Lothrop Stoddard’s “The French Revolution in San Domingo,” Part 1

This is a foreword that I wrote for Lothrop Stoddard’s The French Revolution in San Domingo, published in 2011.

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Lothrop Stoddard on the French Colonists in San Domingo

Historian Frank Moya Pons, writing in The Cambridge History of Latin America, describes Lothrop Stoddard’s The French Revolution in San Domingo as “a book now out of fashion because of its racism, although retaining some interest.” [1]

Interesting indeed, because it reflects the racial views of an important set of American intellectuals in the early twentieth century. There was a time when evolutionary thinking was widely considered to be the key to racial self-defense.[2]  Although it didn’t play a role in the Congressional debates (itself an indication of the rapidly changing intellectual context), evolutionary thinking was prominent among some of the elite intellectual proponents of immigration restriction in the 1920s. This was the heyday of eugenics—motivated by concern about deterioration of the gene pool because modern civilization had increased the moral and intellectual burdens of life at the same time that natural selection had been relaxed because of advances in medicine, hygiene, and nutrition. Lothrop Stoddard’s The Revolt against Civilization: The Menace of the Under-Man exemplifies these trends.[3]

Race is indeed central to Stoddard’s volume. Written at a time when the science of race, race differences, and eugenics were at their height, Stoddard sees the conflict as fundamentally about race. But his view is that of a race realist. Unlike the vast majority of contemporary intellectuals, he sees race for what it is: a gargantuan fault line that separates humans.

However, Stoddard never comes across as a cheerleader for the Whites in their conflicts with Blacks and mulattos. Indeed, the Whites are described in highly unflattering terms—an important corrective to the view one might glean from previous chapters emphasizing the high-mindedness of Whites in the anti-slavery movements. Many are “shady characters”—opportunists out to make money and without any moral scruples. Heavy drinking and gambling are pervasive. The Whites are the consummate individualists. They are not a people but “only a mass of individuals.”  Poor Whites were adventurers, unable to compete with slave labor and therefore forced to make a living by any means necessary. However, we also see strains of moralistic idealism noted in previous chapters as a characteristic of northern Europeans.

It’s difficult to have sympathy for the White planters. They live in a world of “material crudity … intellectual poverty and mental isolation.” They are surrounded by outrageous retinues of slaves, living like an Oriental potentate. Stoddard quotes a contemporary observer, Moreau de Saint-Mery: “That crowd of slaves which hangs upon the master’s lightest word or sign, lends him an air of grandeur. It is beneath the dignity of a rich man to have less than four times as many servants as he needs. The women have an especial gift for surrounding themselves with a useless retinue.”

The rich Whites are unsocial and quarrelsome with their neighbors. Another observer, DeWimpffen describes the “pretensions, either ill-founded or ridiculous; jealousies of each other’s fortune, more ridiculous still; disputes about boundaries . . . and finally trespasses committed by the negroes or the cattle — occasion such a misunderstanding, or such a coolness, that all reciprocal communication is out of the question. Consequently, as nothing is so savage as the recluse who is not so by choice, you must not be surprised that each owl rests in his hole, and that so little sociability reigns among men who have few or no sociable qualities.” Read more

Decline and Empire in Ancient Rome and the Modern West: A Review of David Engels’ Le Déclin, Part 2

Go to Part 1.

Cato the Elder

Roman Conservative & Imperial Responses

The Roman authorities, whether republican or imperial, did not passively accept these developments. Engels observes that “[f]rom the second century B.C., a large number of conservative politicians opposed with a marked traditionalism the Hellenization of the Roman elite and the Orientalization of the population” (142). This was embodied above all by Cato the Elder, who argued that Greek culture, which had become so rational, skeptical, and cosmopolitan, would mean the end of Rome:

Concerning those Greeks, son Marcus, I will speak to you more at length on the befitting occasion. I will show you the results of my own experience at Athens, and that, while it is a good plan to dip into their literature, it is not worth while to make a thorough acquaintance with it. They are a most iniquitous and intractable race, and you may take my word as the word of a prophet, when I tell you, that whenever that nation shall bestow its literature upon Rome it will mar everything. (Pliny, Natural History, 29.7)

In terms of immigration, as previously mentioned, Gaius Papius had on behalf of the people apparently sought to expel non-Italic foreigners from the city altogether. Augustus later limited the emancipation of slaves, “lest they should fill the city with a promiscuous rabble; also that they should not enroll large numbers as citizens, in order that there should be a marked difference between themselves and the subject nations” (Cassius Dio, 56.33).

The Roman leadership also sought to counter native demographic decline. As early as 131 B.C., the censor Quintus Metellus Macedonicus urged making marriage mandatory. Later, “in order to ensure the biological survival of the Roman elite, Augustus . . . decreed very unpopular laws” (83), including making marriage mandatory for men between 25 and 60 and making divorce more difficult. The emperor is supposed to have justified the measures as follows:

For surely it is not your delight in a solitary existence that leads you to live without wives, nor is there one of you who either eats alone or sleeps alone; no, what you want is to have full liberty for wantonness and licentiousness. … For you see for yourselves how much more numerous you are than the married men, when you ought by this time to have provided us with as many children besides, or rather with several times your number. How otherwise can families continue? How can the State be preserved, if we neither marry nor have children? . . . And yet it is neither right nor creditable that our race should cease, and the name of Romans be blotted out with us, and the city be given over to foreigners — Greeks or even barbarians. Do we not free our slaves chiefly for the express purpose of making out of them as many citizens as possible? And do we not give our allies a share in the government in order that our numbers may increase? And do you, then, who are Romans from the beginning and claim as your ancestors the famous Marcii, the Fabii, the Quintii, the Valerii, and the Julii, do you desire that your families and names alike shall perish with you? (Cassius Dio, 56.7–8)

Tellingly, Augustus himself however was married twice and had a reputation for licentiousness. His only biological child, Julia, was notorious for her licentiousness. Read more

Decline and Empire in Ancient Rome and the Modern West: A Review of David Engels’ Le Déclin, Part 1

David Engels, Le Déclin: La crise de l’Union européenne et la chute de la République romaine—quelques analogies historiques
Paris: Éditions du Toucan, 2016, 3rd ed.

David Engels is a professor of classics at the French-speaking Free University of Brussels (ULB). While most academics and their works languish in relative obscurity, the 38-year-old Engels has already made a name for himself as a conservative cultural critic, known for his op-eds and interviews in the mainstream media, as well as for his best-seller comparing the decadence of ancient Rome and modern Europe: Decline: The Crisis of the European Union and the Fall of the Roman Republic—A Few Historical Analogies.[1]

Hailing from Belgium’s small German-speaking community, Engels writes about Europe from a refreshingly multinational perspective, drawing from English-language, French, and especially German sources, as well as, of course, the vast body of surviving Greek and Roman literature. With over 600 endnotes and numerous graphs and statistics, Engels’ book has been written with Teutonic scrupulousness.

Engels’ thesis is simple and compelling: there are many parallels between the late Roman Republic (the period roughly from the destruction of Carthage in 146 B.C. to Augustus’ founding of the Principate in 27 B.C.) and today’s European Union: There is above all a general ethno-cultural decline, which makes a shift towards autocratic politics inevitable. Engels frames his provocative thesis in just such a way as to still be considered respectable enough by academia and the media, and thus be treated as a responsible but critical interlocutor.

The parallel between the late Roman Republic and today’s European Union is somewhat forced in places, but really serves as a useful framing device for comparing and discussing the social trends in these two very different societies. Specifically, Engels structures the work by comparing European public opinion on various topics (identity, family, democracy…) as expressed in Eurobarometer polls with Roman developments as expressed in the surviving sources. This somewhat strange structure nonetheless works, and I would say Le Déclin is a fine introduction to late Roman republican history. Engels furthermore recognizes that many of Europe’s symptoms of decadence are also evident across the West in general (255).

Engels’ observations on contemporary EU politics—the hollowing out of democratic processes and civil rights, economic reductionism, a growing chasm between the elite and the people, rising ideological intolerance, and so on—are all on point, and have since almost become received opinion. I will then focus especially on Engels’ analysis of Roman decadence. As will become quite apparent, the Roman experience, one of the truly epic achievements of Western political history, offers many lessons for us today. Read more

Prague, Czech Republic

Sunrise at Prague Old Town Square, Czech Republic

It’s a party city—or so I’ve heard. And it’s part of the Visegrad group. I’ve been checking these special countries all off my list one by one, and Prague puts me at three out of four. It wasn’t even a deliberate decision on my part, I just got tired of the West, in all its shapes and forms.

The Czechs seem to be in a nice spot though. They got some prime real estate right smack in the sunny center of Europe. The grim dark grey gloom of Poland and Russia give way to blue skies and scattered groups of drunk Millennials sprawled out on green lawns by the historic landmarks during all hours of the day.

And, it doesn’t have a massive Roma problem like Budapest. You pick up on that very quickly.

Other than that, I’ve heard something about the city being famous for alchemy, its beautiful castle and while no one else seems to know it, I happen to have read that the first sighting of the Golem was here as well. “Nuh-uh,” they say, but a quick google search on my phone confirms the Golem story, and I show a picture to the two American girls. They say, “oh wow,” and nervously titter.

I’m kicking myself inside just as I finish forcing out a laugh as well.

I thought it would be funny and conversation-worthy, but I get the sense it creeped them out. We’re wandering in the historic Jewish Quarter, by the cemetery when I bring up the Golem. The sun is already setting.

All in all, a bad idea. And I’ve long ago noticed that normal people have this sort of voodoo-like approach towards Jewish history. Throwing a never-ending pity party makes people involuntarily shy away and reflexively shudder at stories about the Jews, regardless of context. See, these girls are as anti-anti-Semitic as they come, but that doesn’t mean they don’t think of black and white pajama-clad skeletons and twisted bearded men shuffling around in strange robes when they think about the Jewish people. That’s just a vibe killer, plain and simple.

I should have known that. I should have kept it light and funny. Irreverent and pointless. American-style. Read more

“Something is Rotten in the State of Denmark”: A Review of Holy Wrath: Among Criminal Muslims by Nicolai Sennels

Nicolai Sennels, Holy Wrath: Among Criminal Muslims
Helsingborg, Sweden: Logik Förlag, 2018.

The reader of Holy Wrath is likely to be overwhelmed by a single question: Why would a peaceful, progressive, and prosperous society such as Denmark invest resources to bring an alien and disruptive population into its midst? The book does not address this question, but it does analyze why Third World immigration, especially from Muslim countries, is problematic, and offers suggestions for ameliorating the situation.

Nicolai Sennels is a Danish psychologist who worked as a therapist at a Copenhagen juvenile detention facility from 2005 to 2008. Most of the hundreds of young offenders Sennels counseled were Muslims. In the winter of 2008 he attended a conference on immigrant integration in the Danish capital where he presented his views on the subject. His remarks were not well received by some, deemed at odds “with the core values of the Copenhagen Municipality.” He was soon forced out of his job. He used his severance pay to write Blandt Kriminelle muslimer (2009), a book widely reviewed and discussed in Denmark. It was translated into Swedish in 2017, but received the silent treatment by the establishment media there. The English language edition, translated by Maria Celander, was published in early 2018. Read more

Civilization vs Savagery: Black Criminals and the Traitors Who Import Them

Irony. It’s another over-worked term in modern popular culture. But there are times when it’s perfectly appropriate. The Dutch academic Dr Jeroen Ensink devoted his life to improving water-supplies in the Third World, thereby helping non-Whites to lead healthier lives and raise more children. He had worked everywhere from Pakistan to Malawi, but in 2015 he was based in London and “working on a large study” on the Congo for the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine.

Random Attacks Read more

Multiculturalism, Feminism, and the Transport Rape Epidemic

“There have been rises in reported sexual offences on London Underground and London Overground networks.” Transport for London, 2017/2018 Crime Statistics Bulletin.

“The number of rapes and sex assaults of taxi and private hire passengers in London reached a 14-year high in 2016.” BBC News.

One of my all-time favorite thrillers is Richard Harmon’s claustrophobic The Hitcher (1986). Its premise is superficially simple.  A young man, Jim Halsey, is in the process of delivering a car from Chicago to San Diego when he unwittingly stops to pick up a psychopathic hitchhiker, John Ryder, who is in the midst of a murder spree. The film, as it then swiftly unfolds, is essentially a single chase sequence as Halsey attempts to escape Ryder’s obsessive and maniacal attentions and avoid becoming the latest of his victims. The film was released to great critical acclaim in Europe, where it won the Critics Award, Grand Prix, and the TF1 Special Award at the 1986 Cognac Festival du Film Policier. It was less well received in the United States due to the extremity of its rarely depicted, but often suggested, violence. Along with Rutger Hauer’s magnificent performance as the enigmatic Ryder, the overall success of the film probably resided in the way in which it subverted cherished notions about modern transport, and about the car in particular. Much of modern ‘car culture’ and associated marketing orbits an often dubious and self-contradictory rhetoric of freedom, sex, speed, escapism, youth, individualism, ostentation, and safety. Rebuking this rhetoric, The Hitcher portrays the car itself as a kind of lethal trap; a means of imprisonment in one sense, and hostile pursuit in another. Read more