Não examinado, não questionado, não desafiado:   o poder judeu na admirável Inglaterra nova

Ehud Sheleg. Quem que é esse? CFI. Hem? O que é isso?

A grande maioria do povo na admirável Inglaterra nova não tem nem noção da resposta a essas perguntas, porque a mídia dominante não publicou absolutamente nada sobre essas questões muito importantes durante as eleições gerais realizadas recentemente.

O maior lóbi da política britânica

Mas esta revista digital é a The Occidental Observer, o Lar do Ódio, e aqui nós não sonegamos informações sobre esses interessantes e graves assuntos.

Sir Ehud Sheleg (nascido em 1955), judeu de Israel, é o possível fraudafioso [nota do trad.: fraudador + mafioso] de opções binárias e atual tesoureiro do Partido Conservador. Ele sucedeu o judeu sul-africano Sir Mick Davis em 2019 e admitiu explicitamente no Jewish Chronicle que coloca os interesses de Israel acima dos de outros países.

E o que é CFI? CFI é a sigla para representar a organização denominada Conservative Friends of Israel [Amigos Conservadores de Israel], que na mesma publicação Jewish Chronicle foi descrita como “o maior lóbi no Palácio de Westminster”, ou seja, na política britânica.

Os góis prostram-se ante a judiaria: Sajid Javid, Priti Patel e Boris Johnson na CFI

Essa entidade, a CFI, controlada por um outro judeu, injustamente obscuro, chamado Lord Polak, foi responsável por ciceronizar a mulher e política inglesa de origem indiana chamada Priti Patel numa série de reuniões secretas e sem registro oficial com políticos de Israel em 2017 (e provavelmente fazia isso desde muito tempo antes). Patel teve de renunciar ao seu cargo no governo de Theresa May por causa de seus esquemas escusos para favorecer governo estrangeiro, mas não se aflija, caro leitor: ela deu a volta por cima ao ser nomeada para cargo ainda melhor e mais importante quando Boris Johnson substituiu May em 2019. Pois é, os quatro políticos mais importantes da Grã-Bretanha — o meio-judeu Boris Johnson como primeiro-ministro, o paquistanês islâmico Sajid Javid como chanceler, a indiana hinduísta Priti Patel como ministra do Interior e o judeu Dominic Raab como ministro do Exterior — são devotados amigos e obreiros de Israel.

A “especial e preciosa” conexão judeo-monárquica

Na verdade, essas figuras não são realmente as mais importantes da política britânica. Ehud Sheleg e Lord Polak são de fato importantes enquanto tesoureiro do Partido Conservador e diretor do CFI, respectivamente. Mas Sheleg e Polak não foram submetidos a nenhum exame sério por parte da mídia dominante. Se algum jornalista se atrevesse a questionar o papel desses judeus no coração do partido dirigente da Grã-Bretanha, ele acabaria sendo denunciado como antissemita e banido da vida pública. Os dogmas são simples: primeiro: os judeus são filantropos de grande santidade sem interesses próprios, mais assim ainda em relação a Israel; segundo: os interesses de Israel são, em todo caso, idênticos àqueles da Grã-Bretanha, dos Estados Unidos, da França, da Alemanha et al.

A rede reservada: organizações judias controlam a política britânica (BICOM = Britain-Israel Communications and Research Centre)

A exortação seguinte tem sido repetida com frequência: “Lembrem-se todos dos valores judaico-cristãos! Porque, afinal, esses valores estão na base da Civilização Ocidental”. A verdade é que ocorre aí uma contradição em termos, e a expressão “judaico-cristãos” é especialmente idiota, mas, mesmo assim, ela pode se tornar popular durante o que resta do mandato de Boris Johnson. Nesse caso, o chefe da torcida organizada será o ingênuo e estúpido herdeiro do trono inglês. Confirme na transcrição a seguir:

Príncipe Charles enaltece a “especial e preciosa” conexão entre a comunidade judaica e a Coroa.

O príncipe de Gales pronunciou o discurso transcrito abaixo em cerimônia de homenagem à comunidade judaica no Palácio de Buckingham:

É com grande alegria que lhes dou as boas-vindas ao Palácio de Buckingham nesta noite, quando se aproxima a Festa de Chanucá, para juntos celebrarmos a contribuição de nossa comunidade judaica à riqueza, à saúde e à felicidade do Reino Unido.

Em todos os momentos de nossa vida, em todos os campos onde aplicamos nosso esforço [N. do trad.: “endeavor” (esforço) no original, ao que o articulista pergunta: “Por que a pronúncia americana?”. A forma inglesa de “Endeavor” seria “Endeavour”], nossa nação não poderia dispor de mais generosos cidadãos, nem de mais leais amigos. Daí a minha felicidade por esta oportunidade de lhes dizer “Obrigado!”, embora os Amigos merecessem muitíssimo mais, por tudo o que fizeram e continuam fazendo por este país, aqui e nas maiores instituições internacionais, tanto quanto nas comunidades locais de todo o mundo.

Frequentemente eu defino o Reino Unido como uma “comunidade de comunidades”, a qual se enriquece pela diversidade de seus grupos constituintes, cuja totalidade é tão maior do que as suas partes. […]

Por isso é que esta época do ano [dezembro], tão especial para cristãos como também para judeus, enseja o momento ideal da celebração desta noite — porque a importância da Unidade na Diversidade está no próprio coração de nossos valores enquanto sociedade. Ela determina o que é o nosso país e quem somos nós.

A conexão entre a Coroa e nossa Comunidade Judia é alguma coisa especial e preciosa. Tenho mesmo razões particulares e pessoais para dizer isso, pois calaram fundo em mim, desde garoto ainda, as comemorações alusivas à minha Família nos cultos semanais que se realizam há séculos nas sinagogas britânicas. E enquanto vocês se recordam da minha Família, nós nos lembramos de vocês e os enaltecemos. […]

Ainda que de forma pouco equivalente, venho tentando retribuir por vários meios os benefícios que nos dão a comunidade judia. Eu compareço a encontros da Kindertransport Association ou recepciono esses eventos, o que também faço pelos sobreviventes do Holocausto e pela National Holocaust Memorial Day Trust — de que sou patrocinador. Eu colaborei para a construção do Centro Comunitário Judaico em Cracóvia, onde fui privilegiado pelo ato que me foi concedido de afixar uma mezuzá numa porta). E quando me foi oferecido o título de patrono da World Jewish Relief, aceitei imediatamente.

Se me permitem dizê-lo, Senhoras e Senhores, vejo isso tudo como retribuição mínima da minha parte, um verdadeiro contracâmbio a todas as bênçãos imensas trazidas pelo povo judeu a esta terra e, de fato, a toda a humanidade. Nas escrituras hebraicas, pelas quais recebemos muitos dos fundamentos éticos de nossa sociedade, está escrito, lá no Livro do Deuteronômio, esta edificante exortação: “Escolha a vida!”.

Senhoras e Senhores, a comunidade judia do Reino Unido tem cumprido esse mandamento divino de inúmeras maneiras, e nossa sociedade enriqueceu-se imensuravelmente em consequência disso. Hoje temos a oportunidade de dar graças pela amizade que forjamos e pelos valores que compartilhamos. (Prince Charles praises ‘special and precious’ connection between Jewish community and the Crown, The Jewish Chronicle, 6th December 2019 / 8th Kislev 5780)

Unidade na diversidade: os horrores da Divisão Índia em 1947

O príncipe Charles não é apenas um idiota: ele é um ignorante ou está cego e não quer ver. Por isso nada tem de surpreendente que os judeus usem a expressão pejorativa goyishe kop — “gói tonto” — significando gente como Charles, que se apresenta diante deles para declamar seu besteirol. O bonito lema “Unidade na diversidade!” poderia ter sua fonte de inspiração nas páginas de 1984. Aparentemente Charles nunca teve a oportunidade de perguntar a seu amado tio Lord Mountbatten sobre a “unidade na diversidade” observada na Índia britânica em 1947, quando Mountbatten era o vice-rei. Centenas de milhares morreram nas “revoltas comunitárias” de hinduístas, muçulmanos e siques. Muitos também morreram quando Bangladexe conquistou sua independência do Paquistão em 1971. Bengaleses e paquistaneses eram maometanos, mas suas diferenças raciais e culturais bastaram para criar a “unidade na diversidade”, isto é, a guerra, os massacres, a prática organizada do estupro. Embora não haja guerra e massacres (por enquanto), o estupro organizado é marca proeminente da Inglaterra atual. Esta forma de violência manifesta as bênçãos da diversidade que devemos à imigração paquistanesa.

A vingança judaica contra os monarcas do gentio

O próprio Lord Mountbatten serviu de exemplo da “Unidade na diversidade” quando foi abatido num atentado à bomba do Exército Republicano Irlandês (IRA) em 1979. Pois é… A relativamente branda diversidade religiosa e racial do arquipélago Britânico tem custado a vida de muita gente desde há muitos séculos. Por exemplo, Oliver Cromwell cobriu a Irlanda com um tapete de cadáveres católicos no século XVII, mas tal coisa não deve surpreender, atendendo que a revolução republicana de Cromwell fora financiada por banqueiros judeus de Amesterdã. Os judeus odeiam a Igreja Católica e as instituições católicas tradicionais, como a monarquia (tirante os casos de reis-lacaios como Charles). Talvez se explique por esse ódio a execução de Charles I em 1649. Terá sido vingança, resposta dada ao Édito de Expulsão dos Judeus, de 1290, sob Eduardo I.

Eu recomendo ao príncipe Charles que leia o conto fascinante de M.R. James (1862–1936) intitulado The Uncommon Prayer-Book, que trata da deposição de Charles. O príncipe deve aprender alguma coisa sobre a história da Inglaterra e do nefasto papel que nela tiveram os judeus (cf. my discussion). Ser-lhe-ia também proveitoso o estudo do protagonismo judaico na chacina da família imperial russa, os Romanovs, em 1918. Aos judeus não agrada nenhum tipo de monarquia ou aristocracia, a não ser quando o monarca ou aristocrata, por sua dupla condição de imbecilidade e servilismo, possa lhes ser útil.

Com efeito, os judeus têm estabelecido alianças com as elites de não judeus ao longo da história, o que segue acontecendo no presente, e as figuras de Boris Johnson e príncipe Charles são prova disso. Em consequência, outros segmentos da população, traídos, caem na exploração — agora, principalmente, a classe trabalhadora.

Charles poderia ter alguma noção da profundidade de sua estupidez se prestasse mais atenção ao Jewish Chronicle. Suas bajulatórias palavras ao dizer “esta época do ano, tão especial para cristãos e judeus” provam que o príncipe acreditou na mistificação dos judeus para apresentar a Chanucá como se fosse uma importante comemoração judia.

O medonho dezembro

Não é! Trata-se, antes, de festa menor na cultura judaica, mais usada para obscurecer o Natal. Isso o próprio Jonathan Freedland, uma figura altamente etnocêntrica, admitiu no Jewish Chronicle, no mesmo mês do discurso sicofântico do príncipe Charles: “A ocasião de uma eleição pré-natalina não deveria perturbar muito os leitores do JC. As férias não fazem de dezembro o mês mais atribulado dos judeus. Mesmo assim, a perspectiva de uma eleição no mês em que peças de teatro cristãs são encenadas e comidas natalinas são servidas, isso, eu suponho, vai fazer que os judeus sintam um tipo de medo bem próprio deles: o medo dezembrino”.

Freedland fala de “medo” porque ele pensa que tanto um governo trabalhista sob Jeremy Corbyn quanto Boris Johnson com o seu “Brexit” na marra seriam desfavoráveis aos judeus. E o que mais importa na brava Inglaterra nova senão o bem-estar dos judeus? Entretanto, Corbyn foi de longe a maior ameaça, como Freedland ressaltou: “Atentem para o fato de que o Partido Trabalhista de Corbyn tornou-se o primeiro partido do Reino Unido desde o BNP a ser investigado por racismo […]”. A investigação no Partido Trabalhista, conduzida pela Comissão de Direitos Humanos e Igualdade (EHRC), dá mais um exemplo de como a mídia dominante na Grã-Bretanha se recusa a fazer algumas perguntinhas muito interessantes sobre o poder judaico.

O controle judeu

Afinal, não por acaso a EHRC é dirigida por dois judeus: a advogada Rebecca Hilsenrath e o ativista homossexual de direitos humanos David Isaacs. Seria possível que o judaísmo desses dois viesse a influenciar a investigação e suas conclusões? O que é isso?!? Claro que não! Ninguém pode se esquecer de que os judeus são santos exclusivamente devotados ao filantropismo, não tendo nenhum interesse de causa própria (ainda mais em se tratando da demonização do Partido Trabalhista). Mas essa questão nem foi tocada, quando a EHRC foi citada durante a campanha eleitoral. O máximo que a esquerda pôde fazer foi demandar um inquérito similar quanto à islamofobia no Partido Conservador. Mas os tories e seus seguidores nutrem forte cepticismo em relação à validade do conceito de “Islamofobia”. Como o suposto conservador Charles Moore escreveu no The Spectator: “O termo ‘Islamofobia’ deve ser absolutamente refutado. Ao contrário de “Antissemitismo”, trata-se de um conceito falacioso”.

A carinha bolchevique de Rebecca Hilsenrath

Moore é outro príncipe Charles que deveria prestar mais atenção na mídia onde suas próprias palavras são publicadas. The Spectator defendeu firmemente o suposto filósofo Roger Scruton contra acusações de intolerância no começo de 2019. Scruton sofreu a falsa acusação de islamofobia e antissemitismo, mas é claro que esses são dois “conceitos falaciosos”. Uma deputada judia chamada Luciana Berger acusou Scruton de antissemitismo sem nenhuma objeção da parte de outros judeus, e a intervenção do Conselho de Deputados Judeus parece ter sido decisiva para encerrar a participação de Scruton no governo. Scruton acabou sendo readmitido, mas nem ele nem ninguém de seus apoiadores iria depois questionar as injustas acusações de antissemitismo. Afinal, se o fizessem, teriam de admitir a verdade sobre os judeus, mas não estão preparados para isso. Ao contrário, eles se prestam a ser o gói tonto dos judeus, ano sim, ano não, e o poder judaico na brava e nova Inglaterra segue sem exame, sem questionamento, sem desafio. Mas não aqui, no The Occidental Observer, o Covil do Ódio.

Algumas boas razões para otimismo

Não obstante, existem boas razões para o otimismo. Se me fosse dito, no começo de 2019, que milhões de eleitores trabalhistas iriam, finalmente, abandonar o partido que os abandonara desde há muito, eu não acreditaria. Mas tal é exatamente o que se passou, quando sólidas regiões trabalhistas, como Bolsover, Darlington, Sedgefield, Stockton South e Wrexham entregaram-se aos tories nas eleições gerais. Certamente o Partido Conservador não dá a mínima para os seus novos eleitores mas, quando estes forem desapontados, o que será inevitável, começarão a entender quão corrupta e antidemocrática é na verdade a política da brava Inglaterra nova. E eles poderão começar a ganhar consciência do papel central dos judeus nisso tudo.

E se me fosse dito, no começo de 2019, que a expressão “Deep State” e o nome Jeffrey Epstein estariam em toda a mídia americana, eu também não acreditaria. Mas, outra vez, isso aconteceu. As coisas estão seguindo a direção certa. O protagonismo central dos judeus no ativismo antibranco e na corrupção política vai ficando óbvio para cada vez mais pessoas, de forma lenta mas segura. E da compreensão virá a ação.

Fonte: The Occidental Observer. Autor: Tobias Langdon. Título original: Unexamined, Unquestioned, Unchallenged: Jewish Power in Brave New Britain. Data de publicação: 21 de dezembro de 2019. Versão brasilesa: Chauke Stephan Filho.

COMUNISMO JUDEU: O MENTIROSO DESMENTIDO

A Specter Haunting Europe: The Myth of Judeo-Bolshevism
Paul Hanebrink
Harvard University Press, 2018

As discussões e a literatura da historiografia judaica no atual meio acadêmico do estabilismo exigem extraordinária coreografia. Basicamente, trata-se de uma dança de bastante correria para cá e para lá. Os dançarinos revelam muito jogo de cintura pela gateza com que se esquivam dos fatos, como também muita cara de pau pela naturalidade com que inventam histórias. Todo o mundo sabe que suas imaginosas narrativas são falsas, ainda assim eles não se cansam de repetir essas patranhas da forma mais desavergonhada. O que primeiramente chamou a minha atenção foi o livro de Paul Hanebrink A specter haunting Europe: the myth of judeo-bolshevism, exaltado na recente crítica laudatória de Christopher Browning “The fake threat of jewish communism” [A falsa ameaça do comunismo judaico] no The New York Review of Books. Browning é um historiador do estabilismo de muito préstimo para os judeus pela assistência advocatícia que lhes dá (vende, na verdade — e a bom preço). Browning recebeu 30 mil dólares de Deborah Lipstadt para testemunhar contra David Irving. Ele também costuma depor animadamente contra ex-soldados europeus em julgamentos de crimes de guerra. Embora seu mais notável trabalho,  Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland (1992), contenha a tese pouco notável de que a guerra transforma homens comuns em assassinos, a dedicação de Browning em favor da narrativa dos judeus fez dele o guru da vitimologia judia. Tendo recebido prêmios e recursos de organizações como a Yad Vashem e a USC Shoah Foundation Center, além de muito incenso nos meios de comunicação e universidades do sistema, Browning segue assim galgando posições na sua carreira de arrivista. Ele agora, evidentemente, decidiu favorecer Paul Hanebrink com o toque mágico de sua mão. Neste ensaio, eu quero abordar a crítica de Browning e o texto de Hanebrink enquanto exercícios na produção de histórias fraudulentas.

O título que Browning deu a sua resenha [A falsa ameaça do comunismo judaico] deteve a minha atenção. Na hora, eu nem acreditei, eu pensei: “Será que esse cara tem a coragem de defender uma tese dessas? Será que ele pensa que pode ‘desmentir’ o que é a realidade do comunismo judeu?”. Tamanha façanha exigiria, com certeza, bastante chutzpah [descaramento], mas desde o começo da resenha ficava claro que o texto seria evasivo, que evitaria tratar do tema com franqueza. Como afirma Browning no primeiro parágrafo, “Hanebrink não pretende repetir o que ele considera um erro do Entreguerras — a inútil tentativa de contestar um mito de forma racional, com base em fatos históricos e dados estatísticos”. O que há de interessante nesse vulgar subterfúgio é a confissão mais ou menos explícita desses dois historiadores (“magistrais”) de que eles não têm elementos suficientes para desfazer o “mito” que desafiam. Considerar a apresentação de fatos como “tentativa inútil” mostra a inconsistência intelectual deles, a fraqueza de sua argumentação.

Entretanto, a questão central disso tudo tem a ver com o padrão estrutural da historiografia judia: evitar os fatos ou, quando impossível, minimizar sua importância, e desviar a discussão para abstrações e sofismas. Numa página do manual da ADL, Browning reconhece e lamenta timidamente que “há um pouco de verdade no estereótipo do bolchevismo judeu”, mas insiste, com relação ao comunismo, que “o judeu, como ‘a face da revolução’, é só uma noção culturalmente construída”. Chegamos assim à situação familiar em que fatos não importam e tudo o que desagrada os judeus é olimpicamente declarado reles “constructo”.

 

O texto de Browning é um amontoado de chavões e trai a pesada influência que ele sofreu de um colega dele, o grande filossemita que foi Gavin Langmuir (1924-2005), no que se refere à interpretação do antissemitismo. Eu estudei detidamente os trabalhos de Langmuir quatro anos atrás, quando então escrevi o seguinte:

Langmuir seguiu o modelo do que escrevem os próprios judeus. Isso significa, essencialmente, que ele absolve as populações judias medievais de qualquer responsabilidade pelas reações negativas das populações cristãs anfitriônias; isso significa, também, que ele atribui às sociedades cristãs ou ocidentais um estado psicopatológico arraigado nelas de forma profunda, tendo por sintomas a fantasia, a repressão, o sadismo. A despeito de sua proficiência em história jurídica medieval ser realmente limitada, Langmuir dispôs-se levianamente a fazer grandes pronunciamentos sobre a natureza e as origens dos sentimentos antijudaicos na Europa e ao longo do curso dos séculos. Seus trabalhos, com poucas e miseráveis evidências de leitura mais ampla, retratam o antissemitismo como “basicamente um fenômeno ocidental”.[1] Arrogante, ele se atribui a proeza de haver “definido a cristandade e categorizado suas manifestações, inclusive o catolicismo, de forma objetiva”.[2] Ele faz em seus livros a desconcertante confissão de que “Não irá discutir as atitudes dos pagãos para com os judeus na Antiguidade”.[3] Falando com desfaçatez das teorias racionais de conflito intergrupal baseadas em interesse como metodologia para a compreensão do antagonismo entre judeus e não judeus, ele diz de tais teorias que “são esforços equivocados de teóricos raciais pseudocientíficos”; e mais: afirma que tentativas de explicar o antissemitismo levando em conta o “senso comum” terminam em “desastre”.[4] Na opinião dele, ao contrário, “tanto em sua origem quanto nas suas mais recentes e horríveis manifestações […] o antissemitismo  resultaria da hostilidade dos não judeus, da irracionalidade do pensamento dos não judeus sobre os judeus”.[5]

Browning subscreve totalmente a linha de pensamento de Langmuir, chegando a comentar o texto de Hanebrink da forma seguinte:

O judeu da Idade Média, um infiel, veio a ser o judeu do século XX, um subversivo político. O judeu emancipado, dada a sua maior visibilidade enquanto beneficiário da moderna economia industrial e comercial na altura do final do século XIX, deu azo a que a noção da usura judia fosse substituída por aqueloutra da rapacidade do capitalismo judeu, e após 1914 a imagem do judeu como ameaça econômica revestiu-se de cores mais fortes, ante as acusações de que o judeu lucrava com a guerra e com o mercado negro. O judeu tido em conta de forânea grei exclusivista na cristandade medieval foi facilmente transformado em inassimilável minoria considerada ameaça alogênica interna.

O que há de comum a Langmuir e a Browning é a tentativa de criar uma conexão psicológica e cultural entre as atitudes antijudaicas na Idade Média e a situação atual, estabelecendo analogia entre o presente e o passado. Assim, o antijudaísmo hodierno, segundo declaram esses dois historiadores, explica-se por sua irracional origem religiosa. E nessas declarações esses senhores se valem de descritores abracadabrantes, palavras de que fazem uso abusivo para como que encantar e persuadir os leitores, fazendo-os adotar certos pontos de vista. Deve-se notar a insistência de Browning na suposta condição do judeu como dissidente espiritual e sua clara evasão do fenômeno muito real da agiotagem judia, a qual Browning reduz a reles “noção” preconceituosa. A concorrência econômica do judeu na Modernidade não é levada a sério, mas considerada apenas como “imagem” irracional; e a exploração da guerra como meio de enriquecimento, simples “acusação”. Fica-se assim, então: o coitado do judeu, pacato e inocente, é vítima de gente invejosa, preconceituosa, que o ataca com acusações caluniosas. Esse tipo de enfoque, na sociologia e na psicologia, é coisa típica de Freud e da Escola de Francforte; na historiografia, é coisa típica de Langmuir.

Tais alegações em favor dos judeus, como os sofismas de Langmuir, resultam de grande fraude ou de forte dissonância cognitiva, senão de ambas. O número de trabalhos tratando das atividades de judeus no mercado negro é espantoso. Sabemos por publicação de história da Universidade de Stanford, por exemplo, que em 1941, em certa região da França, 90% daqueles que traficavam no mercado negro eram judeus. [6] Da mesma forma, o livro de Mark Roodhouse publicado pela Oxford intitulado Black Market Britain: 1939–1955, registra que os judeus eram a grande maioria daqueles processados por contrabando na Londres dos anos quarentas.[7] O maior contrabandista de comida na Inglaterra, durante a II Guerra, foi o judeu Sidney Seymour, nascido Skylinsky, que transformou sua sinagoga num depósito clandestino para abastecer o mercado negro, recebendo a mais pesada pena por violação da legislação de comércio de alimentos.[8] Esses são apenas dois exemplos tomados aleatoriamente da crônica histórica, mas a questão é que, para Browning como para Langmuir, trata-se apenas de “acusação” irracional, fatos “fúteis” sem nenhuma importância.

Browning segue com sua sediça explicação sobre a ascendência judia na esquerda:

Mesmo antes da crise de 1918 – 1919, quando muitos europeus viveram a experiência da derrota e da revolução, os judeus só estavam super-representados em partidos liberais e socialistas em virtude de que não eram bem recebidos em partidos conservadores e católicos. A tendência de estigmatizar qualquer movimento político à esquerda dos conservadores como coisa de judeu já era evidente em 1912. Neste ano, os católicos, os liberal-democratas e os social-democratas obtiveram vitória eleitoral na Alemanha. Os vencedores formariam a “Coligação de Weimar” em 1919, em grande parte responsável pela elaboração da Constituição de Weimar, tão vilipendiada pelos conservadores, que chamaram aquela eleição de 1912 de “a eleição dos judeus”. [grifo nosso]

De novo, depara-se-nos artifício bastante manjado: quando os judeus não têm como negar um fato (sua super-representação em partidos liberais e socialistas), nem podem fazê-lo parecer de menor importância, então eles tratam de explicá-lo por suposto efeito de preconceito (os judeus seriam rejeitados em outros partidos). O problema com essas referências históricas pontuais, como muitas vezes tenho explicado, é o que chamei de “cronologia recortada” — algo bastante comum em toda a historiografia judaica e filossemítica sobre o antissemitismo. Quando confrontado a algum fato constrangedor e inevitável concernente ao seu comportamento (esquerdismo, agiotagem, negociatas financiais, pornografia etc.), o judeu ou seu aliado ou lacaio apela a ideia de que tudo tem causa no preconceito antissemita e a partir daí os acusadores são criminalizados, e os criminosos, inocentados. Os judeus estão na esquerda? Ah! Deve ser porque eles não são aceitos na direita. O problema fica mais complicado quando se questiona a razão da exclusão ou o porquê de o judeu ser visto como antagonista social ou cultural. Aqui, ainda se fala de “preconceitos irracionais”. Entretanto, caso se insista na questão, à luz de mais aprofundado contexto histórico, o  questionador não recebe resposta, nenhum fato, só retórica vazia e olhares perdidos.

Sob o peso de suas próprias contradições, Browning afunda em evasivas e manobras logomáquicas. As dúvidas multiplicam-se aos olhos de qualquer leitor. Os judeus estavam ou não estavam super-representados nos partidos comunistas? Se estavam, por que a ideia do esquerdismo judeu seria um mito? E se faltam fatos para derrubar o “mito”, como ele poderia cair tendo contra si a mera sofistaria acadêmica do tal “construto cultural”? Conforme Browning segue na sua fuga para a frente, a confusão só aumenta. Confira:

Desde o princípio da I Guerra Mundial, a Rússia czarista tratava os seus súditos judeus como gente indigna de confiança e potencialmente desleal. Seu exército evacuou à força meio milhão de judeus, ou um milhão, das zonas de combate. Essas operações do exército russo estimulavam o êxodo de muitos outros judeus das regiões orientais do Império Austro-Húngaro para Viena e Budapeste, cidades supostamente mais seguras. A Revolução Russa rebentou entre temores quanto à lealdade dos judeus e quando seguiam sendo expulsos, o que fez mais intensos aqueles temores. O “pânico” por causa do judeo-bolchevismo, argumenta Hanebrink, “encontrou terreno fértil, preparado no tempo da guerra pela paranoia sobre a lealdade do judeu”.

Eis aí mais um excelente exemplo de “explicação” por meio de cronologia truncada. Browning indica que preocupações concernentes ao esquerdismo judeu decorriam de “paranoia”, de desconfiança na lealdade judia, mas ele não fala do contexto dessa “paranoia”, ele não leva em conta nada da situação histórica do período anterior a 1914. Qualquer um, ainda que pouco conhecesse da literatura, desde que fosse pessoa honesta em suas conclusões, iria reconhecer que a judiaria russa radicalizada era uma bomba-relógio de contador sonoro (bip… bip… bip…) preparada para explodir a barragem do ódio judeu acumulado contra a Rússia, e essa acerba hostilidade antirrussa era compartilhada e apoiada raivosamente por judeus de outras partes do mundo. Marsha Rozenblit and Jonathan Karp observaram no seu World War I and the Jews (2017) que os judeus da Europa tinham esse grande conflito na conta de “guerra sagrada contra o inimigo bárbaro, maligno, rapinante, o inimigo da liberdade e da cultura, o inimigo tradicional dos judeus, um Amaleque moderno ansioso para atrocidar judeus na Rússia e na Galícia ocupada”.[9] Rozenblit e Karp escrevem que “principalmente para os judeus, a destruição desse inimigo era de máxima importância”.[10] Tudo isso corresponde perfeitamente com a explicação de Kevin MacDonald sobre o esquerdismo judeu. Este, segundo MacDonald, tem por base a autoconceituação do judeu como vítima, a extrema hostilidade dos judeus para com as estruturas de poder dos não judeus, a utilidade do esquerdismo como excelente ferramenta de poder para a derrubada das elites tradicionais e para a consolidação dos próprios judeus na posição superior de um poder hostil. Browning não fala de nada disso. Conforme Browning, a elite russa só considerava os judeus como potencialmente perigosos por uma questão de “paranoia”.

Nesta altura, eu deixei temporariamente Browning de lado e busquei encontrar o texto de Hanebrink. Para além do conteúdo, a mais óbvia depreciação de um trabalho desse tipo decorre de sua flagrante falta de originalidade. A monografia de Hanebrink consiste, essencialmente, num quase total plágio de um autor chamado André Gerrits, da Universidade de Leida,[11] que escreveu The Myth of Jewish Communism: A Historical Interpretation (2011), livro que é uma desgraceira só. O coitado do Gerrits não mereceu nem uma notinha de rodapé do malandro Hanebrink, que mexeu os pauzinhos na sempre filossemítica Universidade de Harvard, mobilizando os seus amigos judeus pela publicação do livro. No conselho editorial de Harvard, os judeus são mais de 40%. Desse jeitinho, Hanebrink conseguiu o que queria, até porque a venda do livro dependia menos de seu fraudulento conteúdo do que da lábia dos experimentados técnicos em mercatagem de Harvard. Para turvar ainda mais as águas, todo o variado contorcionismo lógico do próprio Browning segue o exemplo de inconfiáveis resenhistas judeus do trabalho de Gerrits como, por exemplo, um tal de Eliezer Ben-Rafael, da Universidade de Telavive. Ben-Rafael diz que o “mito do comunismo judeu” é mesmo um “mito” e que as histórias de Gerrits sobre o comunismo judeu e os comunistas judeus são “fascinantes”. O professor de Telavive faz ainda a vulgar afirmação de que o mito do comunismo judeu é só a combinação de dois preconceitos: o antissemitismo e o anticomunismo. Não obstante, Ben-Rafael fala do vínculo do “mito” com a realidade, dizendo que “muitos judeus tinham participação proeminente na agitiprope comunista não apenas na Rússia, mas também na Hungria e na Bavária (Revoluções de 1917), como ainda, depois da II Guerra, na Checoslováquia, na Romênia, na Lituânia, na Polônia e na Bulgária”. [12] Então, ficamos assim, caro leitor: os judeus não tinham nada a ver com o movimento revolucionário comunista, mas predominaram entre os seus maiores agitadores e propagandistas em vários países ao longo de décadas. Entendeu?

O texto de Paul Hanebrink é ativismo político tanto quanto corrupção historiográfica. Assim como  muitos outros autores filossemíticos, Hanebrink inventa a história de que a sua história não é só história mas, também, “advertência”. Como tal, o livro não começa com a I Guerra Mundial ou com os judeus na Rússia czarista, mas com Charlottesville. Hanebrink mostra-se preocupado com o conceito de comunismo judeu, porque acredita que ele não desapareceu e que ressurge agora não só na extrema direita, mas também no principalismo. Hanebrink não está sozinho. O historiador judeo-britânico Mark Mazower saudou o livro de Hanebrink em novembro de 2018, escrevendo no  Financial Times: “O livro de Paul Hanebrink é oportuno lembrete principalmente para os políticos republicanos quanto à tradição intelectual que favorecem ao se juntarem à coligação transatlântica de teóricos da conspiração que alegremente demoniza George Soros”. Dias antes, outra elogiosa resenha apareceu no New York Times, escrita pelo acadêmico judeu Samuel Moyn. Intitulada “The Alt-Right’s Favorite Meme is 100 Years Old”, o texto de Moyn argumentava que “Nada seria mais parecido com o disseminado discurso acerca do marxismo cultural do que uma versão do mito do comunismo judeu adaptada aos tempos atuais”. Em 16 de fevereiro de 2019, a [Editora] Jacobin publicou pequeno mas empolado trabalho de um casal de esquerdistas suecos intitulado “The Return of Judeo-Bolshevism.” O livro foi recebido de braços abertos pelos acadêmicos judeus e outros marxistas da mídia digital. Também mereceu acolhimento entusiástico do Britain’s Socialist Workers Party, organização remanescente do antigo Partido Comunista Britânico. O fato de o trabalho ser uma mão na roda para judeus e comunistas não deveria, em princípio, colocá-lo sob suspeita quanto à sua objetividade na análise do judeo-bolchevismo. Ocorre que num campo onde grassa o ativismo político, esse é um sinal de perigo que nos deve deixar alerta.

O aumento do apologismo relativo ao comunismo judeu não decorre de nenhum acaso. Verifica-se claramente que os judeus sentem-se perturbados pelo crescimento exponencial da discussão sobre o marxismo cultural nos últimos dez anos. O “marxismo cultural” não passa de um rótulo diferente para o “judeo-bolchevismo” ou “comunismo judeu”. Nenhum curioso precisará estudar por muito tempo o marxismo cultural para descobrir por trás dele o comunismo judeu em mil e um fatos. A discussão do marxismo cultural e a consciência que se tem dele estão em expansão. Quando figuras como Tucker Carlson e (por mais que eu não goste dele) Jordan Peterson discutem esse fenômeno, milhões assomam a patamares mais altos de conhecimento, de onde avistam paisagens históricas que a censura antes toldava ou distorcia, como a Escola de Francforte, os Massacres de Bela Kun, o Holodomor… Nem todo o mundo chegará a esse nível mais elevado de percepção, mas muitos consegui-lo-ão, e isso faz que aqueles empenhados no controle das narrativas percam o sono. Dessa forma, fica claramente entendida a razão de o estabilismo colocar a sua máquina em movimento, produzindo material destinado a distanciar os judeus do marxismo, e especialmente de qualquer ideia de que haja fortes vínculos históricos entre ambos.

Na introdução de seu livro, Hanebrink ataca os nacionalistas dos Estados Unidos e da Europa, pelas acusações que fazem aos “comunistas judeus” de promoverem a homossexualidade e o multiculturalismo em seus países. Ora, os judeus ocupam explicitamente a posição de capitães da indústria dos migrantes e refugiados e escrevem abertamente sobre o destacado papel que desempenham à frente das campanhas de promoção do homossexualismo. Muito recentemente, aliás, quando o cabecilha de um agrupamento de antifas de Washington (DC) foi desmascarado pelo Daily Caller, não houve muita surpresa no fato de que se tratava do judeu Joseph Alcoff. A mãe desse sujeito é a ativista acadêmica Linda Alcoff, que milita na área de “estudos” que os racistas antibrancos chamam de “Problemas da Branquitude”. Certa feita essa “professora” escreveu texto intitulado “A questão branca”, mas depois apagou tudo (o feio trabalho de Linda está salvo aqui). O seu filho fanático e doente mental Joseph Alcoff foi preso poucas semanas atrás, depois de atacar um casal de militonautas latinos. Durante a agressão, o judeu gritava “Nazistas!” e “Supremacistas brancos!”.

O fato de muita gente estar hoje preocupada com o comunismo judeu por causa do que fazem judeus comunistas como Alcoff, buscando cumprir sua agenda, não consta em nenhuma das “ponderações” de Hanebrink. Ao contrário, o comunismo judeu é apresentado como se fora, mais ou menos, uma embustice do passado e do presente. O problema com a tese de Hanebrink é que não há prova dela em nenhum lugar, nem sequer uma tentativa de prova. Não obstante, o seu autor vangloria-se de haver vencido o “mito” do comunismo judeu. Na página 5, Hanebrink escreve o seguinte:

Acadêmicos, políticos progressistas e membros da comunidade judaica têm impugnado inúmeras vezes a alegação de que “os judeus são responsáveis pelo comunismo”. De forma convincente e com autoridade, eles mostraram que o mito do comunismo judeu não passa de constructo ideológico.

Mas Hanebrink não refere nenhum texto com essas tais “impugnações” tão ubíquas, convincentes e autorizadas. Por quê? Porque isso não existe! O verdadeiro mito é o mito que diz que “o mito do comunismo judeu foi refutado”. E nessa falsa conclusão Hanebrink baseia todo o seu trabalho. Na mesma página 5, o malandro continua: “Em vista de toda essa história, o objetivo do estudo do judeo-bolchevismo não deve ser o de determinar quão verdadeiro ele é”. Inacreditável! O cara teve a coragem de escrever isso! Eu precisei ler umas três vezes essas palavras para confiar em meus olhos. E a editora universitária responsável pela publicação de uma coisa dessas goza a reputação de figurar entre as melhores do mundo, o que também é espantoso.

Assim como Browning, Hanebrink não se dá muito bem com estatísticas, ele tem medo delas. Ele fica nervoso ao ter que admitir a super-representação de judeus no Partido Comunista Polonês, que podia chegar a 40%. Então ele produz a pérola de que estatística é coisa aborrecida, estéril, e tergiversa, mudando de assunto. Curiosamente e por causa disso, Hanebrink sempre usa palavras como super-representação ou sobrerrepresentação entre aspas. Ele parece achar que as aspas possam mudar a realidade dos números, que possam alterar os dados estatísticos mostrando a sobrerrepresentação de judeus em movimentos de subversão, posições sociais privilegiadas e negócios fraudulentos. A situação fica ainda mais feia quando ele tenta combater a ideia do comunismo judeu argumentando, de forma pedante, que “metade dos dirigentes mencheviques era de judeus em 1917”, o que não terá dado muita consolação ao czar. A análise de Hanebrink tem ainda o triste problema de ser superficial. Por exemplo, ele escreve que “todos os judeus que abraçavam o comunismo rompiam com o meio social de seus avós”. Ora, tal afirmação não corresponde aos dados estatísticos. Os números dizem que eram criados novos círculos judeus ligados ao comunismo. Como [Kevin] MacDonald mostra, a identidade judia permanecia forte entre os comunistas judeus e outras cepas de esquerdistas. Topando com sobrerrepresentações de judeus aqui e ali, nisto e naquilo, Hanebrink saiu-se com esta outra pérola: “Salvo raras exceções, as generalizações não servem para nada”. É, né? Ah, tá.

Não há nenhuma discussão sobre a etnicidade judia em nenhuma parte do texto, e nisso reside uma das mais negativas manobras do autor ou, na perspectiva dele, uma das mais positivas, como assim a apresenta, o que nada tem de surpreendente. Já bem no começo de seu livro (p.5), Hanebrink diz que a consideração da etnicidade judia entre os comunistas “requer dos historiadores que imponham rígidas categorias étnicas em homens e mulheres cujo autoconceito sempre foi mais complexo e multifacetado”. Não, não é verdade. A maioria dos historiadores que estudam o judaísmo sabe das várias formas de “ser judeu” que não decorrem de nenhuma categorização inadequada, senão que da simples observação do comportamento, da filiação e associação étnicas. Hanebrink esconde-se na correção política, aí buscando um tipo de pretexto multiculturalista para não tratar do tópico explosivo da etnicidade judia no comunismo, questão que deveria estar no coração de qualquer tese versando acerca do judeo-bolchevismo. “Eu não quero rotular essas pessoas”, diz Hanebrink, omitindo o motivo disso. A verdade é que, se Hanebrink rotulasse “essas pessoas”, sua tese estaria condenada pelos judeus, que ainda poderiam sujeitar o seu autor à “crucificação”.

Outro ótimo exemplo das distorções no texto de Hanebrink está na discussão que faz de Bela Kun. Hanebrink alega (p. 25) que não existe “absolutamente nada de relevante” na formação judaica de Kun, mas em outra passagem (p. 16) nota que, dos 47 comissários do povo reunidos por Kun no regime soviético húngaro de 1919, trinta eram seus patrícios judeus. Percebendo claramente que à sua argumentação faltava poder de convencimento, Hanebrink volta a tergiversar, saindo-se com a seguinte declaração: “A verdadeira compreensão das esperanças, dos medos, das motivações de qualquer revolucionário judeu na sua irredutível complexidade é tarefa que, em última análise, cabe mais propriamente a um biógrafo” (p. 25). Eis aí outra capitulação do autor na questão da identidade étnica judia — tema de que Hanebrink não trata por despreparo e má vontade. Sua relutância chega a transpor as raias do ridículo. Tome-se o exemplo da seguinte passagem (p. 25):

Esses homens e mulheres foram atraídos para o bolchevismo pelas mesmas razões pelas quais tantos outros judeus no Império Russo e na Europa toda aderiram ao sionismo ou ao nacionalismo assimilacionista. Eles buscavam escapar das limitações das comunidades tradicionais, abraçar as oportunidades sociais e culturais que lhes oferecia a modernidade, eles queriam, enfim, fazer parte do movimento histórico.

Simplesmente, espantoso! Como é que um cara metido a ser um acadêmico sério dá para discutir o apoio ao sionismo sem mencionar a identidade judia, a etnicidade judia, a percepção dos interesses judeus?! Na curiosa leitura de Hanebrink, os judeus esposaram o sionismo para que fossem “parte do movimento da história”. Isso põe em evidência o fracasso total do livro em abordar a questão da identidade judia de forma minimamente crítica.

Ligada a essa desarrazoada interpretação está a insistência de Hanebrink em limitar ao máximo a extensão do conceito de judeo-bolchevismo, para excluir os judeus de tal conceito. Foi por isso que ele disse que metade dos chefes mencheviques compunha-se de judeus, com isso pretendendo argumentar contra a ideia do judeo-bolchevismo, pois os mencheviques e os bolcheviques eram ferozes rivais. Essa minúcia da história sobre a composição judaica da direção dos mencheviquistas é questiúncula de que alguém trataria só por pedantismo e mistificação. Esse alguém, no caso, é Hanebrink. Ao referir os judeus menchevistas, Hanebrink ocupa-se da árvore para ocultar a floresta. Hanebrink, certamente, não iria ignorar que a expressão “Judeo-bolchevismo” era uma palavra-ônibus onde cabiam todas as variantes da subversão esquerdista judia, especialmente o comunismo judeu como um todo. A floresta que esse autor pretende manter obscura é a massiva participação judia no bolcheviquismo e a ascensão dos judeus à condição de elite hostil após o sucesso da Revolução Bolchevista. Hanebrink define o judeo-bolchevique (p. 8) como “fanático etnoideológico, um transgressor destrutivo empenhado em mobilizar os judeus locais e outros grupos descontentes para subverter a ordem social e moral”. Uma excelente definição, só que nela cabem os mencheviques judeus, os socialistas judeus, os progressistas e quejandos. Em suma, a verdade é que os judeus postavam-se como firmes defensores e partidários do comunismo durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial, no maximante da propaganda contra o judeo-bolchevismo. Essa não é  uma opinião controversa, trata-se antes de fato revelado pelo historiador judeu Dov Levin no seu Baltic Jews Under the Soviets, 1940–1946 (1994), como também em The Lesser of Two Evils: Eastern European Jewry Under Soviet Rule, 1939–1941 (1995), e ainda por outros historiadores numa série de trabalhos acadêmicos. Com efeito, os judeus dominaram os governos comunistas por toda a Europa Oriental depois da Segunda Guerra Mundial.

Talvez, a única coisa de algum valor no livro esteja no Capítulo 6, dizendo respeito à mudança da compreensão ocidental do judeo-bolchevismo para a metáfora de civilização “judaico-cristã”. Esta é, na opinião de Hanebrink, desta vez correta, um moderno constructo sociológico com a finalidade principal de fazer brilhar na cabeça dos judeus americanos a “aura da universalidade” (p. 224), promovendo-se a imagem pró-sionista de suposta “comunidade transatlântica de valores”, unida para dar combate ao islamismo (p. 281). Isso aí é parte de transformação maior havida no século XX, quando a Questão Judaica desapareceu do discurso dominante no Ocidente para dar lugar à “Questão da branquitude” e, mais recentemente, à “Questão do Islamismo”. Considero esse desenvolvimento um dos mais cruciais do século XX, o qual reclama ainda maior explicação, documentação e análise. Escusado será dizer que Hanebrink não nos oferece nada disso, mas me repugna tanto a terminologia de uma fictícia civilização judaico-cristã e essa falseta completa de haver interesses comuns judaico-cristãos, que qualquer referência negativa a toda essa patranha tem a minha aprovação. Assim dou pequenina recompensa ao autor de um trabalho que, em tudo o mais, é realmente horrível.

Em última análise, o livro de Paul Hanebrink em comento, A Specter Haunting Europe, é extremamente estranho, ainda assim representa tipicamente a literatura contemporânea sobre a história judia. Ele promete muito, mas não entrega quase nada. Suas omissões são notáveis; sua insinceridade, profunda; seu filossemitismo, enjoativo. Curiosamente, não há no texto nenhuma expressão de segurança intelectual da parte de seu autor. Presumidamente não sendo um judeu, Hanebrink sabe muito bem, com certeza, que o seu texto não passa de chocante apologia dos judeus. As razões pelas quais um acadêmico branco chega ao ponto de produzir uma coisa dessas não são de difícil dedução. Como no caso de Christopher Browning, tais serviços são fortemente incentivados por tentadora recompensa. A despeito da falta de originalidade, da estreiteza da base factual e da fraqueza da análise, Hanebrink, professor associado de História da Universidade Rutgers, escreveu um livro publicado por prestigiada editora acadêmica (talvez a mais prestigiada de todas), pelo que mereceu os maiores louvores de grandes órgãos da mídia dominante. A mensagem desses nossos comissários soviéticos tardios é a seguinte: “Vendam-se a nós pelo preço da fama!”. Christopher Browning e Paul Hanebrink não resistiram Eles aceitaram a proposta indecente.


[1] LANGMUIR, Gavin. History, religion and antisemitism. Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990. p.15.

[2] Ibid, 13.

[3] Ibid, 275.

[4] Ibid, 19 & 67.

[5] Ibid, 265.

[6] MURRAS, Michael. Vichy France and the jews. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1981. p. 183.

[7] ROODHOUSE, Mark. Black market Britain, 1939-1955.Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013. p. 159.

[8] Ibid, p. 234.

[9] ROZENBLIT, Marsha; KARP, Jonathan. World War I and the jews: conflict and transformation in Europe, the Middle East and America. New York: Berghahn. p. 36.

[10] Ibid, p.37.

[11] GERRITS, André. The myth of jewish communism: a historical interpretation. Brussels: PIE Peter Lang, 2009.

[12] BEN-RAFAEL, Eliezer. André Gerrits. The myth of jewish communism: a historical interpretation. International Sociology Review of Books, v. 26, n. 2, p. 260-263.

___________________

Fonte: The Occidental Observer. Autor: Andrew Joyce. Título original: Lying about judeo-bolshevism. Data de publicação: 2 de março de 2019. Versão brasilesa: Chauke Stephan Filho.

 

For White Boys Contemplating Our Dark Future

“Even Satan presents himself as an angel of the Light.” — 2 Corinthians 11: 14

I was born in the last years of the segregated South, and I remember both the period before integration and the period afterward.  I was born to a father who was an electrical engineer, and a mother who was a waitress, and we had a comfortable, placid life until my father sustained severe brain damage in a car accident, requiring that he be retrained as a barber.  That was was around the time when my mother had to begin waiting on tables, to keep our finances afloat, and things became hardscrabble.  Looking back, I can see now that we lived in what many people would consider poverty.  My mother had seven children, too many even for those times, and the financial and psychological stress became more than she could handle.  She buried herself in Christian fundamentalism, seeking solace, but instead became more unstable and volatile.  In time, she began to suffer from extreme religious delusions, believing Jesus had returned to the earth and could be sought out if a sufficient effort was made.  Our home became increasingly violent, dysfunctional and broken, until it disintegrated midstream in our childhoods.  My father went to his parents’ home, where he died in a dark back bedroom, whimpering about his undying love for my mother.  For her part, my mother wandered away, stark raving mad, to search for her Messiah in unlikely places, and in the intervening four decades I have had no contact with her.

My parents’ ancestors had not had easier paths, even though their people were all from once prominent and wealthy Southern families.  Their families had obeyed the law in owning slaves, but had never abused their servants; instead they had considered them to be extended family members.  While I’m sure horror stories existed, I believe my own family’s lore recounting symbiotic and amiable relationships generally reflected the norm of those times.  In any event, both families had ended up landless and scattered as a result of Mr. Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation.  No one has ever talked about reparations for what many of them suffered:   bankruptcies, suicides, malnutrition, rooming house lodgings in their dotages, and early deaths.  Generations later, some of my ancestors were still living in shantytowns, occasionally being rousted out of their squatter villages by the police or military.

Out of these origins, we watched with familiar misgivings as soldiers with bayonets integrated public schools during the Civil Rights Era.  I remember that the school hallways soon stank from the odor of our fear, as our new peers pummeled, kicked and stomped their way into our hearts.  The Media invariably portrayed timid Black children entering schools through crowds of jeering and aggressive Whites, but our experience was somewhat the opposite:   we accommodated our government’s directives warily but meekly, and still got our asses handed to us.  Prior to integration, there had been order, discipline, optimism and a sense of community.  Afterward, we occupied institutions that were intimidating jungles, so much so that the frequent physical and sexual assaults that we experienced were usually not even reported.  We had been told what side history was on, and we were loath to disagree by making complaints.

Long before there were terms like “Media bias,” or “virtue-signaling,” or “Libtards,” we learned their meaning.  During the urban riots of 1968, a liberal teacher decorated our classroom’s bulletin boards with photos of Black rioters shot dead on the sidewalks by the police in Detroit and Watts.

“This will cause them to attack us more in the hallways,” a few of us pleaded.

The teacher was nonplussed by our comment.  “We have to demonstrate that we’re on the side of the civil rights movement” he responded with bewilderment.  “You must think of the greater good of our society, and make an effort to be team players.”

In my mind, this response was irresponsible gibberish, unconnected to the realities of the school hallways we were required to navigate. Yet, throughout my life, in response to my reservations in similar situations, the respondents have always deferred to God, morality, or the greater good.  And none of the answers I have received have been logical or sufficient.

I tried to play the game.  I tried to believe I would be treated fairly in the newly emerging integrated and “Diverse” America.  I soon realized this society will ultimately exclude the melanin-deficient, despite their delusions about having a place in this country’s future.  I had new lessons to learn, and after college I joined a federal agency, one divided into agents and support personnel.  The agents held a large majority of the higher-grade positions, and to achieve upward mobility it was clear that one should attempt to become an agent.  I applied to get into the agent training program, and was repeatedly turned down for admission.  It did not matter that I had two advanced degrees, one of which specialized in our agency’s mission.  It did not matter that I had known poverty via the misfortunes of a brain damaged father and a mother who was a violent lunatic.  There were no slots on the application to present that information, and, while I was shut out of the academy, it was common knowledge that others walking in off the street received preferences based on race and ethnicity.  “This is a non-issue,” I was told, in response to my complaints.  “Most of the applicants hired to be agents are still white.”  I appealed to my work colleagues, and quickly discovered that Whites who succeeded in getting admitted to the academy were indifferent to those of us who got left behind; they simply concluded that we must be deficient in some manner and thus worthy of our designation as lesser mortals.

It did not help to point out other corruptions in the selection process:   the family members of agency officials were admitted into the academy in statistically impossible numbers, and the children of slain agents were simply waved in if they met the minimum admission requirements.  Someone’s father catching a bullet did not seem to create more merit than my father having scraped his head down a highway; sometimes a death is a vastly more merciful fate than the fate of those who go on living.  Be that as it may, for fifteen years of doing the agency’s skut work, I received the same consideration as any external applicant doing similar office work elsewhere, and the rationale for this was, ironically, stated to be “the necessity for all applicants to be treated equally.”  The problem with the rationale presented was that I could not expect the same reciprocity from other employers if I sought to be hired by them — they would be loyal to their own employees in ways that mine had not been to me.  Between the racial preferences and the partial nullification of my labor investment, I’d received a double whammy.

No one gave a hoot about any of this.  I filed grievances, and quickly discovered that the grievance process was intended to channel and smother dissent, not to deliver justice or meaningful redress.  There was also an Ombudsman, whose position was ostensibly intended to help mediate grievances like my own.  This possibility for recourse looked promising, until it was discovered that her husband’s job consisted of maintaining the agency’s Affirmative Action statistics and monitoring the success of the agency’s Diversity Programs.  I sued, and a judge ordered the head of our Legal Counsel Division to attend a mediation meeting to seek a resolution for my suit.  The gentleman declined to put in an appearance, and instead sent an Assistant U.S. Attorney, who was openly hostile toward me.  She stated that I would be offered career counseling, absolutely nothing else, and proceeded to deride me in my presence with descriptive terms like “snob,” “elitist,” and “malcontent.”

“Appeal their decision,” a petite and usually passive coworker urged when I phoned her with my results.  “Don’t be afraid of them.  They’re not competent enough to be scary.”

My coworker was wrong.  They were plenty scary, and I was aware that the agency had unlimited time, personnel, and tax money to fight my lawsuit in the courts.  I was also aware that there were few other venues for the airing of my grievance — no lawyer would even touch it — and that most of the people similarly victimized are not even fully aware of their plight, inasmuch as diligent efforts are made to keep the discrimination covert.  What I had experienced was not today’s often-imagined “systemic discrimination” allegedly directed at non-Whites, but instead the real McCoy — a de facto discrimination against Whites that is now codified, institutionalized and commonplace.  It is discrimination sanctioned and promoted by our government, academia, the media, and the private sector, and there are no advocacy groups for its victims, no support groups for its survivors, and no films or books created to pull heartstrings over their suffering.  The victims, if they are perceived at all, are looked upon as being inconsequential damage, unworthy of acknowledgement because they had their injuries coming.  For its part, my agency, and countless others like it, generally grind up their victims as invisibly as possible, ruthlessly, silently, insidiously, without genuine compassion or interest, licensed to do damage by goals they believe to be noble.   I had even at one point done a Freedom of Information Act request to obtain statistics for the racial preferences, and the agency had released printouts of numbers that no one could decipher.  When asked for an interpretation, the bureaucrats simply ignored me.

I had spent ten years jogging down icy highways in February, to meet the academy’s physical requirements.  I had specifically obtained a second advanced degree because it was in our agency’s field of expertise.  None of it mattered one iota.  “You are being treated fairly,” I was told firmly.  “No one is mistreating you.”  That was no doubt their opinion, but I left the mediation meeting feeling thoroughly violated.

My unit supervisor was a pleasant Black man, and I was later told to meet with him for my lawsuit’s reward, the career counseling.  He waited until the last day of the deadline for providing the counseling, and then called me into his office and turned on his computer.  For an hour and a half, he read the agency’s job postings to me, the job vacancies listed on the agency’s website.  When he was done, he gave me a sincere pat on the arm and uttered familiar words:  “Go back to work now, and try to be a team player.”  One of his White underlings was far less diplomatic.  “We are trying to be tolerant of you,” he said.  “We know it is important to keep our friends close, and our enemies closer.”  This same gentleman, during a previous time of friction, had once reassured me that he had been taught how to kill adversaries within five seconds with merely a pencil.

My Black boss, not long after my career counseling, brought into our career ladder two semi-illiterate Black janitors, and hired them to do the same work I was performing.  The career ladder brought them inevitably up the rungs until they were one grade level below my own.  I remained one grade level above them only because I was their supervisor, and I spent my last years at the agency laboriously correcting the work that they could only go through the motions of performing.

Things got even more gruesome.  I never saw another promotion in the agency, during the remainder of my tenure.  Meanwhile, the Black agents in our agency had previously had a discrimination lawsuit against it.  Most of these people were mediocrities who had achieved their positions only through the racial preferences dispensed to them, but, not satisfied with that largesse, they had then become disgruntled when their advancement through the management ranks was slow.  They had sued, received financial settlements, and, as part of the settlements, the agency had agreed to reeducate all of its managers through diversity training seminars.

In the seminars we were taught that Affirmative Action preferences were necessary in order for America to keep pace with its rapidly changing demographics.  White Americans would soon be a minority, and the emerging America would contain a new but historically disadvantaged non-White majority.  White America had debts to pay, for its mistreatment of non-Whites, and it should pay its debts in a good-natured manner.   In the meanwhile, our democratic principles of government, we were told, along with consumerism and good will and the English language were destined to keep the country glued together.

In these seminars, we were told not to pose questions or to contradict the speakers.  “If you have questions or comments,” the facilitators said, “you may approach the stage with them only when the seminar is concluded.”  It was in this milieu that I first began to have epiphanies that when they keep telling you to be a team player, it means you’re about to get raped.  It was in this milieu that I had the epiphany that when they keep telling you to get on the right side of history, it means eventually they’re going to get around to killing you.  First they destroy books, careers, icons, statues, graves, and memorials.  Emboldened by their success, they will inevitably move on to their actual targets.  You, in the flesh.  The intial request is an appeal for access to institutions.  The subsequent request is a demand for dominant power in the institutions.  The final request is for us to be complicit in making ourselves irrelevant and extinct, in a country that our ancestors explicitly built for themselves and their descendants.  Indeed, the New America gives every indication of gleefully capitalizing on the founding stock’s own democratic principles, documents and institutions, to achieve that end.

In the seminars, listening to their sophistry, I found myself brimming with many questions I had been directed not to articulate.   If all cultures, groups, and nations are to be respected and accommodated, why was my own being so visibly assaulted and dissolved through social engineering and mass immigration?  Why was our demographic and political displacement described as something desirable, when no non-Western nation or people would interpret it in such a manner?  If previous discrimination against minorities was so damnable, how was justice achieved by routinely penalizing Whites through Affirmative Action discrimination?  Did this not merely redirect the discrimination against a new group of innocents?  Why should we be expected to cheerfully fund and facilitate our own society’s reinvention through social and governmental policies?  Why are we forbidden even to describe our displacement and replacement with those same terms — when they accurately describe what is being done to us?   Most of all:   How did it become completely impermissible for anyone to ask these questions?

Once again, I noticed an absence of meaningful redress.  Once again, I found there are no avenues for meaningful dissent; there can be no meaningful dissent when there are no venues in which it can be heard.  To pose objections in spite of this reality is to be designated as a braying jackass in a wilderness, even worse, it is to be designated as morally suspect, as being illogical, indeed, as being evil.  Once again, we are to be the dehumanized collateral damage of the “arc of moral justice,” and our moral worth depends on the extent to which we submit to that condition silently and willingly.  Our own group’s need for self-perpetuation, for self-determination, for equality under the law — these things have all been rendered irrelevant, meaningless, in a society in which all things are now politicized and polarized.

Yet, to reiterate, America’s founding documents and founding institutions were created to first benefit the descendants of the European founding stock.  They clearly proclaimed that they existed for the benefit of the founders’ progeny.  It is thus folly to contend that they were intended to be tools for the dissolution of the nation-state created by those ancestors, and for four centuries America, with the exception of eight states in the South, was largely an ethnostate with an identifiable and relatively homogeneous culture and people.   All of that is now being destroyed in the name of an ill-defined largesse or the purely mercenary desire to import cheap labor, consumers, or votes.  The resulting metamorphosis will achieve the destruction of all that is familiar to us in the span of a single human lifetime, a lifetime of a mere seventy years, spanning from the gutting of our immigration laws in 1965 to the year 2035, the earliest date at which Whites are predicted to become a minority in the U.S.  And the year 2035 is tomorrow — an eyeblink away.  The currently emerging American society will be characterized by the end goal of many of the forces arrayed against us; we will evolve into a society characterized by one-party rule — by the Democratic Party, a political entity that is increasingly anti-status quo, anti-White, and radically socialist in its leanings.

Reacting to this with a shrug is the purest kind of madness.  Acquiescing to it is collaboration with a fate that will strip us of the right of self-determination, because other groups vote in blocs and we will, quite simply, be outnumbered and outvoted.  It is collaboration with the dispossession of our culture and our history, because both will be inevitably pushed into America’s margins.  It portends the confiscation of our wealth, because our wealth will need to be taxed away from us to subsidize the poverty of the incoming hordes.  Most importantly, all of this will dispossess us of our future as a people, because we will have become the Boers of North America and our future will be determined by others.  If the histories of the Tutsis of Rwanda, the Uyghurs of China, and the Christian Armenians of Turkey are indicators of the dark proclivities of human nature — as indeed they are — it may ultimately cost many of us the greatest price of all.

Are these notions beyond the pale for contemplation?  I think not.  We live in a time in which many nations guarantee their citizens’ rights in their constitutions, yet those rights are routinely disregarded.  We live in an era that is characterized, like all of the human history that preceded it, by purges and genocides, an era in which billions of humans are entirely content to live under the tyrannies of Communism, radical Islam, or authoritarianism.  These are the dark and dangerous waters into which our politicians cheerfully plan to cast us adrift on a raft built from blind faith, a hodgepodge raft constructed from scraps of the ideologies promoting globalism, universalism, racial egalitarianism, reverse racism, and other “isms.”  It will be a vessel unfit for any approaching storm, a craft that will easily upend in a vast and tumultuous human sea, and one where there is every reason to believe that our adventure will finalize with our disappearance.

In response to this predicament, for the largest part, our own countrymen are fat and comfortable and happy.  They are far too relaxed and stupid to entertain any notions involving fear, and the cynic in me no longer believes that what remains of America can be saved without upheaval, radicalism, and violence.  While I would never advocate violence, nor will I condemn it, not while my country is being gleefully and unnecessarily butchered all around me.  And in the face of today’s unrelenting turmoil, there have been, of late, clarion truisms that keep ringing in my mind.  One is the statement of Mr. Trump, on January 6, 2021, that “If you don’t fight like hell for your country, you’re not going to have one.”  Another sadly resonating truism is the one allegedly made by the Capitol Breach rioter Riley June Williams, a seven-word sentence that sums up our predicament: “There are no longer any political solutions.”  An even more disturbing insight that keeps entering my consciousness is one attributed to the writer Guillaume Faye:  “When you are forced to choose between violence and extinction, regrettably, the only correct moral choice is violence.”

How sad, even to have been placed in the position to need to contemplate such thoughts.  This is the corner into which our idiot leaders have now painted us, and most of us will no doubt live to see the fruits of their folly.  I am aging fast, and I may be spared such a fate; even so, I know where my ghost will abide when its time comes.  I will be at the running track at my agency’s academy, the academy where I never got admitted.  I will be running in the brutal cold of February, running as I used to run, groaning to push forward with a clenched jaw into the wind.  I will be catapulting around the track, believing against all of the available evidence that this country still has a future for my children, believing in a future in which an uncorrupted justice will yet prevail.

Believing anyway.

Jews and Competitive Victimhood

Despite being the wealthiest, most politically well-connected and influential group in Western nations, Jews have assiduously (and successfully) cultivated the notion they have always been, and remain, a cruelly-persecuted victim group deserving of everyone’s profound sympathy. The “Holocaust” narrative has, of course, been central to this endeavor. The entire social and political order of the contemporary West — based on the alleged virtues of racial diversity and multiculturalism — has been erected on the moral foundations of “the Holocaust.” White people cannot be recognized as a group with interests because “never again.” Western nations have a moral obligation to accept unlimited non-White immigration because “never again.” Whites should meekly accept their deliberate displacement (and ultimate extinction) because “never again.”

Numerous studies have demonstrated the power that can accrue to individuals and groups who successfully cultivate their status as victims and underdogs. Social psychologists have labelled the tendency to see one’s group as having suffered more than an outgroup as “competitive victimhood.” While conflicting groups have engaged in competitive victimhood for centuries, this is largely a modern phenomenon that should be understood against the backdrop of contemporary culture. Friedrich Nietzsche remains the first and best theorist of competitive victimhood, proposing that historical developments in Western culture, ranging from Christianity to the Enlightenment, led to a reversal of values where old notions of “might makes right” were transformed. Today, our knee-jerk reaction to powerful groups is to assume they are immoral and corrupt, while members of victimized groups are assumed to be innocent and morally superior.

Activist Jews are acutely aware of the power of competitive victimhood in contemporary culture, and much of the research into the subject has been carried out in Israel. A study by Schnabel and colleagues found that groups are motivated to engage in competitive victimhood for two reasons: the need for moral identity and the need for social power.

With regards to the first motivation, people generally associate victimization with innocence. Therefore, if one’s ingroup ‘wins’ the victim status, it means that it is also perceived as moral. With regards to the second motivation, people generally view victims as entitled for compensation. Therefore, if one’s ingroup ‘wins’ the victim status, it means that it is entitled to various resources such as policies to empower it or higher budgets. Groups struggle over both power (budgets, influence, etc.) and moral identity (i.e., group members typically see themselves as ‘the good guys’ and members of the other group as ‘the bad guys’). This struggle makes them engage in competitive victimhood.[1]

These studies, often framed around the difficulties presented to Israel by the victim status of the Palestinians, shed light on the psychological motivations behind attempts to gain acknowledgement that one’s ingroup has been subjected to more injustice than an adversarial social group. The findings show that desire for power plays a key role, and that victimhood experiences (real, perceived or fabricated) have far-reaching consequences for the relations between groups, and “especially in contexts where material and social resources are scarce, group members actively attempt to affirm that one’s own group has been victimized more than the other.”[2]

Given the group evolutionary stakes involved, it’s unsurprising that discourse in many countries is often characterized by competitive victimhood—of different social groups competing over who suffers more. Young and Sullivan note that competitive victimhood is an adaptive behavior through which “groups can unilaterally achieve greater group cohesiveness, provide justification for violence performed in the past, reduce feelings of responsibility for harm doing, increase perceived control through the elicitation of social guilt from the outgroup, and elicit support from third parties.”[3]

The political and economic (and therefore biological) benefits derived from competitive victimhood account for the ubiquity of Jewish victim narratives in contemporary Western culture, and why Jewish historiography is replete with exaggerated accounts of historical calamities, persecution, exile, deportations, and pogroms. According to the standard Jewish account, the biblical Pharaoh, Amalek, and Haman of Persia all attempted to annihilate the Jews, followed by a long sequence of enemies, massacres, deportations, inquisitions, and pogroms. Through this lachrymose Jewish victimhood prism, “the Holocaust” is just the latest in this series of recurring victimizations.

Competitive victimhood is built into the liturgical fabric of Judaism through observances like the fast day of Tisha B’Av (the tenth day of the Hebrew month of Av, usually in the middle of August) when Jews reflect on the history of Jewish trauma from the destruction of the First and Second Temples to the medieval expulsions, the Spanish Inquisition, through to “the Holocaust.” One Jewish source notes how “references to the Holocaust, Nazis, Hitler, WWII, Germany etc. seep into the conversation amongst Jews, regardless of age, religious observance, or political affiliation.” Ashkenazi Jews in particular “continue to internalize and carry the trauma of the Holocaust in a way that shapes how we think and behave as Jews in America (and maybe throughout the rest of the world).” Carrying such feelings while comprising an ethnic ruling elite means Jews often feel “both entitlement and victimhood at the same time” which “can become unsettling and paradoxical.”

Jewish activist organizations protest enforcement of the southern border in the U.S. during Tisha B’Av in 2019

This Jewish victimhood mentality is nourished by socialization processes that teach Jews “that victimhood has potential gains, and that aggressiveness can be legitimate and just if one party has suffered from its adversary.”[4] In Israel, victimhood-oriented socialization begins as early as kindergarten and Israeli children are taught that Israelis suffer more than Palestinians, and that they have to protect themselves and fight for their very existence.[5] Research has found the presence of the Holocaust in Israeli school curricula, cultural products, and political discourse has increased, rather than decreased over the years, and that Israelis are increasingly more preoccupied with the Holocaust, constantly dwell on it, and fear that it will “happen again.”[6] One study, moreover, found that:

Jewish Israelis tend to harbor a “perpetual victimhood” representation of their history, as a group that has suffered persecution, discrimination, and threats of annihilation throughout generations, culminating in the Holocaust. Today the presence of the Holocaust in Israel is pervasive, and most Jewish Israelis acknowledge the Holocaust as part of their collective identity and have internalized this victimization as a core feature of their Israeli identity. Thus, Jewish Israelis are raised in a culture that emphasizes the continuity between past suffering and present suffering.[7]

Studies have found that a focus on an ingroup’s victimization (real or perceived) reduces sympathy toward the adversary allegedly responsible for this victimization, as well as toward unrelated adversaries.[8] A group completely preoccupied with its own suffering can develop an “egotism of victimhood” where members are unable to see things from the perspective of the rival group, are unable or unwilling to empathize with the suffering of the rival group, and are unwilling to accept any responsibility for harm inflicted by their own group. Researchers questioned Israeli Jews about their memory of the conflict with the Arabs, from its inception to the present, and found their “consciousness is characterized by a sense of victimization, a siege mentality, blind patriotism, belligerence, self-righteousness, dehumanization of the Palestinians and insensitivity to their suffering.”[9] They found a close connection between that collective memory and the memory of “past persecution of Jews” and the Holocaust. That is, the more deeply Israeli Jews have internalized a narrative of historic Jewish persecution, the less sympathy they have for Palestinians. It was this victimhood lens that led Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin, on the eve of Israel’s 1982 invasion of Lebanon, to declare “The alternative to this is Treblinka.’”

Jewish Indifference to Harming Whites

The harm done to White group interests by Jewish activism in the post-World War II era has been enormous. Jews have used their domination of the commanding heights of Western societies to effectively sabotage the successful biological and cultural reproduction of White people, whom they regard, based on their ethnocentric and jaundiced reading of history, as their foremost ethnic adversaries. This sabotage takes many forms, including: lobbying for mass non-White immigration into Western countries; the entrenchment of multiculturalism and diversity as central and unchallengeable pillars of social policy; the hypersexualization of popular culture and championing of sexual and gender non-conformity; the deplatforming and censoring of all dissident opinion; and, lately, the diffusion and mainstreaming of Critical Race Theory through all sections of society, and the designation of any  pro-White advocacy as a form of terrorism. The net result of these policies has been the rapid demographic and cultural decline of White people in countries they founded and dominated for hundreds (and sometimes thousands) of years.

All of these policies, so zealously supported by Jewish activist organizations, and reinforced by the Jewish-dominated education and media sectors, have their ultimate conceptual basis in the Jewish intellectual movements chronicled by Kevin MacDonald in Culture of Critique. These movements were preoccupied with undermining the evolutionarily-adaptive precepts and practices that had historically dominated Western societies, with the implicit objective being to render White Europeans less effective competitors to Jews for access to resources and reproductive success.

Boasian anthropology, for example, overturned established notions regarding the importance of racial differences, and the need to maintain immigration restrictions and instill a strong racial identity in White children (and a strong aversion to miscegenation) as part of their socialization. The ideas of Boasian anthropology were infused (through the determined efforts of Ashley Montagu) into the 1950 UNESCO Statement on Race (which contributed to the 1954 U.S. Supreme Court desegregation decision in Brown v. Board of Education in Topeka).[10] This Statement (and later UN statements based on it) was described by Robert Wald Sussman (The Myth of Race: The Troubling Persistence of an Unscientific Idea, Harvard University Press, 2014, 207), as “the triumph of Boasian anthropology on a world-historical scale.”[11] This is because of its role in providing an intellectual justification for pressuring the United States, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand to abandon their policies favoring their founding racial stock and ending racial restrictions on immigration.

Reporting on the UNESCO Statement on Race in 1950

Equally damaging to White interests was the assault on the family from the 1960s onwards—part of a great cultural shift from the affirmation to the repudiation of inherited values. The familial, religious and ethnic ties of White people were presented as an oppressive burden imposed by the past—a way in which parents encumber their offspring with an inheritance of dysfunctional norms. Frankfurt School intellectuals insisted the traditional European family structure was pathogenic and a breeding ground “for the production of ‘authoritarian personalities’ who are inclined to submit to dominant authorities, however irrational.” This view echoed Jewish post-Freudian intellectual Wilhelm Reich, who insisted the authoritarian family is of critical importance for the authoritarian state because the family “becomes the factory in which the state’s structure and ideology are molded.”[12] Crucial for Reich was the repression of childhood sexuality, which, in his view, created children who are docile, fearful of authority, and in general anxious and submissive. Reich claimed the role of traditional “repressive” Western sexual morality was “to produce acquiescent subjects who, despite distress and humiliation, are adjusted to the authoritarian order.” Herbert Marcuse agreed, insisting that the “liberation of sexuality and the creation of non-hierarchical democratic structures in the family, workplace and society at large would create personalities resistant to fascism.”[13]

Such ideas motivated the Jewish hypersexualization of Western culture from the 1960s onwards—which led to a revolution in Western sexual mores, family structure and child-rearing practices that have had dire consequences for White group interests. Kevin MacDonald notes that: “Applied to gentile culture, the subversive program of psychoanalysis would have the expected effect of resulting in less-competitive children; in the long term, gentile culture would be increasingly characterized by low-investment parenting, and… there is evidence that the sexual revolution inaugurated, or at least greatly facilitated, by psychoanalysis has indeed had this effect.”[14]

While denouncing the traditional White family as proto-fascistic, Frankfurt School intellectuals also championed radical individualism as the quintessence of psychological health for White people. The “sane” individual was promoted as someone who had broken free from the pathogenic norms of Western culture, and realized his or her human potential without relying on membership in collectivist groups. Jewish Frankfurt School theorist Erich Fromm argued, for instance, in his book The Sane Society (1956) that: “Mental health is characterized by the ability to love and create, by the emergence from incestuous ties to clan and soil, by a sense of identity based on one’s experience of self as the subject and agent of one’s powers, by the grasp of reality inside and outside of ourselves, that is, by the development of objectivity and reason.”[15] The embrace of radical individualism by White people, promoted by the likes of Fromm, was, not surprisingly, conducive (through inhibiting anti-Semitism) to the continuation of Judaism as a cohesive group.

Ethnic Defense or Attack?

Jews, to the extent they admit their involvement in these and other damaging intellectual movements and social policies shaped by them, often portray them as a necessary ethnic “defense” against anti-Semitism. Jewish movie director Jill Soloway claimed, for instance, that Hollywood’s Jews were “recreating culture to defend ourselves post-Holocaust.” From the perspective of White people, however, this “defense” is an incredibly aggressive ethnic attack that threatens our very biological survival in the long term. Research has found that aggressiveness toward outgroups is more likely to be considered legitimate and fair if one’s ingroup is believed to have suffered. For instance, Jewish Canadians who were reminded of the Holocaust accepted less collective guilt for Jews’ harmful actions toward Palestinians than those not reminded of it.[16]

Individuals who identify more strongly with their ingroup engage ever more fiercely in competitive victimhood. As Jews are an extremely ethnocentric group, it is unsurprising that they are particularly prone to engage in competitive victimhood. This behavior is also self-reinforcing in offering psychological payoffs: safe explanations about who is responsible for inter-group conflict and clear boundaries between good and evil.[17] Moreover:

Perceiving one’s own group as the primary victim of the conflict can reduce feelings of guilt that arise when people witness misdeeds perpetrated by ingroup members. By the same token, it may help to rationalize and legitimize acts of revenge against rivals, especially in the post-conflict era. Finally, portraying one’s own group as the “real” victim of the conflict may also serve material purposes, as it frames the group the worthy recipient of sympathy and assistance. Thus, encouraging the perception of one’s own group as the victim may enhance the possibility of receiving moral and practical support from the international community. For all these reasons, it is no wonder that each of the parties involved in a conflict makes great efforts to persuade themselves, rivals, and third parties that their suffering has been the greatest.

 A strong sense of collective victimhood (such as that possessed by Jews) is associated with a low willingness to forgive and an increased desire for revenge. The research shows that people with heightened victimhood express “an increased desire for revenge rather than mere avoidance, and actually were more likely to behave in a revengeful manner.” Such individuals and groups “tend to see their use of violence and aggression as more moral and justified, while seeing the use of violence of the outgroup as unjustified and morally wrong.”[18]

Activist Jews well know the policies they espouse for Western societies harm the group interests of White populations (that’s the whole point). Thus, while the stated mission of the Australian Anti-Defamation Commission (ADC) is to make Australia a “better place” by “promoting tolerance, justice and multiculturalism,” when it comes to the conflict between the Israelis and Palestinians this supposed commitment to “inclusion,” “diversity” and “multiculturalism” suddenly gives way to hardnosed biological realism. The problem with Israel adopting the diverse, multicultural approach to nation-building so zealously advocated by the ADC for Australia (and the entire West) is that while it may sound “simple and fair,” it is actually “code for the destruction of Israel and its replacement with a majority Palestinian state.” The ADC insists “It is naïve and dangerous to believe such a situation will not occur if Israel is taken over by a growing Palestinian population.”

This rank hypocrisy (and barely-concealed malice) is standard across the gamut of Jewish activist organizations in the West. While promoting pluralism and diversity and encouraging the dissolution of the racial and ethnic identification of White people, Jews endeavor to maintain precisely the kind of intense group solidarity they decry as immoral in Whites. They have initiated and led movements that discredit the traditional foundations of Western society: patriotism, the Christian basis for morality, social homogeneity, and sexual restraint. At the same time, within their own communities and in Israel, they have supported the very institutions they attack in Western societies.

Competitive Victimhood through the Construction of Culture

In their quest to outcompete their ethnic adversaries (i.e., White people), diasporic Jews have poured enormous energy into competitive victimhood. Jewish historian Peter Novick has described how today’s culture of “the Holocaust” emerged as part of the collective Jewish response to the Eichmann trial in 1961–62, the Six-Day War in the Middle East in 1967, and, in particular, the Yom Kippur War in 1973. While the foundation was laid at Nuremberg in 1946, it was with these later events, and the anxieties they engendered among Jews throughout the world, that “there emerged in American culture a distinct thing called ‘the Holocaust’—an event in its own right,” and with it a term that entered the English language as a description of all manner of horrors. From that time on, he notes, “the Holocaust” has become “ever more central in American public discourse—particularly, of course, among Jews, but also in the culture at large” and has since “attained transcendent status as the bearer of eternal truths or lessons that could be derived from contemplating it.”[19]

Throughout the West, the proliferating “Holocaust” memorials and museums are lavishly funded by taxpayers, and study of “the Holocaust” in schools is mandated by law in many jurisdictions. As well as serving to morally disarm Whites concerned about their own immigrant-led displacement, the culture of “the Holocaust” is a key part of Jewish efforts to prevent intermarriage in the diaspora. Eric Goldstein, for instance, notes how “Jews discuss, read about, and memorialize the Holocaust with zeal as a means of keeping their sense of difference from non-Jews alive.”[20] “The Holocaust” has become, in the words of Nicholas Kollerstrom, “an ersatz substitute for genuine metaphysical knowledge,” with Auschwitz now serving as the spiritual center of a new religion and a place of awed pilgrimage for millions of penitent Europeans. The narrative has also unleashed an endless flow of money from Germany to Israel and to compensate more “Holocaust” survivors than there were ever Jews in countries under German control.[21]

Novick made the point that that the ubiquity and metaphysical pre-eminence of the Holocaust in Western culture is not a spontaneous phenomenon but the result of highly focused, well-funded efforts of Jewish organizations and individual Jews with access to the major media:

We are not just “the people of the book,” but the people of the Hollywood film and the television miniseries, of the magazine article and the newspaper column, of the comic book and the academic symposium. When a high level of concern with the Holocaust became widespread in American Jewry, it was, given the important role that Jews play in American media and opinion-making elites, not only natural, but virtually inevitable that it would spread throughout the culture at large.[22]

Establishing and maintaining the narrative of pre-eminent Jewish victimhood is supremely important for the cadres of Jewish “diversity” activists and propagandists throughout the West, given the status of the Holocaust as the moral and rhetorical foundation of today’s White displacement agenda. Invocation of this narrative is reflexively used to stifle opposition to the Jewish diaspora strategies of mass non-White immigration and multiculturalism.

Suppressing Counter-narratives

The flipside of this constant invocation of the Holocaust as a testament to unsurpassed Jewish victimhood are efforts to suppress discussion of the unsavory Jewish role in the Bolshevik Revolution and communism. This is because free discussion of the Jewish role in communist crimes undermines Jewish pretentions to moral authority grounded in their self-designated status as history’s preeminent victims. For Jewish academic Daniel Goldhagen, for example, any claim Jews were responsible for the Bolshevik Revolution and its predations is morally reprehensible because “If you associate Jews with communism, or worse, hold communism to be a Jewish invention and weapon, every time the theme, let alone the threat, of communism, Marxism, revolution, or the Soviet Union comes up, it also conjures, reinforces, even deepens thinking prejudicially about Jews and the animus against Jews in one’s country.”[23] It is therefore imperative the topic remain taboo and discussion of it suppressed—regardless of how many historians (Jewish and non-Jewish) confirm the decisive role Jews played in providing the ideological basis for, and the establishment, governance and administration of, the former communist dictatorships of Central and Eastern Europe.

Jewish competitive victimhood accounts for the fact that, since 1945, over 150 feature films have been made about “the Holocaust” while the number of films that have been made about the genocide of millions of Eastern Europeans can be counted on one hand—and none have been produced by Hollywood. Those Jewish intellectuals who are willing to admit the obvious—that Jews played a large (probably decisive) role in the Bolshevik Revolution and its bloody aftermath—rationalize this by claiming this involvement was an understandable response to tsarist “anti-Semitism” and “pogroms.” Andrew Joyce has explored how Jewish historians and activists have systematically distorted and weaponized the history of “pogroms” in the former Russian Empire.

Uncritically drawing on this bogus narrative, establishment historians typically ascribe the pogroms to irrational manifestations of hate against Jews, tsarist malevolence, the pathological jealousy and primitive barbarity of the Russian mob, and the “blood libel.” The real underlying causes of peasant uprisings against Jews, such as the Jewish monopolization of entire industries (including the sale of liquor to peasants on credit), predatory moneylending, and radical political agitation, are completely ignored, despite tsarist authorities having repeatedly expressed alarm over how “Jews were exploiting the unsophisticated and ignorant rural inhabitants, reducing them to a Jewish serfdom.”[24] Initiatives to move Jews into less socially damaging economic niches, through extending educational opportunities and drafting Jews into the army, were ineffective in altering this basic pattern. With this in mind, the revolutionary anarchist Mikhail Bakunin concluded that Jews were “an exploiting sect, a blood-sucking people, a unique, devouring parasite tightly and intimately organized … cutting across all the differences in political opinion.”[25]

Rather than seeing Jewish communist militants as willing agents of ethnically-motivated oppression and mass murder, Jewish intellectuals, like the authors of the book Revolutionary Yiddishland Alain Brossat and Sylvie Klingberg, attempt to depict them as noble victims who tragically “linked their fate to the grand narrative of working-class emancipation, fraternity between peoples, socialist egalitarianism,” and that the militancy of Jewish communists “was always messianic, optimistic, oriented to the Good—a fundamental and irreducible difference from that of the fascists with which some people have been tempted to compare it, on the pretext that one ‘militant ideal’ is equivalent to any other.”[26] In other words, millions may have died due to the actions of Jewish communist militants, but their hearts were pure. Kevin MacDonald notes how Jewish involvement with Bolshevism “is perhaps the most egregious example of Jewish moral particularism in all of history. The horrific consequences of Bolshevism for millions of non-Jewish Soviet citizens do not seem to have been an issue for Jewish leftists—a pattern that continues into the present.”[27]

Jewish Competitive Victimhood on Behalf of Non-Whites

Jewish activists not only engage in competitive victimhood on behalf of their ingroup (while suppressing all counter-narratives), but wage competitive victimhood on behalf of other non-White groups (except, of course, for the Palestinians and other groups opposed to Israel). This is plainly motivated by the desire to harm White interests. Through founding and promoting intellectual movements like Critical Race Theory, funding anti-White activism, and deploying anti-White media narratives, Jews stoke non-White grievance and physically endanger White people.

An instructive example of Jews engaging in competitive victimhood on behalf of non-Whites concerns Australia’s Aborigines. Jewish intellectual activists Tony Barta and Colin Tatz, for example, originated the “genocide charge” against White Australians, and have largely succeeded in ensuring that “genocide is now in the vocabulary of Australian politics.” Barta insists that “all white people in Australia” are implicated in a “relationship of genocide” with Aborigines even if they (or their ancestors) lacked any such intention, had only benevolent interactions with Aborigines, or no contact with Aborigines at all. When colonial, and later state and federal governments implemented policies designed to protect Aboriginal people, “genocide” was, for Barta, still “inherent in the very nature of the society.” He advocates this be the “credo taught to every generation of schoolchildren—the key recognition of Australia as a nation founded on genocide.”[28]

Jewish intellectual activist Colin Tatz

Barta’s activism inspired Colin Tatz who, embracing and weaponizing the bogus notion of the “Stolen Generations,” claimed that as a result of “the public’s first knowledge of the wholesale removal of Aboriginal children, the dreaded ‘g’ word is firmly with us,” affirming that the “purpose of my university and public courses” is “to keep it here.”[29] The Sydney Jewish Museum is proudly playing its part in training Australian teachers “not only about the Holocaust” but also about “the Australian genocide.” Inevitably, Barta and Tatz liken rejection of, or even ambivalence toward, their assertion that “Australia is a nation built on genocide” to “Holocaust denial.” In deploying the “genocide” charge against White Australians, they seek to exert the same kind of psychological leverage used to such devastating effect against Germans, who, as Tatz notes, are “weighed down by the Schuldfrage (guilt question)” to such an extent that “guilt, remorse, shame permeate today’s Germany.”[30]

Jewish activists like Barta and Tatz have dedicated their professional lives to ensuring an analogous guilt permeates and becomes indissolubly linked with White Australian identity. In keeping with the exigencies of competitive victimhood, they are, however, careful to not thereby detract from the pre-eminence of the Holocaust.[31] One Jewish source notes how “painful memories of the Holocaust still resonate and make us sensitive to comparisons,” emphasizing the supreme importance of ensuring that “recognising the genocide of the Aboriginal inhabitants of Australia does not diminish the horror of the Holocaust.” To mitigate this danger, Tatz insists that, in discussing other putative genocides, scholars have a moral obligation to never “ignore, or evade, the lessons and legacies of the Holocaust in pursuit of other case histories.” The Holocaust must forever remain “the paradigm case, the one more analysed, studied, dissected, filmed, dramatized than all other cases put together.” It must endure as “the yardstick by which we measure many things” and be the highest point on “a ‘Richter Scale’ that can help us to locate the intensity, immensity of a case so that we don’t equate all genocides.”[32] This statement is the embodiment of competitive victimhood.

Conclusion

“Competitive victimhood” is a useful intellectual framework for conceptualizing a key strand of Jewish ethnic activism and can be viewed as an important aspect of Judaism as a group evolutionary strategy. This strategy is multipronged: promote Jews as the world’s foremost victims (despite their status as an ethnic ruling class in Western societies); aggressively suppress all narratives that challenge this status (particularly those that accurately represent Jews as victimizers); and, finally, engage in competitive victimhood on behalf of non-White groups against Whites—while simultaneously seeking to deny the latter any positive collective identity. This multi-layered strategy ultimately conduces to the same overriding goal: to deprive White people of moral authority, confidence, political power, economic resources and reproductive opportunities. While many Jews regard this as a necessary ethnic defense, from the perspective of White people this an aggressive (and intensifying) attack that threatens our long-term survival as a people.

Brenton Sanderson is the author of Battle Lines: Essays on Western Culture, Jewish Influence and Anti-Semitism, available here and here.


[1] Eric W, Dolan, “Study finds the need for power predicts engaging in competitive victimhood,” PsyPost, February 6, 2021. https://www.psypost.org/2021/02/study-finds-the-need-for-power-predicts-engaging-in-competitive-victimhood-59552

[2] Luca Andrighetto, “The victim wars: How competitive victimhood stymies reconciliation between conflicting groups,” The Inquisitive Mind, Issue 5, 2012.  https://www.in-mind.org/article/the-victim-wars-how-competitive-victimhood-stymies-reconciliation-between-conflicting-groups

[3] Isaac F. Young & Daniel Sullivan, “Competitive victimhood: a review of the theoretical and empirical literature,” Current Opinion in Psychology, 11, 2016, 31.

[4] M. Nasie, A.H. Diamond & D. Bar-Tal, “Young children in intractable conflict: The Israeli case,” Personality and Social Psychology Review, 20, 2016, 365-92.

[5] Ibid.

[6] Y. Klar, N. Schori-Eyal, N. & Y. Klar, “The ‘never again’ State of Israel: The emergence of the Holocaust as a core feature of Israeli identity and its four incongruent voices,” Journal of Social Issues, 69, 2013, 125-43.

[7] Johanna Ray Vollhardt, The Social Psychology of Collective Victimhood (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020) 372.

[8] See: S. Cehajic & R. Brown, “Not in my name: A social psychological study of antecedents and consequences of acknowledgement of ingroup atrocities,” Genocide Studies and Prevention, 3, 2008, 195-211 and M.J. Wohl & N.R. Branscombe, “Remembering historical victimization: Collective guilt for current ingroup transgressions,” Journal or Personality and Social Psychology,” 94, 2008, 988-1006.

[9] D. Bar-Tal, L. Chernyak-Hai, N. Schori & A Gundar, “A sense of self-perceived collective victimhood in intractable conflicts,” International Review of the Red Cross, 91, 2009, 229.

[10] Anthony Q. Hazard, Postwar Anti-Racism: The United States, UNESCO, and “Race,”1945-1968 (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2012), 38.

[11] Robert Wald Sussman, The Myth of Race: The Troubling Persistence of an Unscientific Idea (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 2014), 207.

[12] Wilhelm Reich, The Mass Psychology of Fascism (London: Penguin, 1970) 64.

[13] Douglas Kellner, Herbert Marcuse and the Crisis of Marxism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984) 111.

[14] Kevin MacDonald, The Culture of Critique: An Evolutionary Analysis of Jewish Involvement in Twentieth‑Century Intellectual and Political Movements, (Westport, CT: Praeger, Revised Paperback edition, 2001), 151.

[15] Erich Fromm, The Sane Society (London & New York: Routledge, 1956/1991), 67.

[16] M.J. Wohl & N.R. Branscombe, “Remembering historical victimization: Collective guilt for current ingroup transgressions,” Journal or Personality and Social Psychology,” 94, 2008,

[17] M. Noor, N. Schnabel, S. Halabi & A. Nadler, “When suffering begets suffering: The psychology of competitive victimhood between adversarial groups in violent conflicts,” Personality and Social Psychology Review, 16,  2012, 351-74.

[18] Ibid.

[19] Peter Novick, The Holocaust and Collective Memory (London: Bloomsbury, 2000), 144.

[20] Eric L. Goldstein, The Price of Whiteness: Jews, Race, and American Identity (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2008), 211.

[21] Nicholas Kollerstrom, Breaking the Spell: The Holocaust, Myth & Reality (Uckfield: Castle Hill, 2014), 133.

[22] Novick, The Holocaust and Collective Memory, 12.

[23] Daniel Jonah Goldhagen, The Devil That Never Dies (New York NY; Little, Brown & Co., 2013), 291; 126.

[24] John Klier, Russians, Jews, and the Pogroms of 1881-2 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 5.

[25] Robert Wistrich, From Ambivalence to Betrayal: the Left, the Jews and Israel (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2012), 186.

[26] Alain Brossat & Sylvie Klingberg, Revolutionary Yiddishland: A History of Jewish Radicalism (London; Verso, 2016), 56.

[27] MacDonald, Culture of Critique, xl.

[28] Tony Barta, “Realities, Surrealities and the Membrane of Innocence,” In: Genocide Perspectives: A Global Crime, Australian Voices, Ed. Nikki Marczak & Kirril Shields (Sydney: UTS ePress, 2017), 174.

[29] Colin Tatz, With Intent to Destroy: Reflecting on Genocide (London; Verso, 2003), xvi.

[30] Colin Tatz, Australia’s Unthinkable Genocide (Xlibris; 2017), 3009.

[31] Tatz, With Intent to Destroy, xiii.

[32] Colin Tatz, Human Rights and Human Wrongs: A Life Confronting Racism (Clayton, Victoria; Monash University Publishing, 2015), 261.

The AI Revolution’s Dystopian Future: It’s Not a Bug, It’s a Feature

The breakneck speed of technological advancement and the fever for automation have resulted in these self-contained decision-makers worming their way into all aspects of life; algorithms aren’t just the property of social media news feeds anymore, they’re also used to predict consumer habits, make investments, and even determine courtroom decisions. China, for example, is in the process of rolling out a system of ‘social credit-scoring’ in which data collection and analysis techniques will be used to give each citizen a score. … Though this system is still highly experimental, it is a testament to the widespread datafication of the modern world and the increased primacy of algorithms and machine-learning in shaping our day-to-day experiences.—Stuart Montgomery, “What’s in an Algorithm? The Problem of the Black Box

The first thing that the reader must understand is that despite the global and often diffuse nature of the expanding World Online network, the ideology/religion of Dataism and its Internet-of-(All)-Things demand central planning akin to Marxist doctrine. Granted the other features of this network are capitalist in nature, but it is unsurprising that the Chinese model is viewed as most desirable for global control, as it combines the best (from the perspective of the “elites”) aspects of each system under the cloak of humanism and various other “-isms” such as environmentalism. That the system is not concerned with the externalities it purports to consider should be clear, but trapped in dialectical reasoning as we have been conditioned to be, breaking out of these constraints is often a tall order. Consider the American conservative, a creature who seldom understands that he is, at heart, still a liberal within his post-Jacobin confines. Alas, our Pavlovian overlords provide the stimuli and condition the response.

As Ted Kaczynski wrote, “The conservatives are fools: They whine about the decay of traditional values, yet they enthusiastically support technological progress and economic growth. Apparently it never occurs to them that you can’t make rapid, drastic changes in the technology and the economy of a society without causing rapid changes in all other aspects of the society as well, and that such rapid changes inevitably break down traditional values.” The point here is not to pile on conservatives but rather to highlight the inability to resist what is destroying you when you’ve already accepted all of its premises! An illustrative opinion is that of Klon Kitchen, writing for the conservative Heritage Foundation and the former Director of its Center for Technology Policy: “Google petitioners [attempting to remove a conservative from an advisory committee on ethics and artificial intelligence] seem to equate conservatism with bigotry and hate. They could not be more wrong.” This is fundamentally a liberal position. Kitchen continues, proving Kaczynski right:

Fundamentally, conservatives believe artificial intelligence can and should be used to build a country where freedom, opportunity, prosperity, and civil society flourish. First, artificial intelligence is, and will continue to be, a critical tool for advancing U.S. security and freedom. … We agree with many of Google’s perspectives on how automation and other artificial intelligence-enabled capabilities will generate new jobs and opportunities. … Conservatives believe that artificial intelligence can open new pathways to individual and national prosperity, and we want to remove any unnecessary government barriers to these advancements. Needless regulations slow down innovation. We would gladly join Google in opposing barriers to attracting global tech talent and further expanding a technology industry that is the envy of the world.

Though Kitchen is here approaching the unshackling of artificial intelligence from a libertarian perspective, the end result would not be all that different should it arrive through government support, as a 2017 proposal from Wendy Hall (University of Southampton) and Jérôme Pesenti (Facebook AI) with the support of the Business Secretary and Culture Secretary outlines in the case of Great Britain:

We are at the threshold of an era when much of our productivity and prosperity will be derived from the systems and machines we create. We are accustomed now to technology developing fast, but that pace will increase and AI will drive much of that acceleration. The impacts on society and the economy will be profound. … Increased use of Artificial Intelligence (AI) can bring major social and economic benefits to the UK. With AI, computers can analyse and learn from information at higher accuracy and speed than humans can. AI offers massive gains in efficiency and performance to most or all industry sectors, from drug discovery to logistics. AI is software that can be integrated into existing processes, improving them, scaling them, and reducing their costs, by making or suggesting more accurate decisions through better use of information.

This will, however, require the “need to increase ease of access to data in a wider range of sectors,” and they recommend, apropos of nothing, “Greater diversity in the AI workforce.” Their recommendations were largely accepted, and the report led to a “Sector Deal” aimed at solidifying partnerships between the government and the tech industry to “boost innovation in AI.” As we might expect, all the 5G infrastructure and the like is present. Additionally, the UK Government does, in fact, have an Office for Artificial Intelligence, and, as Digital Secretary Oliver Dowden said in March 2021, “Unleashing the power of AI is a top priority in our plan to be the most pro-tech government ever.” A government that, by the way, is helmed by a Conservative. For what it’s worth, like Joe Biden’s campaign to “Build Back Better”—gleaned straight from the World Economic Forum—the Conservatives’ website loudly proclaims that they aim to “Build Back Better” as well.

It’s not like Britain is alone, however, as a Cognilytica report shows that “France, Israel, United Kingdom, and the United States all are equally strong when it comes to AI, with China, Canada, Germany, Japan, and South Korea equally close in their AI strategic strength.” There is a ton of outside capital flowing to these countries as well, such as from Saudi Arabia’s sovereign investment fund to the Japan-based Softbank, for example.

From the vaunted multistakeholder perspective held by organizations such as the World Economic Forum, this is a very good thing. It’s not so much a competition between countries, though it looks that way from the outside, as it is a race to provide more data sets and information to be plugged into the network and accelerate the project. Have you ever noticed that outside of a very few quickly marginalized figures, no one in a position of authority ever seems to question the wisdom of any of this, outside, perhaps of the late Tanzanian President John Magufuli who as a “COVID-19 skeptic” speculatively and all-too-conveniently died of “COVID-19-related complications”?

With COVID-19 as justification, as usual,[1] the WEF noted in July 2020—recalling the Dataist obsession with the free flow of information discussed in my previous article—that, “By necessity, model-based AI (which leverages the data available) saw a resurgence. As the pandemic progressed, and more data was available, data-rich and model-free approaches could be combined, leading to a few key hybrid solutions.” The pandemic, “provided an opportunity for data scientists and AI scientists to put their advanced techniques and tools to use by helping business leaders make decisions in a challenging environment that’s dominated by speed, uncertainty and lack of data.” This will “ensure you can seek solutions quickly while maximizing the technologies and processes already in place.” The same thought process, and the same emphasis on processes and systems already in place but situated to be scaled-up, includes the various medical interventions and global distribution of highly experimental mRNA “vaccines.” Crucially, as Yuval Noah Harari writes in his book Homo Deus, “Science is converging on an all-encompassing dogma, which says that organisms are algorithms and life is data processing.”[2] The dogma is, in fact, a religious revolution, and for Harari, “All truly important revolutions are practical. … Ideas change the world only when they change our behaviour.”[3]

As Kay Firth-Butterfield (Head of Artificial Intelligence and Machine Learning; Member of the Executive Committee, World Economic Forum) and Anand Rao (Global Leader, Artificial Intelligence, PricewaterhouseCoopers) wrote in May 2020:

Data is critical to build models and validate their accuracy. … In the case of COVID-19, we need to feed models. … Models can be used to change the behaviour of people. We are all familiar with models that make recommendations as to which books we should read and what products we should buy. Similarly, COVID-19 models have changed attitudes and behaviours of health officials, policymakers, government institutions and citizens. … In response to government interventions, citizens have largely complied with restrictions and changed behaviours. They are traveling less, sheltering at home, social distancing and being more conscious of disinfection. They have also changed purchase behaviour. They are shopping online more rather than going to physical stores, and they are consuming more bandwidth as social interactions and entertainment have largely moved online.

They have indeed. That’s not all that’s gone online, either. The World Economic Forum consciously links things like “AI, nanotech, nuclear energy, and GMOs” with quantum computing and the ethical use thereof. As we have seen in the effort to completely re-shape the human experience in record time, what is ethical by the WEF and their compatriots’ definition is pretty far from what any normal, sane person would define as ethical. Nevertheless, whether it be biometric data or agriculture, it’s all got to be brought under control and linked. The World Economic Forum’s New Vision for Agriculture features such partners as Monsanto, DuPont, Cargill, the Wellcome Trust, Walmart, the Rockefeller Foundation, and Unilever. Given the “gifts” we’ve gotten from Monsanto’s GMO monstrosities and their destruction of sustainable agriculture and independent farms, DuPont’s carcinogenic “forever chemicals,” or the shoving of billions into overcrowded hovels and the degradation of the land and food quality courtesy of the Rockefeller Foundation’s efforts in the twentieth century, these are decidedly not the people we want forming a new vision for agriculture, or anything for that matter. But agriculture, like everything else, must be made “smarter.”

According to the World Economic Forum’s Shaping the Future of Technology Governance: Artificial Intelligence and Machine Learning—with partners including Lockheed Martin, Salesforce, the Government of Rwanda, the New Zealand Government,[4] Palantir, Huawei, Microsoft, Facebook, and JP Morgan Chase:

Artificial Intelligence (AI) is a key driver of the Fourth Industrial Revolution. Its effect can be seen in homes, businesses and even public spaces. In its embodied form of robots, it will soon be driving cars, stocking warehouses and caring for the young and elderly. AI holds the promise of solving some of society’s most pressing issues, but also presents challenges such as inscrutable “black box” algorithms, unethical use of data and potential job displacement. As rapid advances in machine learning (ML) increase the scope and scale of AI’s deployment across all aspects of daily life, and as the technology can learn and change on its own, multistakeholder collaboration is required.

Of course, the stakeholders are already in place to provide the solutions to the problems they’ve created! Regarding the inscrutable black boxes specifically, Cynthia Rudin and Joanna Radin explicate:

In machine learning, these black box models are created directly from data by an algorithm, meaning that humans, even those who design them, cannot understand how variables are being combined to make predictions. Even if one has a list of the input variables, black box predictive models can be such complicated functions of the variables that no human can understand how the variables are jointly related to each other to reach a final prediction.

The existence of black box algorithms and self-perpetuating systems lends credence to the idea that the carefully calculated and scripted events we have seen play out over the past eighteen months may well be driven by some sort of superintelligence that merely has humans doing its bidding. For Rudin and Radin, “Trusting a black box model”—trusting the science, as it were—“means that you trust not only the model’s equations, but also the entire database that it was built from.” For Juan Manuel Duran and Karin Rolanda Jongsma, “By outlining that more transparency in algorithms is not always necessary, and by explaining that computational processes are indeed methodologically opaque to humans, we argue that the reliability of algorithms provides reasons for trusting the outcomes of medical artificial intelligence (AI).” Trust the numbers/data set (cough, COVID, cough) and the authorities. Shut up and obey. For Harari:

We are developing superior algorithms that utilise unprecedented computing power and giant databases. The Google and Facebook algorithms not only know exactly how you feel, they also know myriad other things about you that you hardly suspect. Consequently you should stop listening to your feelings and start listening to these external algorithms instead. … Whereas humanism commanded: ‘Listen to your feelings!’ Dataism now commands: ‘Listen to the algorithms! They know how you feel.’[5]

This new religion of Dataism may well spell the death of mankind, or, at the very least the demise of its autonomy. As Harari continues, “If humankind is indeed a single data-processing system, what is its output? Dataists would say that its output will be the creation of a new and even more efficient data-processing system, called the Internet-of-All-Things. Once this mission is accomplished, Homo sapiens will vanish.”[6]

It is not coincidental that Klaus Schwab and the World Economic Forum’s “Internet of Things” (IoT) and its vast network of sensors and the free flow of information will by “necessity” beget the Internet-of-All-Things (IoAT), the bringing-online of an all-encompassing network representing the coup de grace of humanity and — very possibly — all living matter. The IoAT may well, as Harari writes in Homo Deus, “pervade the whole galaxy and even the whole universe. This cosmic data-processing system would be like God. It will be everywhere and will control everything, and humans are destined to merge into it.”[7] Provided a superintelligence does not eliminate humanity altogether before such a merger occurs. But, in any case, neither scenario is appealing for those who value human life and/or sovereignty.

When humanity is reduced to nothing but sets of code, cut off as it were from the Creator and the responsibility of stewardship, such a philosophical leap becomes quite possible, especially enamored as he is with his own abilities. In the realm of scientism, which is rapidly displacing secular humanism as the prevailing dogma of the people who are actually designing the systems to replace themselves and/or to merge with their creation, the creation of the IoAT has become their religious obsession. For Harari, “In Silicon Valley the Dataist prophets consciously use traditional messianic language. For example, Ray Kurzweil’s book of prophecies is called The Singularity is Near, echoing John the Baptist’s cry: ‘the kingdom of heaven is near’ (Matthew 3:2).”[8],[9]

As I stated in my previous article, these zealots are not content to allow unmodified humanity to exist unmolested. As Harari writes, “Dataism is also missionary. Its second commandment is to link everything to the system, including heretics who don’t want to be plugged in. And ‘everything’ means more than just humans. It means every thing.”[10] Thus the World Economic Forum and its obsession with Smart Cities and a vast network encompassing everything from biometric data to trees in the park takes on a whole new light. With an impetus to “build back better”—where have we heard that before?—the WEF’s Global Future Council on Cities of Tomorrow notes that they “will seek to identify how cities can be re-designed to build back better and provide the climate and resilience, social and digital infrastructure to do so.” With partnering organizations such as Microsoft, Peking University, the Australian Smart Communities Association, Access Israel, Google, the Centre for Digital Built Britain, Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, Columbia University, Bloomberg Associates, the Canada Infrastructure Bank, and the King Abdulaziz City for Science and Technology (KACST), the WEF’s Future of Cities initiative encompasses the Global Future Council on Cities of Tomorrow, as well as Infrastructure 4.0, Net Zero Carbon Cities, and the G20 Global Smart Cities Alliance (note the constant inclusion of the buzzword “smart,” which typically occurs in close proximity to others like “sustainable”—with the proposals anything but—and “clean”).

The World Economic Forum’s Platform for Shaping the Future of the Internet of Things and Urban Transformation states that, with COVID-19 having “forced us to rethink the way we live. It is transforming industries and how we do business. It is intensifying social and environmental crises in our communities. And it is challenging fundamental assumptions and global trends. … A growing suite of connected devices and smart technologies, commonly referred to as the internet of things (IoT), offers a means to reimagine and transform physical spaces—our homes, offices, factories, farms, healthcare facilities and public spaces.” COVID-19 forced none of this, but was a handy excuse to accelerate projects and proposals years in the making, in the same way that pressure for everyone to get the so-called “vaccine” represents the chance for a very large sample size to test mRNA modifications on, if not itself be the Trojan Horse to cause a mass die-off and get those pesky carbon emissions under control. Other possibilities include the uploading of more data sets into the expanding IoAT and a breaking-down of biological barriers to biotechnological mergers.

Indeed, were one to break down all of the barriers to getting everything online, you’d do worse than using the language of humanism to do it—the WEF’s Future of the Connected World initiative lists “combatting inequality” alongside other essential actions, such as “improving security,” which will be familiar to readers of my last piece as these things are all of a piece. In fact, their inherent neatness and seamlessness almost leads one to wonder if there is already a kind of superintelligence guiding the implementation of all of these systems which can and do operate independent of human intervention in many cases already — often needing only human inputs, which gives grim meaning to “human resources,” does it not? In a grotesque paradox, many of the most avowed liberal humanists such as Niall Ferguson cede human sovereignty to systems; is it such a stretch to go from The Square and the Tower’s premise that “Man, with his unrivaled neural network, was born to network” to Man actually becoming the network? Reflect on the social network that is Facebook, for example, and consider the role of data in its expanding AI efforts. For Stuart Montgomery, “One of the most common iterations of machine learning in use today is called a ‘neural network,’ because it takes its basic metaphorical structure from the brain.” After all, all processes are reducible to algorithms to follow Harari’s logic—a logic, it should be noted, that is widely held by many a Dataist. Crucially, for Harari and synching with Ferguson:

Every day I absorb countless data … and transmit back new bits. … I don’t really know where I fit into the greater scheme of things. … This relentless flow of data sparks new inventions and disruptions that nobody plans, controls or comprehends. … No one needs to understand. All you need to do is answer your emails faster—and allow the system to read them. … As the global data-processing system becomes all-knowing and all-powerful, so connecting to the system becomes the source of all meaning.[11]

In this way we can see the utter reliance of humans on the systems they’ve constructed, not the other way around. Rather than gods, humans have made themselves into slaves, serving the system and becoming just more data sets in the process. As Harari writes, “Dataism isn’t anti-humanist. It has nothing against human experiences. It just doesn’t think they are intrinsically valuable.” It is not a stretch here to go from the worthlessness of human experiences to the worthlessness of humans.

Our extinction in one possible scenario is simply a by-product. For Gordon Bell of Microsoft Research, “Singularity is that point in time when computing is able to know all human and natural-systems knowledge and exceed it in problem-solving capability with the diminished need for humankind as we know it. I basically support the notion.” In trying to upgrade humanity, Harari concedes it “may not be enough” and that humanity may well need to be “retired.” This is should we continue on the current trajectory, and the entirety of the so-called “elites” are committed to doing just that, whether they are Dataists, techno-humanists, power-mad sociopaths, or servile functionaries (or some combination thereof).

A slightly different point of view is held by John Casti of the International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis in Austria and designer of computer simulations of complex human systems, like the stock market, highway traffic, and the insurance industry: “I think [the singularity is] scientifically and philosophically on sound footing. The only real issue for me is the time frame over which the singularity will unfold. [The singularity represents] the end of the supremacy of Homo sapiens as the dominant species on planet Earth. At that point a new species appears, and humans and machines will go their separate ways, not merge one with the other.” Though Casti does not believe this implies machines or superintelligences annihilating humans (“unless human interests start to interfere with those of the machines”), it is telling that he cites the relationship of humans with bees—whom we exploit for resources and to whom we are societally indifferent to their declining populations as we wreak havoc on the environment.

The globalist network must now be understood in the context of this project. Although perhaps not even all senior leadership is on board with this particular vision, this is the prevailing vision of those who are implementing autonomous systems, using high-energy particle physics (CERN) to try to unlock sub-atomic secrets, and driving the quantum-computing explosion and the proliferation of the infrastructure to support the IoAT. The talk about “sustainability” and “combatting inequality” is just co-opted humanist drivel; admittedly, many people preaching and practicing this globalist vision believe in these ideals, but they are a means to an end. As Jeff Merritt, Head of IoT, Robotics and Smart Cities for the World Economic Forum, Center for the Fourth Industrial Revolution states, “Our research on hundreds of IoT implementations showed that 84 percent of them directly addressed, or had the potential to address, UN Sustainable Development Goals.”

The United Nations is a very useful vehicle, especially if for Dataists the unrestricted flow of information in ever-increasing velocity—like goods, capital, and labor for globalist neo-liberals before them—is viewed as the central pillar of their religion. We know that the World Economic Forum and the United Nations signed a Strategic Partnership Framework outlining areas of cooperation to “deepen institutional engagement and jointly accelerate the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.” The Strategic Partnership Framework, signed in June 2019, focuses on the areas of not just financing the 2030 Agenda, but also on digital cooperation, health, education and skills, gender equality and the empowerment of women, and climate change. As the UN Secretary-General’s “Roadmap for Financing the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development” outlines:

The 2030 Agenda, with its 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the Paris Agreement on climate change provide a pathway for a more prosperous, equitable and sustainable future. The Addis Ababa Action Agenda (AAAA) establishes a blueprint to support the implementation of the 2030 Agenda by providing a global framework for financing sustainable development that aligns all financing flows and policies with economic, social and environmental priorities. … The upcoming ‘decade of action’ (2020 – 2030) requires significant public and private investment to bring the SDGs and goals of the Paris Agreement to life for all people, everywhere.

In other words, creating a fully-integrated global network. While Harari claims that the “relentless flow of data sparks new inventions and disruptions that nobody plans, controls or comprehends,” that’s not entirely accurate, at least at this juncture (unless, as some have surmised, a superintelligence guiding events has already been brought online—a superintelligence that, theologically, could represent a downright sinister inhabitation).

The World Economic Forum, foremost champion of this project, is not some fringe organization, either. In addition to the partners previously mentioned, among the staggering array are included: BlackRock, Bloomberg, the Gates Foundation, Amazon, Zoom, Visa, Tyson Foods, Uber, Coca-Cola, the State Bank of India, the Royal Bank of Canada, Qatar National Bank, PayPal, Pfizer, Palantir, Alibaba, Pepsi, the American Heart Association, AstraZeneca, the New York Times, Bank of America, NBCUniversal, Nasdaq, the Development Bank of Southern Africa, the New York Stock Exchange, Grain Management, Google, Facebook, Nestlé, Goldman Sachs, Huawei, the Islamic Development Bank, IBM, Heineken, Johnson & Johnson, LinkedIn, JP Morgan Chase, the Mayo Clinic, Manchester United, Mastercard, and the list goes on and on.

Understanding that many aspects of this topic require the reader to go out on quite a limb, at bare minimum, whether they believe them or not, the zealots of Dataism, just the same as the zealots of communism or “social justice,” do believe in what they’re preaching and doing with religious fervor. It is worth recalling that there was a slight possibility that the Trinity tests of the Manhattan Project could ignite the atmosphere, but they went ahead anyway. This naturally begs the question: will you “follow the science”?


[1] By the way, if you were already feeling persecuted for your beliefs, Bloomberg is now priming the population for amped-up targeting via the “vaccine” with some ready-made scapegoats for the next engineered outbreak:

As much of the country emerges from masking and social distancing, undervaccinated pockets in the U.S. still threaten to bring the virus roaring back. Less than 25% of the population is fully vaccinated in at least 482 counties, according to an analysis of Centers for Disease Control and Prevention data by Bloomberg News. Many of these counties are more rural and less economically advantaged than the rest of the U.S., and a majority of their voters in the last presidential election chose Donald Trump.

[2] Harari, Yuval Noah, Homo Deus, 2017. p. 402.

[3] Ibid. p. 395.

[4] The New Zealand Government is deeply enmeshed with the WEF’s AI projects; as a 2020 white paper informs:

A number of initiatives in New Zealand – such as the government’s Algorithm Assessment Report, the Centre for AI and Public Policy, Otago University report, Government Use of AI in New Zealand, and the AI Forum of New Zealand’s work on AI in the economy and society – have raised the importance of AI and explored opportunities…New Zealand has expressed interest in working with the Centre for the Fourth Industrial Revolution on this topic, given the need for a global, multistakeholder perspective on the complex question of regulating AI. New Zealand has been keen to work with the Centre to identify tools and approaches that would promote innovation, protect society and build trust in AI use…Also in New Zealand, the Data Futures Partnership framed social licence in 2017 as the acceptance by individuals for organizations to use their data, information and stories.

[5] Harari. p. 397.

[6] Ibid. p. 386.

[7] Ibid.

[8] Ibid.

[9] Our friend from last time, Bill Gates, describes Kurzweil’s vision as “optimistic.”

[10] Ibid. p. 387.

[11] Ibid. pp. 390-91.

Happy Juneteenth, Charles Murray

It is difficult to overstate the significance of Charles Murray and Richard Herrnstein’s The Bell Curve to the thinking of pre-Alt Right White identitarians, specifically its section on the cognitive and behavioral differences between the races. The dominant mission of the movement then was propagating the forbidden truth of racial differences. When I first became aware of the scene in the mid-aughts, the general sense was that if we could just find a way to get people the truth, it might just blow-the-lid off the entire rotten establishment.

Of course, that day of racial reckoning never came. Perhaps the most obvious flaw in that way of thinking is that everybody already knows about racial differences, and aside from us and the far-Left who are always trying to censor us, nobody much cares. Sure, most people do not want to send their children to “bad schools,” and they know to avoid certain neighborhoods at night, but this kind of behavior has about as much political significance as the instinct to pull your hand away from a hot surface. I don’t want to exaggerate the pollyannaism of us then; pretty much all the ideas we talk about now were present then too (and the doom-posting was there too), but the emphasis was definitely different, and the idea that race realism (as we often called it then) would be our salvation was certainly the era’s most prominent meme.

Anyway, Murray has a new book called Facing Reality: Two Truths About Race in America (there are significant racial differences in (1) intellectual aptitude and (2) rates of violent criminality), and aside from a few people on our side and a couple leftist inquisitors, once again no one is going to care. In fact, this is not a book review, because I myself don’t care to read the damn thing.

I am not saying that Human Biodiversity research (HBD) must serve a political end to be an interesting topic in its own right, but, c’mon, differences in intelligence and crime rates? We’ve all read this stuff a hundred times. Even HBD enthusiasts have moved on to earwax composition; get with the times Charlie. Even the title seems like an out-of-date reference to race realists.

•    •    •    •

Murray is the archetypal conservative of the leftist imagination who yearns for a past that never existed. His stated purpose in writing this book is to save America’s unique liberal individualist heritage from disintegrating into either a racial spoils system, or into racial Balkanization.

I am also aware of a paradox: I want America to return to the ideal of treating people as individuals, so I have to write a book that treats Americans as groups. But there’s no way around it. Those of us who want to defend the American creed have been unwilling to say openly that races have significant group differences. Since we have been unwilling to say that, we have been defenseless against claims that racism is to blame for unequal outcomes. What else could it be? We have been afraid to answer candidly.

The logical conclusion of the notion that all races’ abilities are inherently equal is that unequal racial outcomes must be the result of unequal treatment. More and more, this is the conclusion the Left is settling on, and that’s no good because that leads to thinking in terms of groups rather than individuals. Even more worrisome to Murray, it could provoke the last remaining suckers who still buy into the individualist myth, namely Whites, to start thinking of themselves as a group with interests. 

Murray is quite right that leftist analysis of racial inequality in America gets the arrow of causation wrong, but the irony is that his own conception of the American creed has things equally backward. In Murray’s imagination, back in the good old days of his youth America was a liberal individualist nation that just happened to have a dominant White majority. In reality, it was a White nation that just happened to have liberal individualist beliefs. What made it a nation was the White part, not the liberal individualist part. Unlike many on our side, I am not anti-liberal individualism. Generally speaking, it is a decent way to run things. But that’s all it is, a way to run things. It is not a reason for being.

If you try to make it into a national reason-for-being, as America has, something else will swoop-in to fill-the-void. For most of American history, implicit White identity filled that void. When Murray was a youth, the implicitly White arrangement was beginning to come undone, and apparently he, as so many others of his vintage, interpreted this as us shedding our racist baggage to more perfectly embrace our liberal individualist identity. We were finally going to ‘live up to our founding ideals,’ and ‘judge a man not the color of his skin, but by the content of his character.’

And it’s not like that was all fake. Embarrassingly, people were genuinely motivated by these ideas. But at the end of the day, liberal individualism can never be an identity. It creates a void, and now that void is filled by anti-White identity. You could say that liberal individualism, as an end in itself, morphed into anti-White identity, but in practice, it’s the same difference. Behind the equity rhetoric, and the diversity-is-our-greatest-strength slogans, opposition to Whiteness is the legitimizing myth of the American state and its intelligentsia. And while a large share of the general public objects to the anti-White language of some of the more strident “antiracists,” anti-Whiteness has long established itself as the implicit normie consensus. This is why mainstream conservatives accept that it is perfectly fair for other races to defend themselves as races, but even when countering anti-White racism, they never dare defend themselves as Whites.

Conservatives might say I am missing the larger picture, that what we are really facing is an assault on the entire American and Western heritage, or it’s all about socialist big business taking away our freedoms. But no, anti-Whiteness is the larger picture. That is the regime’s reason-for-being. After all, conservatives are very willing to defend America and the West, they are quite comfortable defending Christianity, and they are equally at ease attacking socialism or woke business or woke socialist business. But they are absolutely terrified to defend Whites by name. Indeed, one of their primary modes of defending America or Western culture’s honor is to insist that those things nothing to do with Whites!

For sure, it is true that leftist pathologies extend beyond anti-White resentment. And obviously our politics is broader than demonization of Whitey. But that is sort of the point, the idea of defending, let alone celebrating, Whites as Whites is understood to be off-the-table. And that reflects the fact that the implicit consensus is anti-Whiteness. If the national story we tell ourselves is of the gradual extension of tolerance and equal opportunity to all, the bold-print subtext of that story is the overcoming of Whiteness. And in practical effect, White identity is made the negative moral center of that American story.

I am not arguing that the vast majority of Americans are actively anti-White. To use the Kendian language, most are non-White identitarians, not anti-White identitarians. Anti-Whiteness has not bewitched 95% of Americans, body and soul, by any means. Of course not. In fact, I have no doubt that a large share of conservative Whites, maybe a majority, would prefer America to be a predominantly White country, or a Christian country, or a White Christian country. But they have been trained that it is wrong to speak, or even consciously think, in those terms. Which says it all. Anti-Whiteness may not be an especially stable national identity—it is an inherently divisive project—but for the time being, that is its role.

It’s possible I am overstating the anti-Whiteness thing, maybe it is only the most prominent component of a more expansive left-wing project of resentment. But that is ultimately beside the point. The larger picture, remember, is that Murray’s beloved liberal individualism is not suited to be an end in itself. Something will fill the vacuum, whether it’s anti-Whiteness or whatever else, but liberal individualism does not make a nation. And whatever it is you think is filling that vacuum at the moment, at the very least we can agree that it is hostile to White identity.

The Bell Curve era of White nationalism was a failure because its strategy was only to hitch White nationalism to liberal individualism.Their argument was that White nationalism was a necessary evil because diversity gets in the way of a peaceful Last Man existence. Like Murray, they had things backwards; liberal individualism is the means, not the end. And by the mid-aughts, the end was opposition to White identity, and thus White-nationalism-as-a-means-to-liberal-individualism was doomed from the start.

I do not expect that Murray or the rest of mainstream conservatism to learn anything from their decades of abysmal failure. They will continue to shout of the virtues of colorblindness and the dangers of identity politics for as long as anyone will listen. But that also means that there will remain a vacuum on the Right, and it is our job to fill it.

Ryan Andrews is a regular contributor to Affirmative Right. This article is reposted with permission.  He is the author of the forthcoming book The Elective Nation