Toward the Future We Have Yet to Shape: A Review of Mjolnir 4: The Wedding March

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Mjolnir 4: The Wedding March

So many magazines become formulaic by Issue 3, let alone Issue 4. Mjolnir Issue 4 –subtitled “The Wedding March”—is not one of them. Mjolnir never has been. It is always a delight to receive the latest copy, not knowing what interesting words and pictures wait inside those full color glossy covers.

Not to say that Mjolnir is chaotic or haphazard—far from it. Editor Dave Yorkshire does a splendid job of keeping to his original statement of intent: to publish true Eurocentric traditional art forms, and he has managed to do it for four issues so far, remaining elitist and illiberal in the best possible manner. (I see in his editorial that he is testing the waters of YouTube via the Alt-Right channel Millennial Woes, and also checking out the feasibility of holding regular Eurocentric Cultural Festivals—both of which I am sure Mjolnir will successfully navigate in due time).

The essence of “The Wedding March” is summed up nicely in the final sentence of the editorial: “If European Man is to survive, he must embrace a future that is vernal rather than autumnal, that promotes life, birth and rebirth, and marriage as the sacred pact that binds this continuum that stretches from the prehistoric past into the future we have yet to shape.”

We’ll skip over my contributions to this issue, only noting that I contributed poetry as well as a short story, and turn first to the literary contributions of others. And there are many to savor, from all areas of the European literary triad: fiction, drama and poetics. Contemporary poets Ellin Anderson, Eliza Witte and Dorin Alexandru; nineteenth-century narrative poet Thomas Ingoldsby (pen name of Richard Banharm, in case you wanted to know), fiction writer Ann Sterzinger,  and Dave Yorkshire himself with another ultimate gem in the form of a parody/drama.

Contents and sculpture by Vig

Contents and sculpture by Vig Scholma

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Croatia: the State of Affairs, the State of Emergency

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What follows is the English translation of my piece originally written in French for a French publication.

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Since the breakup of Yugoslavia in 1991, Croats have faced an ill-defined identity. Their recent war of secession, awkwardly called the “Patriotic War” and “War of Defense,” lends itself to serious legal misconceptions. The more accurate phrase, namely “War of Croatia’s Liberation from Communism and against Yugoslavia” has never been used.

There is a considerable difference, however, between these labels. The political class and the media class, all being converted now to the US-style Westernism, consist mostly of former Yugoslav officials—former Communists, including their progeny. If the recent Croatian war of secession is named the “War of Defense,” one is entitled to raise the question whether Croatia between 1991 and 1995 was in the process of protecting and safeguarding the heritage of Communism and Yugoslavia, or whether it was expressing a desire to get rid of it.

Moreover, the role of Croatian nationalists must not be overplayed, as the foreign media often does. Many Croatian nationalists can be described as “Croats by default,” or “reactive Croats,” given that their nationalist sentiments are often framed in terms of their hatred of the Other, namely in terms of the alleged Serbian threat.

In Croatia, the political class deliberately sidetracks the root causes of the breakup of the former Yugoslavia. By focusing solely on the real or alleged Serbian threat, Croatia’s political parties, including many followers and supporters of the former Communist leader Marshal Tito, thus allocate themselves a convenient niche in order to hide their bloody legacy.

The accession of Croatia to NATO in 2009 and then to the European Union in 2013 further complicates Croatian identity. Despite the fact that NATO has no more reason to be in Europe, given that its opponent, the Warsaw Pact, was dissolved long ago, NATO, in the Croatian popular consciousness, remains a symbol of Croatia’s adherence to the West, as well as the best defense against the alleged Russian and greater-Serbian appetites. Read more

“The Trail of the Viking Finger” by John Bean

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The Trail of the Viking Finger by John Bean

I was amazed when John Bean, the veteran British nationalist, came out with an excellent novel a couple of years ago at the grand old age of 87. This even put Grandma Moses in the shade for late starts, and was a sign of hope to all those of us who continually defer our dreams. I was even more amazed that the novel, “Blood in the Square,” based on Bean’s own experiences in British nationalism in the 1960s, read so well.

Rather than a novice, Bean was clearly an accomplished fiction writer and had little to learn. I remember entertaining the hope that there would be a few follow ups — and now, at an even grander age, there is! But rather than retread the familiar subject matter from the first novel — the multifaceted world of British nationalism — Bean has had a rush of ambition and attempted something not only radically new but also sweeping in its scope.

This is the historical novel, The Trail of the Viking Finger, which stands as a testament to the indigenous British people and stretches across ten centuries, from the immediate aftermath of the battles of Stamford Bridge and Hastings in 1066, and the dawning of the Norman epoch, to the early twentieth century, where the novel seems to end a little abruptly. Read more

The Alt Right and the Jews

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Certainly the most basic issue of the Alt Right is that it is entirely legitimate for Whites to identify as Whites and to pursue their interests as Whites, such as resisting attempts to make White Americans a minority.

Ethnic and racial identities are common among all other groups, and, despite constant propaganda emanating from centers of media and academic power, Whites should be no exception. Voluntarily ceding political and cultural power is the ultimate foolishness, particularly in an atmosphere of non-White grievance and the hostility towards Whites, their history and their culture, that is so apparent today.

Another important issue is to accept that there are genetic influences on race differences in intelligence and impulse control. When these are kept out of the discussion and only environmental influences are allowed, it’s inevitable that Whites will be unfairly blamed for the failure of Blacks, Latinos, and similar groups.

However, another issue that is central to the world view of many on the Alt Right (but by no means unanimous) is the issue of Jewish power and influence. Ultimately, this stems from an understanding of the role of Jews in White dispossession, both historically and in the contemporary West. Accounting for around 2% of the U.S. population, Jews have never had much power as a result of sheer numbers. What counts is Jewish power in the media, in the academic world, and in government. Read more

The Duke Campaign, Mike Pence, and the “Stoning of the Devil”

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duke1It is customary during the annual Hajj pilgrimage that Muslim devouts throw pebbles at three walls (formerly pillars), called jamarāt, in the city of Mina just east of Mecca. One of a series of ritual acts that must be performed in the Hajj, it is a symbolic re-enactment of Abraham’s hajj, where he stoned three pillars representing the temptation to disobey God and preserve Ishmael. The ceremony is commonly known as “the stoning of the Devil,” and may be regarded as a practice designed to reinforce socio-religious conformity and obedience.

I’ve been reminded of this practice by the constant re-appearance in our own society of a primitive, ritualistic “stoning of the Devil” — the now mandatory condemnation of David Duke by aspiring politicians on the Right. A society, of course, reveals much about itself by its choice of devils. In this case, the “devil” is not necessarily the person of David Duke, but rather his career, and the struggle for White interests, heritage, and ultimately survival that this career has entailed. In terms of our visible political landscape, Duke has come to represent the personification of the “folk devil” of White identity.

Those on the edges of “acceptable” political discourse must be seen to “stone” this folk devil, and dissent is tantamount to complicity. Indeed, the further to the Right that the candidate may appear, the more essential it is deemed by the shapers of political culture that the candidate should prove his mainstream credentials by refuting, condemning, and distancing themselves from the non-conforming “Other.” Read more

Woody Allen’s Café Society

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“I have never been so upset by a poll in my life. Only 22% of Americans now believe “the movie and television industries are pretty much run by Jews,” down from nearly 50% in 1964. The Anti-Defamation League, which released the poll results last month, sees in these numbers a victory against stereotyping. Actually, it just shows how dumb America has gotten. Jews totally run Hollywood.” [i] — Joel Stein

Woody Allen’s crepuscular film Café Society (2016) is as boring as it is instrumentally instructive as a testament to Jewish cosmopolitanism, domination and reshaping of American values and culture. Set in the 1930s the film centers on Bobby Dorfman (Jesse Eisenberg), the youngest son of a New York Jewish family, who leaves his father’s jewelry business for Hollywood. If Fellini used Mastroianni, as an idealized surrogate-self, Eisenberg is used rather as Allen’s mirror image, neurotic, shlumpy, physically weak, lascivious, overtly sentimental but quick-witted, clever with high verbal acuity – a certain Jewish je ne sais quoi.

Jesse Eisenbert, Kristen Stewart, and Woody Allen in Cafe Society

Jesse Eisenberg, Kristen Stewart, and Woody Allen, on the set of Café Society

The conflation of Dorfman and Allen is made even more obvious with Allen’s voiceover narration throughout. The Dorfman family trio functions as a trio of Jewish stereotypes, his elder brother a gangster, his sister married to a Marxist intellectual, and both he and his uncle settled in the entertainment industry. Radical intellectualism and entertainment are a microcosm of the Jewish cultural enterprise, and the explicitly crude expression of usurious tendencies in the gangster are a stand-in for a still-common Jewish phenomenon of exploitative business practices (see Andrew Joyce’s “Jews and Money Lending: A Contemporary Case File”).  Each of these enterprises supports and affirms the other.

Continuing with the Jewish stereotypes, Allen intersperses scenes with Jews who fleetingly pass off stock tips, whispering in an ear at a party – implicitly showcasing ethnic networking. Read more

Jews Versus the Alt Right: Lessons from History

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“The anti-Semitic movement is essentially a reaction against the abnormal growth in Jewish power, and the new strength of anti-Semitism is largely due to the Jews themselves.” Hillaire Belloc, The Jews (1922)

Just over a week ago, Hillary Clinton gave a speech attacking Donald Trump’s alleged associations with the Alt Right. In that boring and over-wrought piece of public speaking, Angela Merkel’s rival as the matriarch of mendacity described the Alt Right as a barely coherent whirlwind of “race-baiting,” “anti-woman,” “anti-Muslim,” and “anti-immigrant ideas.”

Predictably, it was revealed shortly after the speech that parts of it had been cribbed directly from an April propaganda piece by the Southern Poverty Law Center. Originating with an organization that makes a living by peddling horror stories, fantasies, and libels, it was no surprise that the speech relayed exaggerated and contradictory messages about this “emerging racist ideology.” According to Clinton, the Alt Right is “loose” but also “organized.” Its membership is “mostly online,” but also on our streets in droves in the form of a “rising tide of hardline, right-wing nationalism around the world.”

So far, so banal. However, by mentioning Trump’s alleged Twitter usage of “an anti-Semitic image — a Star of David imposed over a sea of dollar bills,” along with “anti-Semitic slurs and death threats coming from his supporters,” Clinton clumsily broke what seems to have been a long-standing convention that kept Jews and anti-Semitism off discussion tables at the highest level. After decades on the wings, political anti-Semitism had made it to the main stage. Read more