no meio hegemônico da academia, graças ao número crescente das traduções e à favorável recepção de sua obra. Os dois trabalhos mais importantes dos últimos anos são, provavelmente, os de Francesco Germinario e Paul Furlong. O primeiro escreveu Razza del Sangue, razza dello Spirito; Julius Evola, l’antisemitismo e il nazionalsocialismo (1930-1943), publicado pela Bollati Borlinghieri em 2001. O segundo escreveu Social and Political Thought of Julius Evola, publicado pela Routledge em 2013. No seu livro, Paul Furlong predicamenta Evola como o maior pensador anti-iluminista. Outro acadêmico, Marcus Hunt, diz de Paul Furlong que nesse seu livro ele “descarta de forma convincente a alegação que faz o acadêmico Roger Griffin [esquerdista e “antifascista”], assumida por muitos outros, de que Evola seria meramente um filósofo do fascismo, sugerindo, ao contrário, que o autor italiano deva ser compreendido ‘no contexto do pensamento conservador europeu desde 1789’”.(1)

 

O pensamento de Evola crescia em proeminência desde a década de 1970, quando se tornou influente, especialmente na Nova Direita francesa. Alguns dos notáveis textos daquela época são os seguintes: Julius Evola, le visionnaire foudroyé (Michel Angebert e Robert de Herte, 1977),  Julius Evola e l’affermazione assoluta (Philippe Baillet, 1978), La Terre de lumière: Le Nord et l’origine (Christophe Levalois, 1985), L’Empire Intérieur (Alain de Benoist, 1995) e Enquête sur la Tradition aujourd’hui (Arnaud Guyot-Jeannin, 1996). Isso, por sua vez, levou a uma crescente (e ainda presente) reação de preocupados acadêmicos esquerdistas, evidenciada, especialmente, nos trabalhos de Thomas Sheehan(2), Elisabetta Cassina Wolff(3), Stéphane François(4) e Franco Ferraresi, autores que descreveram Evola in 1987 como “o mais importante intelectual da Direita Radical na Europa contemporânea”.(5) Aliás, quando foi da vitória de Trump, a histeria midiática concentrou-se por certo tempo na declarada admiração de Steve Bannon pelo filósofo italiano.

 

Até essa altura, eu tinha conhecimento de que a mídia estava em polvorosa, mas não sabia nada de desenvolvimentos mais profundos até que, no ano passado [2017], eu encontrei um livro de Evola, por acaso, num sebo. O título era A Handbook for Right-Wing Youth [Guia para a juventude de direita]. Eu o peguei, dei uma folheada pela simples curiosidade e, então, tive um choque ao perceber o novo Evola dentro dele. Com cerca da metade do tamanho de Revolta, o livro que encontrei tinha um tom mais brando, porém era mais incisivo e direto. Não havia mais misticismo. O texto tratava, exclusivamente, de questões práticas, de ação. Era notavelmente atemporal, também, contendo sabedoria e alento que seriam efetivos e úteis para qualquer militante de nossa causa hoje. Gostei bastante do Handbook, Evola ganhou um lugar permanente na biblioteca da minha casa. Passei, então a estudá-lo, buscando conhecer os trabalhos dele e a recepção que estavam tendo da parte do hegemonismo acadêmico. Foi com grande interesse, nessa altura, que tive conhecimento de que a editora Arktos estava preparando a tradução e publicação de um outro trabalho de Evola — um livro da década de 1930, tratando da questão da raça e do racialismo. Mais intrigante ainda era o título provocativo: O mito do sangue. O livro da Arktos já circula com uma elegante capa alusiva ao estilo decô. Quando eu o abri, entretanto, eu pensava no que se me iria deparar ali. Seria o Evola místico que não me tinha interessado? Ou seria ainda outro lado do eclético pensador?

 

Desde a parte pré-textual, o livro já ganhava muito com o prefácio do tradutor. Em treze páginas muito bem escritas, John Bruce Leonard presta o utilíssimo serviço não só de explicar relevantes questões linguísticas como também de recapitular a história do texto, referindo que o livro fora originalmente publicado duas vezes — a primeira em 1937, a segunda em 1942. A publicação reiterada e as motivações por trás dela justificam o resumo de Leonard na declaração de que O mito do sangue é “em certos aspectos livro muito peculiar na obra evoliana, um que exige explanação especial”. Em O mito do sangue, o que Evola faz é, basicamente, indicar as referências que o seu mais completo parecer sobre a raça deveria considerar. Por isso o texto foi apresentado por Evola como a primeira parte de um estudo do assunto composto de duas partes — consistindo a segunda parte no livro Synthesis of the Doctrine of Race (tradução em preparação pela Arktos). Evola publicou Synthesis depois de 1937 e logo em seguida julgou que deveria republicar O mito do sangue com algumas significativas alterações. Estas mudanças, explica Leonard, resultaram de uma série de fatores, incluindo o fato de as ideias de Evola terem se tornado mais refinadas desde 1937. Ele pretendia, basicamente, revisar alguns dos trabalhos anteriores de acordo com as conclusões mais sólidas que alcançara na altura da publicação de Synthesis.

 

Entretanto, o mais importante, talvez, terá sido a mudança acentuada na ambiência imediata de Evola quanto ao pensamento racial. Um ano depois da primeira publicação de O mito do sangue,  foi aprovado como lei o Manifesto della razza — diploma legal explicitamente decalcado na legislação nacional-socialista, mas depreciado por Evola em O caminho do cinábrio como “trabalho atabalhoado”. Isto não quer dizer que Evola discordasse do princípio da legislação racial.    Na verdade, ele sentia que tais leis eram necessárias na Itália, “devido, principalmente, ao Império Italiano que emergia na África; elas eram convenientes para estabelecer um páthos de distância da parte dos italianos na interação deles com os africanos”. A objeção de Evola dizia respeito ao estilo, ao espírito, ao sentido da legislação racial em alguns relevantes aspectos. Com efeito, O mito do sangue representou a contribuição de Evola para a crítica construtiva do racialismo científico e materialista.

 

O livro divide-se em doze capítulos, abrangendo o que Evola chamou de “genealogia”, em vez de história, do pensamento racialista. Essas seções tratam de muitos tópicos dessa temática: as origens profundas da reflexão racialista, desde os tempos bíblicos até o século XVIII; a obra do conde Gobineau; a ciência racial de finais do século XIX; o trabalho de Houston Stewart Chamberlain; os pareceres do próprio Evola sobre a teoria da hereditariedade e a “tipologia racista”; as crenças contemporâneas concernentes à raça norte-atlântica; a historiografia de influência racial do tipo da produzida por Alfred Rosenberg; a Questão Judaica e o antissemitismo; o racialismo e a lei; as visões de Evola quanto às leis raciais da Alemanha; e, finalmente, a compreensão do próprio autor a respeito do pensamento racial de Adolf Hitler. De um ponto de vista puramente histórico, deve estar claro, agora, que O mito do sangue oferece notável conjunto de juízos sobre alguns dos mais relevantes e controversos assuntos da temática racial, tanto do tempo de Evola quanto do nosso.

 

Evola disserta sobre essas questões interligadas de modo bastante descritivo, objetivo, fazendo que, para alguns leitores, o texto possa parecer obscuro quanto ao sentido exato (ou essencial) em que consiste a sua crítica ao racialismo científico. (Furlong já sugeriu que Evola explica melhor o que as suas ideias não são do que o que elas são.) Minha própria impressão — e estou muito preparado para aceitar outras leituras, se necessárias — é que a crítica de Evola cifra-se a duas postulações principais recorrentes sutilmente ao longo de todo o texto.

Esses reparos podem ser expressos nos dois pontos seguintes:

  1. a) Evola acredita faltar ao pensamento racial em geral uma visão da raça de mais acentuado viés aristocrático, ou seja, ele critica o pressuposto de que ser ariano dependa apenas do nascimento, indicando se tratar também de uma questão de espírito, nobreza, caráter. Ferraresi cita Evola quanto à significação de povo: “Só em referência a uma elite pode-se dizer ‘é de raça’, ‘tem raça’ [no sentido dessa palavra no francês, isto é, ‘boa cepa’]: o povo é só gente, massa.” Em outras palavras, Evola defende um conceito de raça radicalmente anti-igualitário e aristocrático;
  2. b) Evola revela preocupação ou mesmo irritação com o lugar privilegiado concedido ao tipo nórdico em detrimento de outras raças europeias.

Essas críticas colocam as interpretações estritamente biológicas da raça numa condição especial no pensamento de Evola. Olindo de Napoli usa o descritor “racismo espiritual” para designar tal pensamento na Itália dos anos de 1930 e descreve Evola como “o ponto de referência para todos os racistas espirituais”.(6) Segundo a avaliação que Napoli faz de Evola, o trabalho altamente influente (pelo menos na Itália) do filósofo e sua “complexa teoria do racismo não tinham sido purgados de elementos biológicos: estes foram, meramente, subordinados aos componentes voluntarísticos num emaranhado de relações”. Da mesma forma, Wolff caracterizou o pensamento de Evola como,

 

racismo “totalitário” ou “tradicional”, inspirado pelo livro de Ludwig Ferdinand Clauss intitulado Rasse und Seele [Raça e alma]. De acordo com essa doutrina, as raças superiores são constituídas por pessoas dotadas de propriedades biológicas específicas, o que não é estranho ao racismo antropológico, mas essas pessoas possuem, ao mesmo tempo, características “espirituais”: são homens de um forte caráter, capazes do governo de si mesmos e do domínio sobre as próprias paixões, pelo que seguem “naturalmente” os valores da Tradição. Evola pretendeu, com o racismo totalitário, prover as diretrizes para a seleção de uma super-raça que pudesse dominar o mundo: uma combinação das raças aríaco-alemã e romana. O antissemitismo de Evola consistia também nesse mesmo tipo de racismo totalitário. Os judeus não eram estigmatizados enquanto exemplares de uma raça biológica, mas como aqueles identificados a uma mundivisão, a um modo de ser, a um modo de pensar — ou, mais simplesmente, a um espírito — que Evola associava ao que de “pior” e “mais decadente” existe na modernidade: a democracia, o igualitarismo e o materialismo.(7)

 

No primeiro capítulo, “Origens”, Evola diz que o racismo descansa sobre três princípios. O primeiro é que a humanidade é uma ficção abstrata. “A natureza humana é fundamentalmente diferençada.” Entre as raças diferentes prevalece a desigualdade, e a desigualdade é o dado original e a condição normal. O segundo, um princípio mais abstrato, é que cada raça possui um determinado “espírito”, refletido nas características físicas que lhe correspondem e nos métodos que lhe são próprios de construção civilizacional. O terceiro é que para uma raça importa permanecer fiel ao seu espírito e tipo, cumprindo as leis da hereditariedade e a não mistura de sangue papel de importância vital na história da raça. Evola afirma que os corolários desses princípios podem ser identificados em crenças da Antiguidade:

Depara-se-nos, já na Antiguidade, a ideia das diferenças inatas, congênitas e, nalguma medida, até mesmo “fatais”, entre os seres humanos, porque sua origem remonta a estádio pré-humano da evolução humana. Daí, por exemplo, aquela tradição, tradição também romana, pela qual todos aqueles conectados com as influências do Sol seriam dominus natus, ou seja, homens destinados, natural e inevitavelmente, à condição de dominadores.

 

Eu creio que Evola faz analogia mais apropriada ao mencionar os princípios raciais da Bíblia, contidos, especialmente, no Velho Testamento ou Torá. Em seu livro A people that shall dwell alone [Um povo que habitará só], Kevin MacDonald trata desses princípios de forma mais clara e científica, mas Evola está correto ao indicar “certos elementos racistas na teoria da descendência” de antigos textos judaicos. Julgo, também, bastante interessante a discussão de Evola sobre as ideias raciais do imperador Juliano, o Apóstata. Juliano rejeitou a ideia judaica, e depois cristã, de que toda a humanidade seria originária de um só par humano (isto é, Adão e Eva). Em vez disso, e conforme  com o pensamento gentílico, Juliano notou “como são tão diferentes os corpos de germanos e citas em relação aos de líbios e etíopes”, insistindo em que a criação dos diversos povos teria ocorrido separadamente.(8)

 

Passando aos períodos da Idade Média e do Renascimento, Evola faz referência à doutrina dos quatro humores, teorizada por Hipócrates e Galeno, considerando-a antecedente da compreensão biológica da raça, e refere, de passagem, os aditamentos que ela recebeu, posteriormente, de Paracelso, Jean Bodin e Pierre le Charron (este, em 1601, criou uma tipologia étnica). Evola vê a reflexão racial e eugênica, também, na obra de Tommaso Campanella (1589-1639). O autor de A cidade do Sol fazia chacota dos europeus de seu tempo, que “se dedicam com grande zelo ao melhoramento das raças de cachorro, cavalo e galinha, sem se dignarem de fazer o mesmo pela raça dos homens”. Evola revela que, para chegar à sua própria compreensão espiritual da raça, leu os trabalhos de Herder (com o seu conceito de Volksgeist [Espírito do Povo]), Fichte, Franz Bopp, August Friedrich Pott e Jakob Grimm.

 

No segundo capítulo, Evola muda o campo da sua genealogia da reflexão racial, que passa das considerações filosóficas para as categorias biológicas. Embora intitulado “The Doctrine of Count Gobineau” [A doutrina do conde Gobineau], o capítulo explora, contextualiza e conecta os trabalhos de Johann Friedrich Blumenbach, Peter Camper, Anders Retzius, Paul Broca, Fabre D’Olivet, Gustave D’Eichtal e Victor Courtet de L’Isle. Evola atribui à contribuição de Gobineau a descoberta das causas raciais da morte das civilizações. Evola escreve:

A chave para explicar o declínio da civilização é, segundo Gobineau, a degeneração étnica. Um povo degenera “porque ele deixa de ter o mesmo sangue em suas veias, porque a adulteração continuada do seu sangue termina por comprometer a sua qualidade”. Em outras palavras, apesar de a nação manter o nome dado por seus fundadores, esse nome não mais corresponde à mesma raça”.

 

A mim me pareceu interessante a ponderação de Evola a respeito de Gobineau, não apenas pelos conhecimentos e sua síntese, mas também pelo fato bastante óbvio de que Evola não gosta de certas coisas no trabalho do francês. Principalmente, por exemplo, não lhe agrada a discussão de Gobineau sobre a “Roma semítica”, na qual este questiona a infusão de sangue negro no estoque genético da população do Sul da Itália. Evola não explicita nunca o seu desagrado (aliás, compreensível), mas esse é um sentir velado que, certamente, se pode perceber em todo o tratamento mais amplo dado não só a Gobineau como a todos os outros pensadores nórdicos que vieram depois, mais sensíveis à questão da pureza racial. Dada a tacitez da discordância, o texto não se torna uma contestação aberta do tipo “bateu-levou”, mas a tensão discreta que o permeia só eleva, para mim, pessoalmente, a qualidade e o interesse de sua leitura. Na verdade, Evola mostra admiração pela maior parte do trabalho de Gobineau e abre o terceiro capítulo fazendo altos elogios ao francês, em cuja pessoa identifica a “manifestação de um instinto aristocrático”.

Nesse terceiro capítulo, “Desenvolvimentos”, Evola lida com o pensamento posterior a Gobineau, ocupando-se, máxime, com outro francês, o conde Georges Vacher de Lapouge. Ele atribui a Lapouge o crédito (se este for o termo correto) de haver dividido a raça branca, indo-europeia ou ariana em categorias como “o homem alpino”, “os homens oeste-atlânticos” etc. Em Lapouge, ele vê a origem da ideia do ariano nórdico como um loiro dolicocéfalo. Eram tantas as preocupações de Lapouge quanto a ângulos faciais e proporções cranianas, que ele profetizou: “Eu estou convencido de que, no próximo século, milhões de homens estarão nos campos de batalha pela diferença de um ou dois graus no índice cefálico”. Evola cita Lapouge desapaixonadamente, mas o leitor fica com a forte impressão de que ele aponta no francês um dos mais claros e piores exemplos de racialismo materialista. Mais ambivalente é seu tratamento de outros antropólogos, como Ludwig Wilser, Friedrich Lange, Ludwig Woltmann e Heinrich Driesmans.

No quarto capítulo, é considerada a obra do nordicista pangermânico Houston Stewart Chamberlain. Evola é implacável nas críticas a Chamberlain, notando quanto ao livro Foundations of the Nineteenth Century [Os fundamentos do século XIX] que “O leitor fica meio perturbado com a falta de sistematicidade de Chamberlain, que divaga entre um assunto e outro, movimento que costuma ser a marca bem marcante do diletante”. E, novamente, se percebe o desagrado de Evola, desta vez diante do desprezo de Chamberlain para com os latinos, excluídos do conjunto das raças superiores, reservado apenas aos celtas, teutões e eslavos. Até mesmo a discussão de Chamberlain sobre a espiritualidade contém, segundo Evola, “violento sentimento anticatólico e antirromano”. Como se não bastasse, Chamberlain também emprega a palavra “latinização” para significar a “fusão caótica de povos”, irritando ainda mais o conde italiano que, desta vez, perde a paciência: “O racismo de Chamberlain apela aos mais banais e simplórios lugares-comuns encontradiços na interpretação não tradicional da história e no iluminismo liberaloide e profano”. Na conclusão do capítulo, Evola reserva dizeres mais amenos e nuançados para o maior discípulo de Chamberlain: Joseph Ludwig Reimer.

 

Os capítulos quinto e sexto abordam a teoria da hereditariedade e a tipologia das raças. No segundo destes tópicos, Evola fala quase exclusivamente da obra de Hans F. K. Günther, especialmente de sua taxionomia antropológica. A discussão, tão refletida e densa, não pode ser resumida sem injustiçar o conde. Basta dizer que Evola parece apreciar a classificação de Günther por não ter considerado apenas as diferenças físicas entre as raças, mas também aspectos psíquicos, psicológicos e outros quase espirituais.

No sétimo capítulo, “O mito do Ártico”, Evola passa em revista as teorias que tratam da origem polar da raça branca. Mais uma vez, de forma sutil, transparece a pouca paciência de Evola ao lidar com essa linha de pensamento. Ele vê, na hipótese do Ártico, o mesmo persistente e desarrazoado nordicismo já visto alhures.

No oitavo capítulo, “A concepção racista da história”, O mito do sangue volta-se para temas mais contemporâneos (principalmente o pensamento nacional-socialista) pelo restante do texto. Esta última quarta parte do livro é extremamente interessante. Em “A concepção racista da história”, Evola examina o estudo de Alfred Rosenberg. Fica evidente, desde o começo, a forte antipatia de Evola em relação a Rosenberg. Aliás, o próprio título do livro pode ser visto como uma resposta a O mito do século XX, título do livro de Rosenberg. O primeiro erro de Rosenberg é “ter extraído o seu princípio mais importante das teorias de Chamberlain”, e o seu segundo erro é exibir “uma ainda mais forte coloração anticatólica”. A não ser por esses pontos, Evola dá à história racial de Rosenberg o devido reconhecimento, apenas lamentando a sua “incompreensão dos valores estéticos e a depreciação deles ante os valores marciais”. A crítica seguinte de Evola, que a esta altura deve nos parecer familiar, recai sobre a discussão que faz Rosenberg sobre os povos do Mediterrâneo, especialmente os antigos etruscos. De acordo com Rosenberg, os etruscos eram um “povo misterioso e forâneo (levantino), cuja sombria e subversiva influência nunca se obliterou, realmente, apesar das incursões nórdicas”. Assim, pois, Rosenberg reconhece, na descrição do Inferno que faz Dante em A Divina Comédia, um exemplo das “medonhas representações do além-túmulo típicas dos etruscos […], de seus ritualismos supersticiosos, seu satanismo obsceno de tipo levantino”. Como amante da obra dantiana, especialmente de A divina comédia e da majestosamente cavalheiresca A vida nova, acabei concordando, mais ou menos, com o retrato que Evola faz de Rosenberg como profundamente ignorante de questões culturais que requeiram maior sensibilidade.

 

Dito isso, parece difícil evitar a sensação de que O mito do sangue arrisca-se a se confundir com uma apologia racial e filosófica dos não nórdicos. O que salva o texto, continuamente, de acusações nesse sentido é a persistente atitude de Evola com relação ao elitismo e a recorrência deste tema por todo o livro. A principal e, de certa perspectiva, a mais devastadora crítica de Evola contra Rosenberg e outros nacional-socialistas como ele é que a sua ideologia mantém forte sentido igualitário. Evola escreve:

 

A tradição do homem da raça norte-teutônica, de acordo com esses estudiosos, não teve continuação em Carlos Magno, mas sim na linhagem dos saxões pagãos erradicados por esse imperador e, depois, nos Príncipes da Reforma, insurgidos contra a autoridade imperial. Von Leers identifica na revolta antiaristocrática e comunitarista dos camponeses alemães “a última revolução nórdica do Medievo”, sufocada em sangue. E Rosenberg, da mesma forma, identifica nesse evento uma insurreição contra a servidão romana na tríplice forma dada pela Igreja, pelo Estado e pelo Direito, antevendo que essa revolta espiritual voltará a se acender no século XX para a vitória final. Ainda mais fortemente, essas ideias são defendidas por Walter Darré, cujo último trabalho sobre O campesinato como fonte de vida da raça nórdica obteve larga difusão e sucesso na Alemanha, o que gostaríamos da atribuir a causas extrínsecas… O tipo nórdico verdadeiro não é aquele do conquistador, mas aquele do camponês: um camponês armado (pasmem!), pronto para a autodefesa, mas ainda um camponês.

 

Evola fica abismado com o que diz um tratadista como Carl Dryssen, entre outros, para quem era necessário “reconhecer a tradição do socialismo agrícola como tradição teutônica, e daí reconhecer que a Alemanha está basicamente ligada ao Oriente, ao elemento eslavo-bolchevique, ao bolchevismo — um regime também nascido dos agricultores-soldados livres — e deve fazer causa comum contra o ‘Oeste’”. Francesco Germinario resume essas críticas de Evola como,

atacando o caráter grosseiro e plebeu do ‘racismo de sangue’ do nazismo. O nazismo, ele acreditava, definia a raça ariana muito amplamente e, ao mesmo tempo, muito estreitamente: fazendo a raça coextensiva a todo o Volk germânico, os nazistas ofereciam o nobre título de Ariano a qualquer zé-pregueté da comunidade nacional. Disso também decorreu o erro de situar a legitimidade no seio das massas e não nas mãos de seus chefes. Um retorno radical à tradição iria, ao contrário, requerer de fascistas e nazistas o completo abandono do nacionalismo populista em favor de um “imperialismo pagão”. Por outro lado, ao preconizar que os povos nórdicos do Noroeste da Europa eram os únicos arianos, os alemães excluíram, tolamente, outras elites raciais da Europa, com o que demonstraram a inadequação da ideologia nazista para servir de base para a Nova Ordem ou para um ressurrecto Sagrado Império Romano.(9)

 

Essas mesmas críticas reaparecem no décimo capítulo (“A concepção racista do direito”), no décimo primeiro capítulo (“A nova legislação racista”) e no décimo segundo capítulo (“O racismo de Adolf Hitler”). O conteúdo desses capítulos é interessante e merece atenta leitura, mas seu tratamento exaustivo ocuparia muito espaço. Além disso, dado o caráter central e subordinante de tais críticas, qualquer síntese delas arriscaria tornar repetitiva esta resenha de maneira tal que faria deste texto uma injustiça. Pelo restante da resenha eu irei, em razão disso, focar num capítulo do livro que deve ser, ao mesmo tempo, o mais interessante e o mais fora de lugar. Refiro-me ao nono capítulo de Evola — “Racismo e antissemitismo”.

 

Esse capítulo é o mais fora de lugar, porque Evola evita de apresentar um ponto de vista que ele depois critica ou questiona. Em vez disso, e imediatamente, ele coloca a Questão Judaica fora do pensamento racial normal e, então, destaca as especificidades dessa mesma questão que exigem  tal colocação. Evola tinha muita familiaridade com a Questão Judaica. Antes de escrever O mito do sangue, ele editara na Itália Os protocolos dos sábios de Sião. No capítulo “Racismo e antissemitismo”, ele argumenta contra a ideia de que os judeus constituam raça pura semelhante a um Ur-Volk, assegurando que, ao contrário, eles são “povo de origem híbrida” que se tornou biologicamente distinto. Ele admite que a mistura das raças remonta a tempos muito remotos, mas afirma que o povo que vemos hoje foi forjado pelo judaísmo em quamanha medida que acabou desenvolvendo “instintos e atitudes de um tipo especial, os quais se tornaram hereditários na passagem dos séculos”. Ele cita o judeu James Darmesteter como tendo escrito que “os judeus têm sido modelados, para não dizer inventados, pelos seus livros e seus ritos. Assim como Adão foi plasmado nas mãos de Jeová, assim ele [o judeu] foi plasmado nas mãos dos rabinos”. Essas referências, claro, condizem muito bem com a exposição de Kevin MacDonald sobre a função quase biológica do judaísmo em seu A People That Shall Dwell Alone [Um povo que habitará só].

 

De acordo com Evola, o judaísmo não tomou a forma atual no tempo de Cristo, mas sim em período posterior — na época do Talmude. Foi durante esta época que “formulações da Lei judaica reforçaram ainda mais e distinguiram o modo de ser judeu e seu instinto, sobretudo no que respeita à sua relação com os não judeus”. Evola concorda com René Guénon quanto a serem os  judeus que abandonaram a Lei judaica ainda mais perigosos do que os seguidores dela, pois “aquele que não tem raça se volta contra as raças; aquele que não tem nação se volta contra as nações”. Ele também aprova a visão de Heinrich Wolf, que vê o elemento judeu como,

estranho, furtivo, um apátrida em cada pátria… o próprio princípio antirracial, antitradicional, anticultural: não a antítese de determinada cultura, mas de toda cultura, se racial ou nacionalmente determinada… com o espírito dos nômades, dos povos desertícolas sem ligação com nenhuma pátria, os judeus infundiram em vários povos — a começar do romano — o vírus da desnaturalização ou universalismo, do internacionalismo da cultura. Sua ação consiste na corrosão incessante do que quer que seja diferenciado, qualitativo, ligado ao sangue e à tradição.

 

A discussão de Evola sobre a noção dos judeus de que agem como “a luz das nações” é excepcional e de valor inestimável, dizendo respeito ao que Evola refere como o autoconceito judeu de ser o “homem da salvação”. Ela merece ser lida e assimilada completamente, mas basta  dizer aqui que a ação do “homem da salvação” redunda na “contaminação e degradação de todo valor mais alto”. Similarmente, Evola vê, na crença dos judeus como sendo o “Povo Eleito” predestinado à dominação de outros povos, a manifestação de “um profundo e desenfreado ódio a todo não judeu”, que se efetiva num círculo vicioso [de profecia autorrealizável]”. A seguir, Evola cita passagens antigentílicas do Talmude que confirmam as suas preocupações.

Evola insiste em que, desses problemas, embora radicados profundamente na história e nos primeiros escritos do Talmude, nenhum está hoje resolvido: “Aqueles preceitos afetaram, durante séculos, a formação do judeu no âmago do seu caráter: eles deixaram marcas indeléveis”. Evola apresenta o que, na verdade, pode ser uma primitiva versão, datada da década de 1930, da teoria  da estratégia evolucionária de grupo, que depois consagraria Kevin MacDonald. Em vez de falar, estritamente, de genes e traços, Evola menciona um “complexo de instintos” que apenas foi laicizado e se tornou funcional na modernidade. Ele argumenta que esses instintos são, basicamente, revolucionários, “podendo atuar por si mesmos, sem nenhuma dada condição externa, como o fermento de agitação e subversão permanentes”. Evola argumenta contra algumas cogitações antijudaicas do seu tempo envolvendo certas teorias conspiratórias. Em vez disso, ele aventa o parecer de que, dadas as reiteradas situações de persistente participação judaica em atividades subversivas, “não estamos lidando com nenhuma intenção particular ou plano, mas com instintos, com um modo de ser que se manifesta natural e espontaneamente”. “Misturam-se o instinto e a inspiração em convergência. Não se pode dizer que os judeus sejam culpados: os judeus não podem agir senão assim, como o ácido não pode senão corroer. É o ser deles, determinação atávica das suso citadas causas raciais”. O mesmo é dizer “estratégia evolucionária de grupo”, expressão de Kevin MacDonald, parafrasticamente.

Esse nono capítulo termina com uma discussão sobre Os protocolos, mas toda a sua segunda metade, antes disso, está repleta de percepções e comentários dignos de referência. Uma citação de Theodor Fritsch clama por ser incluída aqui: “A comunidade judia tem menos características de  religião do que de conspiração”. Evola entrega até mesmo uma espécie de versão primitiva em ponto menor da Culture of critique (trilogia de Kevin MacDonald), ao esclarecer o sentido maior e subjacente nos trabalhos de Freud, Adler, Claudio Lombroso (criminologista judeu), Nordau, Wasserman, Hirschfeld e Durkheim, observando que,

 

esses são exemplos frisantes, que poderiam ser multiplicados, de ações com mil faces, mas com um só efeito: desintegrar, degradar, subverter. Isso se chama Schadenfreude [chadenfroide ou maletícia em português (n. do trad.)] ou seja, a alegria obtida da desmoralização, da espoliação, da sensualização, da libertinagem, da abertura das portas dos repartimentos “subterrâneos” da alma humana, desliando os seus laços para saciá-la — eis o atributo da Schadenfreude que marca a alma judeo-levantina, a alma do “homem da salvação”.

 

******

O mito do sangue é um livro notável sob muitos aspectos — como documento histórico; como contrapeso do moderno e científico pensamento racialista; como exemplo de um radical pensamento anti-igualitarista; como contribuição para discussão da Questão Judaica; como resposta influente e importante dada às visões nordicistas mais rígidas da civilização europeia (do passado, do presente e do futuro); e mesmo como relevante desenvolvimento na obra de Evola. Eu posso dizer com alguma certeza que ninguém concordará com tudo o que Evola tem a dizer no texto, mas eu posso afirmar, por outro lado e da mesma forma, que ninguém precisará se esforçar muito para encontrar nele grandes valores. O livro desafia e provoca, escarnece e cativa, norteia e edifica. Eu fiquei meio frustrado com o conde Evola, que também me deixou perplexo, mas com ele eu aprendi profundas lições. Agora, como no distante 1936, ele não admite ser ignorado.

 

(1) HUNT, Marcus. Review: social and political thought of Julius Evola by Paul Furlong. Political Studies Review, v. 13, p. 239-316, 247. 2015.

(2) SHEEHAN. Thomas. Myth and violence: the fascism of Julius Evola and Alain de Benoist.  Social Research, v. 48, n. 1, p. 45-73. 1981.

(3) WOLFF, Elisabetta Cassina. Apolitìa and tradition in Julius Evola as reaction to nihilism. European Review, v. 22, n. 2, 2014), 258- 273; maio, 2014. Cf. também “Evola’s interpretation of fascism and moral responsibility,” Patterns of Prejudice, 50:4-5, 478-494.

(4) FRANÇOIS, Stéphane. The nouvelle droite and “Tradition”. Journal for the Study of Radicalism, v. 8, n. 1, p. 87-106, 2014. .

(5) FERRARESI, Franco. Julius Evola: tradition, reaction, and the Radical Right. European Journal of Sociology, v. 28, n. 1, p. 107-151, 1987.

(6) NAPOLI, Olindo de. The origin of the racist laws under fascism; a problem of historiography.  Journal of Modern Italian Studies, v. 17, n. 1, p. 106-122, 2012.

(7) WOLFF, Elisabeta Cassina. Evola’s interpretation of fascism and moral responsibility. Patterns of Prejudice. p. 483.

(8) Embora Evola não a tenha mencionado, eu fui levado a me lembrar da passagem dos Edas em que um deus nórdico (para alguns estudiosos era Ódin, para outros, Heimdall) vem ao mundo e procria, gerando três tipos humanos imutavelmente diversos em aparência, espírito e capacidade.

(9) MARTIN, Benjamin. Review: Francesco Germinario: Razza del sangue, razza dello spirito; Julius Evola, l’antisemitismo e il nazionalsocialismo (193043), Modern Italy, v. 9, n.1, p. 124-125, 2004.

________________________

 

Fonte: The Occidental Observer. Autor: Andrew Joyce. Título Original: Review: Julius Evola’s “The Myth of the Blood: The Genesis of Racialism”. Data de publicação: 18 de setembro de 2018. Versão brasilesa: Chauke Stephan Filho.

 

Russia’s Intelligence Community Is Almost Certainly Compromised; at Odds With Itself

Back in the day, the USSR used to actually engage in what is referred to as “active measures.” That is, they would work to create networks of sympathizers in the West related to culture, business and politics. The topic of Soviet interference in the West is rather intricate and worth exploring in detail another time. To simplify it drastically, the nature of Soviet subversion in the West was dependent on the kind of sympathy for the USSR that was found in the West. With the counter-revolutionary cultural reforms of Stalin onwards, the USSR suddenly found itself suddenly more culturally conservative than the West in many areas. This cost them a lot of support among the progressive culture-creator caste of the West. In short, support for the USSR began to dwindle in the West once rock and roll and party drugs came to dominate Western culture. The USSR came to be seen as stiff, militaristic and anti-fun, which it was, and their outreach efforts suffered as a result.
In the non-aligned world, the USSR engaged in more active active measures right up through to the day of its collapse. They focused on funding counter-insurgencies, education of Third-World elites, arming rebels and the like.

After the collapse, the reorganized FSB was reformed as an internal police force by the satrap government of Boris Yeltsin, with the intention of preventing a revisionist Socialist/Nationalist leader rising up from the ruins of post-Soviet Russia. They have been largely successful with their primary mission. And they stopped engaging in any active measures abroad. However, a special exception was made for Ukraine with the establishment of the rumored 5th Service/Department of the FSB. It was almost certainly the FSB that was tasked with planning the SMO in Ukraine leading to the failed Kiev Coup of the early weeks in the war and also the failed seizure of many other critical cities in Ukraine. As is becoming clearer and clearer now, the plan was to seize these cities by coming to a deal with the politicians who ran them and by activating pre-prepared networks of agent operatives. This explains why the Russian military dashed in lightly armed, and then proceeded to sit around waiting for something to happen. In Kherson, the operation succeeded, as evidenced by the fact that the city was taken without any bloodshed. And then surrendered later, of course. In Kharkiv, the Russian motorized columns were almost lured into an ambush that they escaped from by the skin of their teeth. In Kiev, running gun battles in the streets may have been more than just freshly armed local militias running around and settling old scores, but rather the work of an insider network that was activated on the eve of the arrival of Russian troops.

More puzzling has been the Russian government’s half-hearted effort to conduct the war in Ukraine and take necessary measures at home to prepare the country for war with NATO. On the level of rhetoric, the Kremlin claims that they have been at war with NATO in Ukraine since the start. However, if the situation is indeed so serious, it begs the question: why they are treating the whole affair so lightly? Russia’s economy has not been put on war footing and all public pronouncements by the government and Putin himself vociferously deny that there will be any “nationalizing” of the economy. Despite all this, many oligarchs continue to leave Russia, friends of Putin even, their billions intact and in tow. The same neoliberal pro-Western creatures continue to occupy their posts of power as well. Elvira Nabiullina is probably the most egregious case. Thanks to her, Russia lost billions of rubles that had been kept in the West. And despite the fact that Russia is in a position to benefit from a classic Keynesian war-economy situation, she continues to pursue neoliberal austerity measures that stifle the economy in the name of controlling inflation. This is not idle speculation on my part. Big names in Russia like Sergey Glazyev, who is quite popular in English-speaking alt-media, have come out and condemned the Kremlin’s policies as nonsensical—and suicidal as well. It was a shock to everyone when Nabiullina, who was up for re-nomination this year, retained her position, despite the fact that she had even counter-signaled against the war and was one of the most unabashed pro-Western voices in the Kremlin.

Meanwhile, many Russian-language analysts and commentators on Telegram have pointed out the “lag” with which President Putin speaks about developments on the front. Unlike Zelensky, Putin stays far away from the frontlines. Also unlike Zelensky, who Putin personally promised the Israelis that he wouldn’t assassinate, he probably does fear being assassinated himself.

Times of Israel:

Former prime minister Naftali Bennett said in a video published Saturday that Russian President Vladimir Putin assured him, in the early days of the war, that he wouldn’t kill Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky. 

“He gave me two great concessions,” Bennett said of his March 5, 2022, meeting with Putin, when he flew to Moscow in an effort to mediate shortly after Russia began its invasion.
“I knew Zelensky was under threat, in a bunker. … I said to [Putin], ‘Do you intend to kill Zelensky?’ He said, ‘I won’t kill Zelensky,’” Bennett recalled in the interview, which was published on his own YouTube channel.
“I need to understand. Are you giving me your word that you won’t kill Zelensky?” Bennett said he asked Putin.
Bennett said the Russian president repeated: “I won’t kill Zelensky.”
Bennett said he called the Ukrainian president immediately after the three-hour encounter with Putin, and told him, “I’ve just come out of a meeting — [Putin] is not going to kill you.
“[Zelensky] asked me, ‘Are you sure?’ I said 100 percent. [Putin’s] not going to kill you.”

Bennett recalled: “Two hours later, Zelensky went to his office, and did a selfie in the office, [in which the Ukrainian president said,] ‘I’m not afraid.’”

Both Evgeniy Prigozhin, the CEO of Wagner, and Dmitri Rogozhin, the former head of the Roscosmos agency, survived assassination attempts while in the Donbass. Rogozhin, in particular, came very close to losing his life and got wounded.

Now, the war from the Russian side is being run by the Security Council, which is headed up by Nikolai Patrushev, the head FSB guy, among other high-level spooks. Also, the information from the front that makes its way to Putin’s desk comes via the FSB. So, if there is any informational “lag” then there can only be one culprit behind it, raising the uncomfortable question of whether or not Putin is being deliberately kept in the dark and at a distance from his generals.

Another interesting data point and one of the least commentated on phenomenon of the war so far was the campaign of sabotage occurring all across Russia and then later Belarus. The reason why the Russian media refused to implicate Ukraine in the near-constant occurrence of refineries and warehouses and factories going up in flames was that it would be an admission of yet another intelligence failure. How was it possible for the heavily-guarded Crimean bridge to be blown up? For Darya Dugina to be assassinated?

All of this seems to indicate serious intelligence agency failures at the very least, or worse, a compromised intelligence state. There are still many other little clues that we can look at when testing out this hypothesis.

We should consider the following rather strange occurrences:

The first being that American intelligence accurately predicted the start of the Russian SMO and warned Kiev. This was dismissed at the time by various pro-Russia alt-bloggers and even vociferously condemned by Russian officials like Lavrov and Peskov who condemned the very idea that Russia would be the initiator of any violence. In other words, many Kremlin officials were kept in the dark and left with an egg on their face. But American intelligence learned about the invasion anyway. Furthermore, privileged oligarchs like Roman Abramovich had advance notice as well, allowing them to take evasive measures with their fortunes. This same Abramovich arranged for the release of Azov prisoners from Russian captivity and subsequently toured them around in his private jet, feeding them tiramisu. He has not faced any consequences for this disastrous domestic PR fiasco from Russia’s authorities. But he has, amusingly, had to deal with the UK seizing some of his fortune, that is, Russian money, to fund the government in Kiev.

When the situation is looked at in it’s entirety, the disastrous early days of the SMO, the inability to secure Russian funds abroad, the prior notice available to American intelligence and privileged Russian oligarchs, the subsequent successful sabotage and assassination campaigns, Putin’s slow reaction times, the economic foot-dragging, and other strange occurrences that can only be speculated about now, the prognosis starts to look grimmer and grimmer for Russia indeed.

So far, I have only listed events that have occurred that cannot be denied and are therefore not conspiratorial, really. If I were to dip my toes into more conspiratorial theories regarding the compromised Russian intelligence state, I would mention the extremely suspect grain, steel, ammonia, and gas deals that have been made since the start of the active fighting. The most egregious example was the surrender of Snake Island by the Russians. The island was first officially abandoned because it was deemed indefensible by Russia. But, since its abandonment, the Russians have never attacked it, acting as if it were impregnable. To justify this strange action, the Kremlin then came out and said that it was a gesture of good will. Around this time though, frozen grain supplies started flowing again, raising eyebrows in Russia about whether humanitarian concerns were really the cause of the island’s surrender as opposed to financial ones. Similar subsequent episodes have occurred where military objectives may or may not have been sacrificed to secure financial deals regarding the trading of steel and ammonia. There is no smoking gun here though, so we cannot make any definitive verdict, but if such events were occurring, they could only be occurring under the watchful eye of the Russian intelligence community.

In the meantime, a new player has emerged on the Russian political scene: a mercenary outfit with close ties to Putin and a seemingly almost limitless slush fund of government money to tap into. I am referring, of course, to Wagner. In recent days, Evgeniy Prigozhin, its CEO, has come out with a statement in which he announces that Wagner no longer recognizes the governments of several formerly Anglo countries as legitimate.

I have written about the emergence of this powerful new political player in Russia’s internal politics before, and will have lots more to say in the context of their relationship to the GRU, the military intelligence organization which helped create the organization and which seems to be at loggerheads with the FSB now.

But this statement by Prigozhin is really a game-changer, at least on the level of rhetoric. It reads as follows:

I hereby inform you that the Wagner PMC commanders’ council has signed the protocol. ‘The council was attended by 427 people (quorum has been reached). The following decisions were made:

1. To consider as illegitimate government bodies of the USA, Great Britain and Canada.
We know for certain that the policy of these countries is based on the creation and use of terrorist organizations, as well as terrorist methods in the following spheres: military, economic, biological, information, telecommunications (cyberterrorism), humanitarian (resulting in various forms of genocide and neo-colonialism: the oppression of the black population of Africa, the Slavic peoples in particular, Russians, oppression of Asians on racial grounds), as well as confessional terrorism, especially towards Christians and Muslims.
2. Recognize as invalid the following documents: the US Declaration of Independence (ratified 4 July 1776), the Treaty of Union of Great Britain (ratified 1 May 1707), the Constitutional Act of British North America (adopted March 29, 1867).
Accordingly, having all the necessary information about the 2016 and 2020 US elections, as well as the documented facts of fraud during the latter, we determine the 2020 US election to be illegal. We recognize Great Britain as a state whose citizens currently live in a “troubled time of anarchy.”
We challenge the sovereignty of Canada due to the fact that it is a territory of the Commonwealth led by King Charles.
Based on the above, the governments of the United States, Great Britain and Canada are recognized as terrorist and illegal:
Clauses 4 and 9 of paragraph 7 of the Charter of PMC “Wagner” apply to the following chief terrorists.
US President Joseph Biden, King Charles III of Great Britain and Canada must give an explanation for what reason they illegitimately hold power in the above states, oppressing the peoples of the USA, Great Britain and Canada.
In turn, PMC “Wagner” will provide the peoples of these and other oppressed countries all kinds of assistance in countering the terrorist structures, such as the government of the United States, British and Canadian government, Islamic State, Al-Qaeda, Boko Haram, Katiba Masina, etc. We will protect and support the civilian population of states, that has been exposed to genocide, neo-colonialism, terrorism by private, public and supranational entities.
Putting aside the clumsy wording of the document, the meaning behind it is clear. It is a declaration of war. Also, since the founding of the modern Russian state, talk of this kind has been strictly avoided. This may sound strange for someone who grew up during the Cold War, but Russia well and truly surrendered to the West and simply bit its lip and bore the various spook projects that were launched within the countries of the FSU and did nothing to respond in kind.

There were, however, isolated instances of resistance, like the GRU’s clandestine operations to help in Serbia, where Igor “Strelkov” Girkin first cut his teeth, and in Transnistria, where Strelkov and General Lebed intervened on behalf of the marooned Russians there, and, eventually, the creation of Wagner in Donbass by the GRU and their subsequent use in Africa, Syria, and now as a self-contained mini-army in Donbass again.

But the statement by Wagner indicates, on the level of rhetoric at least, that Wagner is not opposed to air-dropping Kalashnikovs to the MAGA people of America. And it is clearly a retaliatory response to being designated a terrorist organization by the US government.

For Russians who have been outraged by the passive and nonchalant way in which the Kremlin has been treating this war with NATO, this is welcome news indeed. Although Prigozhin is a “private individual” and so his statements do not reflect the official views and attitudes of the Russian government, perhaps it means that someone with power in Russia is willing to actually start fighting back seriously. However, if I had to make a prediction, I would wager that Wagner will be forced to take down the statement by the Security Council in the coming days and weeks. Stay tuned.

All in all, there appears to be yet another power struggle developing in Russia between the Security Council (FSB people) and the Wagner group (GRU people). This on top of the already existing conflict between the Not-So-Deep State and the Permanent Opposition. Meanwhile, Putin himself keeps to his tried and true strategy of governance: he sits on the fence between all these groups, acting as an arbiter between the internal squabbling parties.

Truth be told, I don’t foresee a MAGA-Hezbollah-CCP domestic insurgency supported by Wagner emerging in America any time soon, sorry. In fact, I have yet to see any proof, or even the faintest tangible rumor of Russia re-engaging in active measures in the West. This declaration by Wagner is literally the first and closest thing that anyone can point to. So, if a Russian shows up to your local book club offering assault rifles, I would suggest proceeding with extreme caution and possibly avoiding that social club for the foreseeable future.

Furthermore, Wagner already has its hands full in Donbass, Africa and Syria. With the return of Viktor Bout, a GRU man himself, I foresee an escalation of the conflict with NATO occurring in the Third World similar to how the game was played prior to the collapse of the USSR. Many Russian oligarchs have already moved into Africa and now battle it out against the French, American, Chinese and other players for access to the dark continent’s incredible mineral wealth. The rhetoric in the statement appears to be heavily skewed to appeal to Third Worlders anyways.

All in all, I think it is clear that Russia would be in a much better position if the GRU and Wagner were in charge of the intelligence community instead of the people who have been running Russia as a quasi-satrapy of the West for the last 30 years. This latest development because of the war-that-isn’t-a-war in the internal security structure of Russia is certainly worth paying attention to going forward.

Comments on The Secret Relationship Between Blacks and Jews, Vol. 1

Besides their important position in the sugar industry and in tax farming, they dominated the slave trade…. The buyers who appeared at the auctions were almost always Jews, and because of this lack of competitors they could buy slaves at low prices…. If it happened that the date of such an auction fell on a Jewish holiday the auction had to be postponed.

The Secret Relationship Between Blacks and Jews, Vol. 1: The Jewish Role in the Enslavement of Africans
The Nation of Islam

Once again, I am knee-deep in considering the Jews.

*          *          *          *

To the extent that any ethnographic study of the Jews is less than hagiographic, one can be sure that the long knives will be sharped and the attack on the critic of the Jews writ large will be ruined. In this, I am reminded of Gilad Atzmon’s trenchant observation in his pithy book, The Wandering Who, that, “it is not the idea of being unethical that torments [the Jews] but the idea of being ‘caught out’ as such.” If one keeps this maxim in mind—indeed, if one amplifies this maxim—it serves as a hermeneutic principle to understand why Jews react the way they do to any form of group criticism. Every cognizable group of human beings, no matter the basis of their association, is not beyond group criticism except the Jews—and if there were ever needed a demonstration of the incredible power that Jews possess in Western societies, it is their repeated ability to marginalize and destroy anyone who criticizes the Jews as a group concerning supporting Israel (an apartheid state), questioning the various narratives of Jewish victimology, or offering a counter-narrative of collective Jewish misconduct and abuse of power. This power is amplified since they, the Jews, excoriate other groups as a matter of sport—it is not “group” analysis per se that is the problem, it is a less-than-flattering portrait of the Jews that is objectionable. Conveniently the weapon of choice is prophylactically to brand such opposition, “antisemitism,” and, in this, I am again reminded of Atzmon who noted that, “[w]hile in the past an ‘anti-Semite’ was someone who hates Jews, nowadays it is the other way around, an anti-Semite is someone that the Jews hate.” And there is no one that Jews hate more than someone who dares to critique the Jews as a group.

This principle is integral to understanding that the Jews, fundamentally as a group, are congenitally illiberal people who, at least in the main, prostitute the liberal and modern academic tenants of self-criticism, self-reflection, and evidence-based scholarship to criticize and shame other groups. Even though the liberal academy is disproportionately populated by Jews who sanctimoniously make their living disparaging non-Jewish groups (and especially Christians and Europeans and their intertwined histories)—supposedly in concert with liberal principles—they close ranks when someone, really anyone, turns those liberal principles of a critical examination upon the Jews themselves. The blatant hypocrisy of Jewish “liberal” academicians knows no bounds.

Liberal historiography of any group matures from a juvenile self-favoritism and suspicion of the “other” into one that takes the perspective of the “other” and objectifies, at least in a sense, the motives of one’s group. This is fundamental to Western individualism and its universalist moral codes. So, for example, observant Catholics can—and do—take a moral inventory of their history and do not shirk from recognizing where they fell short of their ideals as a people historically. But the Jews have never reached this maturity—and indeed, if anything, they have regressed towards cruder historiographic fantasies in proportion with their power to project such historical lies. As such, there is something deeply unserious about the Jews—a lack of self-reflection that bespeaks an almost adolescent and constant defensive posture. Israel Shahak makes this point regarding the Jews in his incredible study of Jewish group psychology and history, Jewish History, Jewish Religion: The Weight of Three Thousand Years (1994, 22), when he writes about the totalitarian mindset of Jewish groups in which studies of Judaism are characterized by “deception, apologetics or hostile polemics, indifference or even active hostility to the pursuit of truth. … Modern totalitarian regimes rewrite history or punish historians. … When a whole society tries to return to totalitarianism, a totalitarian history is written, not because of compulsion from above but under pressure from below, which is much more effective. This is what happened in Jewish history.”

Again, understanding that the Jews are illiberal chauvinists infused with a totalitarian “groupthink” is necessary to reorient their projection of history as something designed, no more or no less, to empower the Jews and disempower the “other” whenever and wherever they find themselves. For the Jews, it would seem, life with the “other” is inevitably a zero-sum game in which the “other” can never be considered a neighbor. And when Jews do treat the non-Jew as a neighbor, it is always despite the dictates of Judaism and never because of it. It is for this reason that true community between Jews and non-Jews is, at least in my opinion, next to impossible to obtain.

*          *          *          *

Jews understand, or at least so it seems to me, that manipulation over the historical narrative operates to control the present and near-future. If groups are assigned historical gloss generally as negative group actors or positive group actors, that gloss itself operates to immunize or disable those same groups from acting in the present. That gloss also provides morale to the positive group actors while disheartening negative group actors. They are, at least in this regard, quite sophisticated in understanding how group dynamics play out. And because most people lack the sophistication, time, or inclination to study the alleged basis for this historical gloss, the gloss itself is reduced to a kind of group stereotype that is implicitly digested by the broader society without much thought. The Jews do everything that they can do to discredit any historian or intellectual who challenges the proffered stereotype of the Jews—the moral group historical gloss, as it were—that the Jews are a light to humanity who have always been unjustly persecuted everywhere. The virtually manic and automatic response of Jews instinctively to destroy any critical scholarship aimed at exploding this self-serving Jewish narrative (or offering a less panegyric narrative) in the most heavy-handed way itself indicates a deep-seated group psychosis. People, such as the Jews who are dominated by “groupthink,” take criticism of the group as always representing an existential threat.

Indeed, when we speak of “the Jews,” we are not necessarily speaking of a conspiracy, which is another way that Jews assert control over the historical narrative. “Conspiratorial” charges are a thin veneer to condemn those who critique the Jews: we are, or so they claim, “crazy” because they trot out the strawman that we assert—presumably wearing tinfoil hats—that the world’s Jews scheme their plot to “control” the world in some sort of group conference. Questioning Jewish power, which is obvious as the day is long, becomes tantamount to the thoughts of an unhinged insane person, which is the perfect example of what “gaslighting” is. The charge of “conspiracy” is yet another defense mechanism put forward by the Jews to make the critic of the Jews seem weird and ridiculous, and therefore not worthy of consideration based upon the lack of credibility of the critic himself (as opposed to the merits of the critique proffered). Like the charge of antisemitism, which is used to paint the critic of the Jews as a moral leper, labeling critics of the Jews as “crazy” is another way to ensure that critic’s marginalization. Either way (crazy or immoral), the Jews seek immunity from group criticism by viciously attacking and ostracizing the messenger. The critique of the Jews, however, does not require a conspiratorial predicate (or a mendacious heart)—it could be that they collectively have lousy ethics (they do); it could be that they collectively are inbred enough (they are) that they have developed certain psychological and genetic predilections to act collectively albeit unconsciously in the way that they do; and it could be that most Jews believe the propaganda foisted upon them by their leadership and respond accordingly. And it could be a conspiracy amongst the leadership of the Jews. Concerted action by a group does not necessarily require a conscious plan and the idea that criticism of the Jews requires it is a deflection by them to silence the criticism itself.

Contrary to the moral historical gloss that the Jews want to put forward, there is another one worth considering. The Jews, everywhere and always, have been terrible neighbors to the non-Jewish people with whom they have co-inhabited geographic space. They have treated their non-Jewish neighbors (the “goyim”), at least as a rule, as something less than human—and because of that, they have always and everywhere attempted (and often succeeded) in taking advantage of their non-Jewish neighbors in every conceivable way. Setting aside their collective psychological profile, they cheat, steal, and kill the goyim without the normal human sense of moral compunction—and they always have. The Talmud itself—the key religious source material for Judaism in the post-Second Temple era—is replete with examples condoning or encouraging exactly that type of behavior towards the goyim. We, the goyim, are objects to be fleeced. And this, as much as the goyim’s alleged “antisemitism,” explains why every non-Jewish nation in history has, at least on occasion, been forced to take punitive actions against the Jews living within their midst. Moreover, it also explains why anti-Jewish sentiment has percolated in so many for so long; it is not that goyim—that is, all of non-Jewish humanity—have had ingrained hard hearts towards the Jews, it is rather that some of the goyim see the Jews accurately for who they are and what they have done (and continue to do) and project back upon the Jews the same level of objectification that the Jews themselves project outward towards the goyim. None of this is said, especially as a Catholic, to justify any harm done to any Jews. After all, we have a different ethic concerning the humanity of the Jews than the Jews have concerning us. That differential ethic means necessarily that we play by different rules and judge our conduct differently than they judge their own. But what continues to amaze me is that the Jews never consider what it is about them that elicits such a universal sense of animosity: for a people allegedly so bright, that they never consider that it might just be them—and not the rest of humanity—is almost beyond credulity. Indeed, it is so far beyond credulity that I don’t believe it: the Jews know they are hypocrites as it relates to the goyim, but they do not care—their hypocrisy is simply another long con.

*          *          *          *

My professional life has been dominated by interactions with the Jews. And, on a personal level, I have no animosity towards any of the Jews with whom I have interacted because they are Jews. Know thyself is a maxim that is crucial to personal growth, and, at least as it relates to the Jews, I know that my opinions about the Jews as a group have nothing to do with a personal animosity that I have towards Jews generally. If anything, my opinions are held despite my affection for so many Jews that have been a part of my professional life. And, to go one step further, I concede that many Jews have been good to me in my career and have even been friends. Candidly, I assume that a similar dynamic would be at play if I worked closely with Muslims or any other non-Catholic group—personal affection towards individuals is not inconsistent with evaluating the working out of group dynamics, for good or for bad. More to the point, there is no disability in racial or ethnic Judaism per se; if any Jew renounces Talmudic Judaism as a religion and as a series of unethical and dehumanizing principles, he can be as good as anyone else.

Perhaps one could accuse me of duplicity: obviously, I do not share my opinions on Jewish group dynamics with my Jewish colleagues. But I assume, for good reason, they have a public face to me, as a constituent of the goyim, and a private face as it relates to the goyim generally. I do not think that many of them see a contradiction in befriending me, as it were, yet still seeing the interactions generally between Jews and non-Jews as zero-sum. In any event, I was born into a Western society that is predominated by Jews in the professional classes—I am forced to navigate them if I too am to be a professional. For my part, I wish the Jews no harm, not at all.  I simply want for my people the same thing that they want:  a homeland in which our shared faith and culture predominates without foreign influence. I recognize that Europe once had that until the Enlightenment freed the Jews to wreak havoc. And I would like that back.

Virtually every Jew that I have ever encountered has a favorable opinion as it relates to the State of Israel. They doggedly support the preservation of that national experiment built upon the backs of the Palestinian people who lived there before the advent of Zionism. Thus, the vast majority of Jews unashamedly supports a homeland for Jews in which the Jewish identity, in all its various forms, is cultivated, respected, and perpetuated. That they could care less that that “homeland” necessarily involved the dispossession of another people ought to be a telltale sign of who they are. That others might feel the same affection about their people—religiously and ethnically—never appears to dawn on the Jews. Indeed, the Jews have a sense that any such aspiration by the goyim (and especially the Christian goyim) is “bad” for the Jews. Parenthetically, there is something so threadbare about Jewish ethics as such—it really can be reduced to evaluating whether something is good or bad by asking the simple question: is it good or bad for the Jews. And worse, my conclusion is therefore that the Jews, as a group, do everything that they can to thwart the same aspiration of identity and autonomy in others (especially the autonomy of Christians and Europeans who are, at least in Talmudic literature, associated with Israel’s eternal foe, Edom). Everywhere they predominate, which is everywhere in our Western societies, they sow discord and distort our history to squelch our aspirations to achieve what we would seek except for their gaslighting. Along with their utter lack of self-reflection, their hypocrisy is so galling.

To put a coda on this, at least personally, I do not hate the Jews—indeed, I am not allowed by my creed to hate them—but I recognize them collectively for what they are: civilizational adversaries, not friends or allies. And yet this is another difference between us and them: they know they are at war with us, and we do not.

But more than anything else, the Jews, at least as a group, are liars, and they are never to be trusted when it comes to their proffered analysis as it relates to group dynamics or their account of history. Everything they say, write, or think on the group level has one goal—to gaslight and convince themselves and the “other” of Jewish moral superiority and the “other’s” moral inferiority. If we keep that principle in mind, we should never trust their account of anything they claim relating to history (or anything else) because it is so often contrived. In that context, they have always possessed a revolutionary spirit of division that is as toxic as it is diabolical. Another way to understand their collective conduct is to realize that their identity as a group was forged by their rejection of Christ, which coincided with the destruction of the Second Temple. As such, they are a people of negation. They are the remnant of people who rejected the direct and personal invitation of the Logos, and they are, as a result, opposed to the Logos in a way that is different from all other groups. It is wrong to consider them to be a people cursed by God, but it is accurate to say that they bear the collective scars of being the people who rejected— and continue to reject—God intimately. Given that their subsequent history as a people after the Incarnation has been one marked by the continuing rejection of Logos, their very identity has been admixed with a special and unique hostility to European Christians. To be a serious Jew then is to harbor a special animosity towards Christian goyim and it follows therefrom that for Christians to entertain anything that Jews have to say about history seriously as beyond naïve. It is dangerous.

Finding and reading work critical of the Jews is no easy task. Not only is such work difficult to publish in the first place because of the social suicide it represents for the author, but it is also difficult to find because the Jews exert their influence to censor such books from commercial venues even after the author is willing to sacrifice himself to publish it. For example, Amazon regularly censors books that the Jews find objectionable. Moreover, websites that present such material are regularly hounded off the internet and often deprived of even the ability to accept electronic payment processing. Just google, “Kevin MacDonald” or “E. Michael Jones”—both bright and scholarly non-Jewish academics who have been reduced to crazy bigots for merely taking cognizance of the Jews with less than encomium. Or google, “Israel Shahak” or “Gilad Atzmon”—both Jews who are openly dismissed as Jewish traitors and Jewish anti-Semites for critiquing from within the malice of the Jews. But a few intrepid souls carry on, and, with a little diligence, the material can be found. And what makes finding it enthralling is how such material exposes the carefully constructed Jewish edifice for what it is: a diabolic structure built upon deceit. Eventually, the Truth is revealed—either now or in the next life—and the ruse of the Jews will not persist in perpetuity.

*          *          *          *

One unexpected book I recently heard about, The Secret Relationship Between Blacks and Jews: The Jewish Role in the Enslavement of Africans, is an ethnographic study of the Jewish involvement in the African slave trade following the European discovery of the New World put out by the Nation of Islam headed by Minister Louis Farrakhan. Before delving into the work, I must make one more preliminary observation: there is no small irony in the Nation of “Islam” decrying African slavery when the greatest slaving religion known in human history is Islam. While there was something especially toxic about African chattel slavery in the New World, which we Christians sadly own as a part of our history, Muslims enslaved more people (by multiple factors) over a much longer period than anyone in history—all with express religious sanction from the Quran. That fact is glossed over by the Nation of Islam in its work—the most that The Secret Relationship is willing to concede is that the Jews and Europeans were abetted by “African race traitors” who helped procure their fellow Africans for bondage. What is not mentioned is that those “race traitors” were Muslim, and, further, at least as many Africans boarded slave ships during this period were bound for Muslim ports and Muslim slave markets. But what should be remembered is that the Nation of Islam, for good or bad, is not a Muslim sect as much as it is an African American separatist sect with a thin Muslim façade. In any event, as it relates to the slave trade, the Nation of Islam found the rampant Muslim involvement either too inconvenient or too troubling to flesh out.

The Secret Relationship, first published in 1991, is fascinating: it has an unnamed editor and does not indicate personal authorship. The title page declares that it was “Prepared by The Historical Research Department [of] The Nation of Islam.” And it is undoubtedly scholarly with a short bibliography and more than 1,200 footnotes. Its opening “Note on Sources” asserts that it “has been compiled primarily from Jewish historical literature.” The obvious strategy of the authors was to rely upon Jewish sources to document Jewish involvement in the slave trade. Nothing like hoisting your enemy upon his own petard. As a work of scholarship, what then can we say of The Secret Relationship? It is comprehensive and it is academic. It is not a work primarily interested in American slavery but in the entire arc of New World slavery. And the thesis is nothing less than assigning primary culpability for the slave trade to the Jews. In developing that thesis, which, I admit, came as a revelation to me, the compilers work very diligently and methodically to catalog the almost mind-numbing and outsized influence of the Jews in the slave trade.

Every major settlement and colony—no matter its country or trading company founder—is cataloged and the impact of the Jews as it relates to slavery is recounted. The authors work through slavery in Colonial South America and the Caribbean, Brazil, Surinam, Essequibo, Guiana, Barbados, Curacao, Jamaica, Martinique, Nevis, Saint Dominique, Saint Eustatius, and Saint Thomas. The authors then follow the migration of the Jews from the south into Colonial America (New York, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Georgia, and the West). Historically, the book culminates in consideration of the antebellum United States and the Civil War, the role of the American Rabbinate leading up to and during the Civil War and the lack of an abolitionist movement with American Judaism, the double-dealing profit-making of the Jews during the Civil War and Reconstruction and the eventual exploitation of the freedman following the Civil War by the Jews. The book concludes with a study of census data, Jewish wills, slavery in Jewish law, and the rape of Black slaves by Jewish slaveholders.

Two related themes that play themselves out throughout the book are the almost complete lack of remorse or moral questioning of the slave trade or the degradation of Africans. The Jews, virtually to a person, never took part in the abolition movement in any conceivable way. Relatedly, the opinion of the Jews towards the Africans was one of an almost unrelenting dehumanization. Taken together, the authors paint a picture—again, derived almost entirely from Jewish historical sources, that the Jews of the slave trading and slaveholding era were not merely participants for it but were fanatical supporters of the practice, and in large measure they based their economic livelihood around slavery in one way or another. The Secret Relationship then is their comeuppance. And when the rabbis walked hand-in-hand with the Civil Rights leaders in the 1960s—and when Blacks could be manipulated and used by the Jews for their political purposes—the inconvenient history of Jewish leadership in the economy of the slavocracy had to be whitewashed.

As I said, the book is comprehensive, and every quotation and analysis cited comes from a Jewish scholar’s voice describing the topic (albeit an older voice not attuned to the modern horror at the concept of African slavery). It seems that earlier Jewish scholarship reflected the more positive defense of slavery that was, for the most, put forward by the Jews leading up to the American Civil War. To put it differently, and in a way that serves as an indirect verification of the thesis of the book, the Jews were so knee-deep in slaving and slave-trading for hundreds of years in the Americas without any moral compunction that it took multiple generations of Jews to turn on slaving and slavery. In other words, the first generations of Jewish scholars after the American Civil War carried within them a defense of it and the Jews’ role in it that took time to unwind. Stated still differently, the first instinct among Jews is to defend Jews, and the first generation of Jewish scholars was candid and relatively unapologetic in defending the outsized role in slaving and slavery. Contemporary Jewish scholars would like to silence these older Jewish voices and the Nation of Islam was no small irritant in providing them a venue to be heard again. The moral outrage of today’s academic Jews at slavery is ironic—they have no standing for indignation at others until they address the moral pox upon their own house.

As mentioned above, the book relies upon Jewish secondary sources of a distinct vintage to make the case that the Jews not only dominated the African slave trade but were instrumental in it. It recites statistics, censuses, correspondence, and charters to demonstrate that Jews were integral to founding settlements (particularly Dutch and Portuguese ones), shipping slaves, and creating the sugar plantation system that sprung up all over the Caribbean and Central/South America. As animosity grew between Jews and European Christians, The Secret Relationship shows how Jews would move from one colony to another, from one country to another, to continue their slaving economic practices—switching countries and trading companies without any compunction. The Jews, as has been long pointed out, never possessed patriotism to the various host countries in which they resided—even if they had lived in those countries for hundreds of years. This phenomenon continues to this day—and the only patriotism that contemporary Jews ever show is directed at their fanatical support of Israel.

Taken together, The Secret Relationship exposes a dark underbelly of Judaism, which is made even more nefarious by the constant liberal posturing by today’s Jewish liberals. The whitewashing of history—that is, the leading Jewish role in African slavery—is a vivid demonstration of Jewish gaslighting that is taking place in real-time. Perhaps that is the single biggest victory by the Nation of Islam’s publication of this book: yes, it brings to light the Jewish involvement in slavery in stark relief, but it does something much more. It shows what Jews are doing now is the historical airbrushing to preserve the Jewish cult of moral superiority.

*          *          *          *

The Secret Relationship’s publication was like a broadside against Jewish academics who use the Atlantic African slave trade as a cudgel against European Christians. In one fell swoop, The Secret Relationship deprived the Jews of their customary and favored role as a perpetual victim by casting them as the chief villains in the slave trade and driving a wedge between the relationship between Blacks and Jews that had been carefully constructed by Jews to encourage Black hatred towards Whites. In response to The Secret Relationship, multiple Jewish academics took up the challenge to show that it was wrong, and they published book after book allegedly debunking The Secret Relationship. Interestingly enough, Amazon censors The Secret Relationship but oddly offers myriad rebuttals for sale. For my copy, I had to order it directly from the Nation of Islam. The problem for the Jewish academic rebuttals was that they were forced to have this historical battle on terrain not of their choosing. And the best that they could muster is, and I paraphrase thousands of pages of their rebuttal scholarship by multiple authors, is essentially, “yeah, Jews were involved in the slave trade like everyone else … so what?”

So much for moral superiority. And now, some thirty years later, even a cursory review of the fallout from The Secret Relationship and its rebuttal scholarship is that The Secret Relationship has been allegedly “discredited”—and one only must peruse the Wikipedia entry on The Secret Relationship to see how strident and over-the-top the response to it has been.

The whole thing stinks of “[t]he lady doth protest too much, methinks.”

There is, however, something certainly lurking in the background of the criticism of The Secret Relationship. Why focus on the Jews? The angst is perhaps best summarized by a Jewish historian from Columbia University:

Jonathan Schorsch of Columbia University, has also written about the slave trade—most recently in his 2009 book Jews and Blacks in the Early Modern World and in an article published in the journal Jewish Social Studies. Schorsch sees even the facts surrounding Jewish involvement as being contentious. “There seem to have been a handful of Jewish firms, proportionate to their population. A lot of things that don’t make anyone feel good.” About The Secret Relationship, Schorsch said, “The claim in the narrow sense is just. Why are they harsher toward Jews? Is it because they are afraid to antagonize Christians? Jews did their share of persecuting and discriminating, of being persecuted and discriminated. Neither Blacks nor Jews are as perfect as one would wish. Did Black Nationalists want to puncture Jewish pride? There are real stakes here—government funding and so forth. Then there’s the victim game—who’s the biggest victim? It makes some Jews very uncomfortable.”

Here, we get down to brass tacks—yes, why the Jews? It must be that the Jews have been so self-deceived that they cannot comprehend the role that they have played in the world. To read that they have always been engaged in the slave trade, usury, double-dealing, and smuggling—among so many other anti-social and destructive practices as it relates to the goyim—punctures the carefully constructed myth of Jewish moral superiority that most Jews, like Professor Schorsch, have evidently and wholeheartedly swallowed. Thus, Professor Schorsch’s anguished question, “why are they harsher towards the Jews” bespeaks an almost plaintive cry of pain—and it ignores that the Nation of Islam was “harsher towards the Jews” because, notwithstanding the Jews’ self-deception, the Jews merit it. And it is no small irony that this book is about the slave trade, which is something the Jews have trafficked in since time immemorial. Indeed, the Jews did not simply happen into the Atlantic African slave trade after the New World was discovered—they had been long involved with slaving when they sold countless European Christians into slavery in Muslim slave markets for hundreds of years before Columbus.

So, why does the Nation of Islam target the Jews for special recognition? Because the Jews were better at the slave business than their contemporary European Christian competitors—they had been doing it for much, much longer. Only now, when human trafficking and slavery have taken on a special odium do Jews run from their history. “Why us?” Why you? Because you deserve the opprobrium that accompanies the special role you played in, among things, slaving—not just in the Americas but everywhere. That is why.

The Jews have a playbook for disciplining White Christians who critique them, and they likewise have a strategy to marginalize individual Jews who publicly air the Jews’ dirty laundry. However, the Nation of Islam presented them with a more difficult task because it represented a not-insignificant Black voice that the Jews supposedly support. In any event, the damage from The Secret Relationship was potentially too detrimental for them to ignore—they struck hard against Farrakhan and have largely succeeded in characterizing the work as “pseudo-scholarship,” which it is anything but. What is sad, and this too can be googled, is how many African Americans have jumped to the defense of their Jewish friends in Hollywood against Farrakhan. Add Louis Farrakhan to the long list of non-Jews that have been tarred by the Jews for daring to critique the Jews—had he limited his vociferousness to merely condemning European Christians, I have little doubt that he would have received a generous subsidy from the Jews, and they would have passionately defended his attack on European Christians.

One of the most telling critiques of The Secret Relationship is not that it is not scholarly but that it relies upon “old” scholarship. Consider the following analysis by Professor Winthrop D. Jordan published in The Atlantic in 1995:

Footnotes matter because verifiability depends on them. In the Karp-Korn instance we are nearly home, though we do not yet know when the article was published—and, of course, the date matters greatly. We can determine it only by consulting actual copies of the article, which turns out to be “Jews and Negro Slavery in the Old South, 1789–1865,” which originated as an address by the president of the American Jewish Historical Society and was first published in 1961. The date [1961], it turns out, falls within a period when Jewish scholarship about the history of Jews in the United States was moving away from predominantly filiopietistic studies of ancestry and achievement and toward a more sophisticated assessment of the role of Jews in American culture. Korn’s article contains a great deal of specific information to which The Secret Relationship has been thoroughly faithful. … Dating such historical writing is critical, given the shifting state of historical scholarship over time. Many of the works cited in The Secret Relationship are so old that it would be generous to call them outdated. Of the first sixty-odd, nearly a third date from before 1950 and eight from the 1890s. In contrast, a recent pamphlet on the Atlantic slave trade that was published by the American Historical Association as an aid to scholars and teachers cites four sources that date from 1949 through the late 1960s and twenty-eight published since 1970.

In other words, The Secret Relationship may be scholarly, but it relies upon “old” scholarship that was produced during a less contemporary era in which Jewish scholars took no pains to hide the involvement in—and domination of—the Atlantic African slave trade. When convenient, the Jews cannot hide their pride in dominating anything, and this included a time when the Jews could not hide their pride in dominating the Atlantic African slave trade. So, we get an apologist for modern Jewish scholarship’s revision of the Jewish involvement in the slave trade by claiming, in nearly incomprehensible language, that we should minimize scholarship that was created during a brief but less “filiopietistic” era. What the author failed to understand is that every era that Jews write about is written in “filiopietistic” terms. The only thing that changes is what is considered historically acceptable. The Jewish scholars from the 1890s through the early 1960s were being “filiopietistic” in trumpeting the domination of the slave trade by the Jews—only later, when the slave trade became a toxic liability did later “filiopietistic” Jewish academics decide that airbrushing the Jewish role was the better course.

More to the point, the fact that later scholarship minimized the Jewish role is proof positive of a collective Jewish agenda to protect Jewish identity and Jewish victimology. Now Jews care about what Blacks think—and indeed the Jews are doing the best to instrumentalize Blacks against Whites (parenthetically, it is no accident that “Blacks Lives Matter” is largely underwritten by Jewish money)—so celebrating a past commercial achievement of Jewish cleverness in the Atlantic slave trade and defending earlier Jewish conduct within it takes a distinct backseat to contemporary Jewish needs. At least, the author acknowledges the danger:

YET surely the compilers of The Secret Relationship will feel that such disparities merely confirm their case—that by avoiding these older historical writings, the history establishment has been hiding the facts about the important role played by Jews in the enslavement of Africans and their descendants in the New World. The [American Historical Association’s] pamphlet does not, in fact, even mention Jews. The compilers will no doubt take this omission as further confirmation that the participation of Jews has been kept a secret.

To this observation, no rebuttal is offered. Professor Jordan’s critique of The Secret Relationship simply—and almost autonomically—moves on to yet more criticism of the book. Yes, someone has been hiding this seeming big historical fact—the Jews played a leadership role in the Atlantic slave trade—and this is a story unto itself. Credit Professor Jordan for recognizing this point but his failure to rebut this charge of “hiding” is quite telling. Ultimately, after conceding that the Jews did, in fact, play an outsized role in the slave trade—albeit mostly in the early years of European settlement, Professor Jordan offers a strange defense of the Jewish role in the African slave trade:

The reasons for the important role of Jews in the early years of the slave trade are not hard to find. To put the matter in summary [apologetic] terms, Jews in medieval Europe had effectively been pushed by the Western branch of the Christian Church away from land ownership and into commerce and financial dealings. During those early years of western overseas expansion many Jews continued to find opportunities for drawing wealth from commerce and finance. Under heavy threat in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, many Portuguese and Spanish Jews found refuge in the Netherlands, a quasi-nation that by that time had a widely reputed tolerance for religious diversity. Jewish citizens of the Netherlands were able to participate in domestic and foreign trade, including the slave trade on the coast of West Africa and in the Americas. These Jews, along with many Christian Dutch traders, supplied slaves not only to the Dutch colonial enterprises in Brazil and Surinam but also to Curaçao and other islands in the Antilles for transhipment to the New World colonies of other European nations. Ironically, Jews were therefore able to make major investments in landed enterprises—which in tropical America meant slave plantations—in Brazil and then Surinam. This brutal trade in human beings was carried on by various African peoples and sociopolitical entities in West and West Central Africa. The participation of these groups also waxed and waned over the 500-year period. Internal developments in Africa played an important part in determining how the trade varied from place to place and from time to time … . One aspect of the present issue, however, is utterly clear: by focusing on the importance of the activities of one internationally distributed religious group of Europeans, the Jews, this book ignores diversities in Africa.

In other words, it is … the Catholic Church’s fault. And the Africans? And the Jewish role in the slave trade in Roman times and for centuries in the Muslim world? The extensive discussions of slavery and lack of disapproval of slavery in Jewish religious writing dating from the ancient world? Hmmm. Meanwhile, nary a word of disapproval of the Jews. It is hard to believe that Professor Jordan had any self-respect left intact after he published this drivel

*          *          *          *

The Secret Relationship is a difficult and disturbing read. Notwithstanding that the focus is upon the Jews and their disproportionate role in the African slave trade, the general dehumanization of Africans is appalling. The business of chattel slavery is a black mark indeed for every participant—Christian and Jew alike. Turning human beings into objects—taking away their natural liberty, subjecting their women to outrages and forced concubinage, and separating families—is horrible. Something is galling about the Jewish liberals who cast aspersions profusely at the European Christians who engaged in chattel slavery. They, like us, bear an ignominy regarding it. Yet they are cagey to the point of dishonesty concerning their substantial part.

The Nation of Islam has ironically done the world a great favor in publishing this remarkable work. Even though it has been “discredited,” its very existence has forced the Jews to account for their role in the slave trade. As a coda to this work, one of the critics mentioned above, Professor Jordan, made a broad criticism of The Secret Relationship that is noteworthy for the irony lost on the critic:

Far from asking any question at all, [The Secret Relationship] begins with an answer—that Jews were especially important in exploiting Africans. It is able to demonstrate, at least ostensibly, that they were. This is the central difficulty: the book sets out to prove a thesis and pays little attention to evidence that might modify or contradict it. If one were to inquire more neutrally into what role Jews played in the Atlantic slave trade, one would find that it was a considerable one during the formative years of the trade, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and a very small one when the trade reached much greater volume, in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.

Here, Professor Jordan admits that the Jews played a “considerable” role during the formative years of the slave trade but criticizes the work for beginning the work with an “answer” and then, according to the critic, “ostensibly” supporting that same answer. What? What is the criticism—that the compilers should have consulted other sources to nuance the answer? As a professional historian, one might assume that an appreciation might be given to the Nation of Islam for pointing out how the Jews’ “considerable” role in the slave trade had been obliterated by contemporary historians to the point that no one knows of that role at all.

Where is the apology demanded of the Jews for that “considerable” role?  Instead, all we get is prevaricating and dissembling. The entire episode—both the work and the furious Jewish response—is a microcosm of Jewish malfeasance and Jewish gaslighting.

Saint Peter Claver, Pray for Us.