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Two Comments on Israel-Gaza War: Jonathan Cook and James North

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Jonathan Cook on the historical blindness and hypocrisy of the Western media.

All the current analysis focusing on Israel’s intelligence “blunders” distracts from the real lesson of these rapidly evolving events.

No one really cared while Gaza’s Palestinans were subjected to a blockade imposed by Israel that denied them the essentials of life. The few dozen Israelis being held hostage by Hamas fighters pale in comparison with the two million Palestinians held hostage by Israel in an open-air prison for nearly two decades.

No one really cared when it emerged that Gaza’s Palestinians had been put on a “starvation diet” by Israel – only limited food was allowed in, calculated to keep the population barely fed.

No one really cared when Israel bombed the coastal enclave every few years, killing many hundreds of Palestinian civilians each time. Israel simply called it “mowing the lawn”. The destruction of vast areas of Gaza, what Israeli generals boasted of as returning the enclave to the Stone Age, was formalised as a military strategy known as the “Dahiya doctrine“.

No one really cared when Israeli snipers targeted nurses, youngsters and people in wheelchairs who came out to protest against their imprisonment by Israel. Many thousands were left as amputees after those snipers received orders to shoot the protesters indiscriminately in the legs or ankles.

Western concern at the deaths of Israeli civilians at the hands of Palestinian fighters is hard to stomach. Have not many hundreds of Palestinian children died over the past 15 years in Israel’s repeated bombing campaigns on Gaza? Did their lives not count as much as Israeli lives – and if not, why not?

After so much indifference for so long, it is difficult to hear the sudden horror from Western governments and media because Palestinians have finally found a way – mirroring Israel’s inhumane, decades-long policy – to fight back effectively. …

No hiding place

By indulging Israel in its deceptions, Israel’s allies have allowed it to perpetrate ever more outrageous lies. At the weekend, Netanyahu warned Palestinians in Gaza to “leave now” because Israeli forces were preparing to “act with all force”.

But Netanyahu knows, as do his Western enablers, that Gaza’s population has nowhere to flee. There is no hiding place. Palestinians have been sealed into Gaza since Israel besieged it by land, sea and air. …

There are two immediate, and contrasting, lessons to be learnt from what has happened this weekend.

The first is that the human spirit cannot be caged indefinitely. Palestinians in Gaza have been constantly devising new ways to break free from their chains.

They have built a network of tunnels, most of which Israel has located and destroyed. They have fired rockets that are invariably shot down by ever more sophisticated interception systems. They have protested en masse at the heavily fortified fences, topped by guntowers, Israel surrounded them with – only to be shot by snipers.

Now they have staged a daring escape. Israel will batter the enclave back into submission with massive bombardments, but only “in retaliation”, of course. The Palestinians’ craving for freedom and dignity will not be diminished. Another form of resistance, doubtless more brutal still, will emerge.

And the parties most responsible for that brutality will be Israel and the West that supports it so lavishly, because Israel refuses to stop brutalising the Palestinians it forces to live under its rule.

The second lesson is that Israel, endlessly indulged by its Western patrons, still has no incentive to internalise the fundamental truth above. The rhetoric of its current government of fascists and Jewish supremacists may be particularly ugly, but there is a broad consensus among Israelis of all political stripes that the Palestinians must continue to be oppressed.

Which is why the so-called opposition will not hesitate to support the military pounding of the long besieged enclave of Gaza, killing yet more Palestinian civilians to “teach them a lesson”, a lesson no one in Israel can articulate beyond asserting that Palestinians must accept their permanent inferiority and imprisonment.

Already, the “good Israelis” – opposition leaders Yair Lapid and Benny Gantz – are in discussions with Netanyahu to join him in an “emergency unity government”.

What “emergency”? The emergency of Palestinians demanding the right not to live as prisoners in their own homeland.

Israelis and Westerners can continue their mental gymnastics to justify the Palestinians’ oppression and refuse them any right to resist. But their hypocrisy and self-deceptions stand exposed for the rest of the world to see.

James North in Mondoweiss:

The mainstream U.S. media is using the word “hostages” to describe the Israelis who Hamas militants have captured and taken into Gaza. Analyzing this usage is a good way to introduce how the mainstream is distorting this latest crisis. First, some of the captured Israelis are soldiers, who should properly be called “prisoners of war,” especially as Benjamin Netanyahu has actually declared war on Gaza. But, in fact, other captured Israelis are in fact civilians, and “hostages” is arguably the appropriate description.

But wait. This conflict didn’t start at 6:30 a.m. on October 7. Israel has occupied both West Bank Palestine and Gaza for nearly 60 years, and over that time has arrested and imprisoned hundreds of thousands of Palestinians, often without even show trials. Nathan Thrall, in his impressive, just published book, explains that during the First Intifada (1967-1993) the Israeli occupiers jailed some 700,000 Palestinian men and boys on the West Bank, roughly 40 percent of the entire male population there.

Today, the Israeli occupiers continue to arrest Palestinians, holding them for long stretches without anything resembling a fair trial. But the U.S. mainstream never seems to describe these Palestinian people as “hostages.” …

The double standard perfectly illustrates the U.S. media’s playbook on how to distort the crisis. First, twist your actual reports, with one-sided language and biased framing. But second, and arguably even more important; ignore any of the history in Israel/Palestine, so that the attack from Gaza looks like an inexplicable, unprovoked spasm of violence and Jew-hatred. …

CNN’s color-coded map of Israel/Palestine, which it displayed on screen regularly all week-end, was another instance of slanting. The map showed the entire occupied West Bank as “Palestinian-controlled,” which will be a surprise to Palestinians who every single day have to pass through Israeli military checkpoints.

The Israel-Gaza war and Jewish identity

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The war in Israel-Gaza is likely to increase Jewish identification and commitment. In my battles with Nathan Cofnas he claims American Jews are not particularly ethnocentric based on intermarriage statistics. This is wrong for a number of reasons, but at times like this, Jewish consciousness and identity will surely rise. From the revision of CofC:

Jewish identity may emerge among Jews without a conscious Jewish identity as a result of a perceived threat to Jews, as during the 1967 Arab-Israeli war or the rise of National Socialism. Jewish identification is a complex area where surface declarations may be deceptive. Jews may not consciously know how strongly they identify with Judaism. Silberman (1985, 184), for example, notes that around the time of the 1967 Arab-Israeli war, many Jews could identify with the statement of Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel that “I had not known how Jewish I was” (in Silberman 1985, 184; italics in text). Silberman comments: “This was the response, not of some newcomer to Judaism or casual devotee but of the man whom many, myself included, consider the greatest Jewish spiritual leader of our time.” Many others made the same surprising discovery about themselves: Arthur Hertzberg (1979, 210) wrote, “The immediate reaction of American Jewry to the crisis was far more intense and widespread than anyone could have foreseen. Many Jews would never have believed that grave danger to Israel could dominate their thoughts and emotions to the exclusion of everything else.”
The point is that the Jewish identity of even a highly assimilated Jew, and even one who has subjectively rejected a Jewish identity, may surface at times of crisis to the group or when Jewish identification conflicts with any other identity that a Jew might have, including identification as a political radical.
As a result, assertions regarding Jewish identification that fail to take account of perceived threats to Judaism may seriously underestimate the extent of Jewish commitment. Surface declarations of a lack of Jewish identity may be highly misleading. Consider the following comment on Heinrich Heine, who was baptized but remained strongly identified as a Jew: “Whenever Jews were threatened—whether in Hamburg during the Hep-Hep riots [in 1819 in Germany] or in Damascus at the time of the ritual murder accusation [1840] —Heine at once felt solidarity with his people” (Prawer 1983, 762).

So the ADL coffers will definitely benefit from this.

Depressing to see the talking heads on American media all in for Israel, no mention of the occupation or the draconian economic restrictions on Gaza imposed by Israel that basically make life unlivable for Gazans—presumably all the conservatives and plenty of liberals and liberal organizations. A rebellion had to happen, especially now when Israel was about to make peace with Saudi Arabia at the expense of the Palestinians–definitely off the table now. What I don’t understand is how could Hamas import so many weapons without Israel realizing it. Doesn’t seem plausible Israel would sacrifice so many of its people to have an excuse to obliterate Hamas but that’s what’s likely to happen.

Hertzberg, A. (1979). Being Jewish in America. New York: Schocken Books.

Prawer, S. S. (1983). Heine’s Jewish Comedy: A Study of His Portraits of Jews and Judaism. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Silberman, C. E. (1985). A Certain People: American Jews and Their Lives Today. New York: Summit Books.

Conquest by Consciousness: Blacks and Translunatics as Anti-Matter in the Worlds of Whites and Women

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Anti-matter has hit the headlines recently. Metaphorically speaking, that is. If anti-matter literally hit the headlines in a newspaper or on a computer screen, there would be a huge explosion. Matter and anti-matter annihilate each other when they meet, disappearing in a blaze of deadly radiation. Scientists have long known this, but they didn’t know whether anti-matter responded to gravity in the same way as matter.

The antithesis of Whiteness

Now they know that it does: it falls rather than rises. That’s why anti-matter is in the headlines. One simple fact took decades to verify because anti-matter is so rare in our material universe and so hard to manufacture. In a literal sense, that is. In a metaphorical sense, anti-matter is very common and leftists are manufacturing more of it all the time. What am I talking about? I’m talking about Blacks, Muslims, and other non-Whites. They represent a kind of anti-matter in Western societies, opposite to Whites in all socially and culturally consequential ways. Blacks in particular are the antithesis of Whiteness in everything from skin color to behavior. On average, they’re unintelligent, unproductive, uncivilized, unable to match White achievements but above average at murder, rape, robbery, and theft. Blacks destroy what Whites create, but they don’t disappear in the process. They’re a kind of ever-lasting anti-matter that annihilates without being annihilated.

And that’s precisely why leftists are so eager to sanctify Blacks and to import more of them into the West. At the moment the sanctification is reaching new heights in Britain: October is Black History Month here. That’s the official and inaccurate title, anyway. As I’ve said previously at the Occidental Observer, I prefer the unofficial but accurate title of Black Bullshit Month. It’s bullshit, for example, to claim that Roman emperor Septimius Severus (145–211 AD) was both Black and British because he was born in Africa and died in Britain. That’s a willful trashing of history and ethnography, but the Left’s love of diversity disappears when leftists have lies to promote and propaganda to spout. In scientific reality, the continent of Africa is very racially diverse. South of the Sahara, it’s home to many different kinds of Black; north of the Sahara, it’s home to races that aren’t Black at all, like Arabs and Berbers.

Septimius Severus: Black African (from Wikipedia)

The horrible sins of imperialism and slavery

In leftist fantasy, the Sahara disappears, the Arabs and Berbers are erased, and ancient Africa becomes an exclusively Black continent. That’s why leftists pretend that Septimius Severus was Black simply because he was born in northern Africa. They also pretend that a group of Roman soldiers stationed on Hadrian’s Wall were Black. The now-famous Aurelian Moors came from northern Africa too; therefore leftist logic dictates that they too were Black. In fact, no: the Aurelian Moors were from a non-Black race like the Berbers. But something strange seems to be going on here. Why do leftists want to pretend that Blacks were an important and everyday part of Roman civilization? By leftist standards, the Romans were guilty of the huge and horrible sins of imperialism, colonialism, and slavery. The very words “empire,” “colony,” and “slave” come to us from Latin. But leftists don’t want to associate Blacks with evils like those, of course. They want Blacks to be associated with the grandeur, prestige, and great achievements of Rome, while keeping the bad parts strictly for Whites.

BBC broadcasts bullshit #1: ahistorical nonsense about allegedly Black Romans

BBC broadcasts bullshit #2: Blacks were central to Tudor England

For another good example of this, take the BBC’s lies about Blacks having “Been Here From the Start” in Britain. In a video aimed at impressionable and uncritical children, a Black actor dresses in various White costumes and sings that “For ten thousand British years some Brits have looked like me.” That’s right: because neolithic inhabitants of Britain may have had dark skin, Blacks have been “Here From the Start.” It’s like using light-skinned Albinos in Africa to pretend that Whites have always been part of African history. But the BBC wouldn’t do that to African history, of course, because the lies and ahistorical nonsense go only one way: to aggrandize Blacks and dispossess Whites. Elsewhere in the video, the Black actor appears in Roman armor and promotes the now widespread lies about Septimius Severus and the Aurelian Moors being Black. Roman uniforms are grand and glorious, and leftists love portraying Blacks in gilded breastplates and scarlet cloaks. And in Tudor finery.

But if Blacks are so important in British history, does that mean they share the blame for the horrible crimes committed by the British, like slavery and colonialism? Of course not: the BBC want to associate Blacks with the grandeur, prestige, and great achievements of Britain while keeping the bad parts strictly for Whites. Indeed, leftists are already starting to pretend that there would have been no great achievements in the West without Blacks. Just as they’ve tried to steal the greatness of Britain and the Roman Empire for Blacks, so they’ve tried to steal the greatness of the American space program and Moon landings:

[O]n November 24th, 2015, President Obama awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the nation’s highest civilian award, to a 97-year-old [Black] woman named Katherine Johnson, saying of her that “from sending the first American into space to the first moon landing, she played a critical role in many of NASA’s most important milestones.” Charles Bolden, the NASA Administrator at that time, said that “she’s one of the greatest minds ever to grace our agency or our country” and that “Katherine’s legacy is a big part of the reason that my fellow astronauts and I were able to get to space.” Dr. Dava Newman, NASA’s Deputy Administrator, said that “she literally wrote the textbook on rocket science. … At NASA, we are proud to stand on Katherine Johnson’s shoulders.” The award ceremony was soon followed by the best-selling book Hidden Figures and then by the film version, a critical and box-office hit. In both the book and the film, Katherine Johnson was the leading character.

Her story had seemingly come out of nowhere. None of the NASA interviews of the veterans of Mercury, Gemini, and Apollo had mentioned her, nor had any of the autobiographies or histories written about the manned spaceflight program. How could such an important figure have been so completely ignored? The natural next step for NASA would have been to re-interview the surviving veterans who had been associated with the accomplishments attributed to Katherine Johnson, seeking to explain how this gaping hole in the story had come about. That didn’t happen. (The Portrayal of Early Manned Spaceflight in Hidden Figures: A Critique, introduction by Charles Murray)

The heavily White “Black genius” Katherine Johnson (image from Wikipedia)

It didn’t happen because leftists don’t want their lies and distortions to be exposed. Yes, the heavily White Katherine Johnson was a hardworking and competent mathematician, but she was a small cog in a very big machine designed, built, and powered by White men. Without Blacks, America would still have got into space and landed men on the Moon. In fact, as Paul Kersey has often pointed out, if it weren’t for Blacks and the trillions of dollars wasted on them, America might well have landed men on Mars by now. Blacks are a drag and a drain on any civilization stupid enough to host them, but that’s precisely why leftists pretend that Blacks are an essential part of the West — and have “Been Here from the Start.” Inverting the truth is central to the leftist hunt for power, as Orwell described in his great satire Nineteen Eighty-Four (1949). In the book, the Ministry of Truth presides over lies, the Ministry of Plenty over famine, the Ministry of Peace over war, and the Ministry of Love over torture. The Ministry of Truth was, of course, inspired by Orwell’s days at the BBC. He also satirized how leftism re-writes history and appropriates great achievements for its own ends:

In his own schooldays, Winston remembered, in the late fifties, it was only the helicopter that the Party claimed to have invented; a dozen years later, when Julia was at school, it was already claiming the aeroplane; one generation more, and it would be claiming the steam engine. (Nineteen Eighty-Four, part 2, chapter 5)

The Party in modern America — the leftist industrial-mendacity complex — is claiming great White achievements for Blacks: Katherine Johnson put men on the Moon, Gladys West pretty much invented the Global Positioning System (GPS), and so on. Orwell was satirizing this kind of leftist propaganda more than sixty years ago. But another White writer, Walter de la Mare, offers another important insight into what leftists are doing. Not all of their propaganda about Blacks is based on lies. Yes, it’s a lie that a very important figure like Septimius Severus was Black and that the Black Katherine Johnson was a vital figure in the American space program. But it is true that there was a Black trumpeter called John Blanke in Tudor England. In her “critically acclaimed” book Black Tudors: The Untold Story (2017), the Jewish historian Miranda Kaufmann celebrates the presence of Blanke and a few other Blacks in Tudor England amid millions of Whites. But her celebration is dishonest, because those Blacks were insignificant by any objective standard. They did nothing Whites couldn’t have done just as well or better and Tudor England did not depend on them in any way. So why do Kaufmann and other leftists make so much of their presence?

A Jew centers insignificant Blacks in White history: Miranda Kaufmann’s Black Tudors (2017)

Well, Kaufman is pursuing a typically Jewish anti-White agenda. She isn’t interested in Blacks for their own sake, but for the sake of distorting British history,  diluting British identity, and dispossessing Whites. Nevertheless, there’s something else going on in the leftist celebration of insignificant Blacks like John Blanke. And I think that something was captured by the great White writer Walter de la Mare (1873-1956) in one of his poems, when he describes the solipsistic megalomania of the emperor Napoleon during the French retreat from Russia:

“What is the world, O soldiers?
      It is I:
I, this incessant snow,
  This northern sky;
Soldiers, this solitude
  Through which we go
      Is I.”

The poem says that by being conscious of the world, Napoleon claimed possession of it and solipsistically absorbed it into himself. Leftists want Blacks everywhere in British history because they want a similar process to apply. For example, if even a single Black was present in and conscious of Tudor England, that Black could somehow claim possession of it. Tudor England was inside a Black brain, therefore a Black was, in a mystical sense, possessing and sustaining Tudor England. That’s what leftists are trying to pretend. And Blacks are very happy to accept the pretence. After all, it’s not difficult to encourage solipsism and megalomania in Blacks. But it is difficult to find grandeur and great achievements in Black Africa and its history. That’s why leftists create fantasies like Wakanda and why the anti-White Black artist Kehinde Wiley has appropriated a famous and impressive image of none other than Napoleon:

Great White art appropriated by the anti-White Black Wiley Kehinde (image from SmartHistory)

Jacques-Louis David (1748–1825), the French White who created the original painting, was a great artist working in the great White tradition of classical art. His painting embodies not only his own artistic talent but also the technological prowess of White civilization. It’s easy to take bright unfading paints and sturdy canvas for granted, but it’s also wrong. There are centuries of effort, experiment, and innovation behind an artwork like David’s Napoleon Crossing the Alps. And what about the rich fabrics Napoleon is wearing and the horse he is riding? Blacks in Africa never invented oil paints and delicate brushes, never matched White skill in textiles and dyes, and never domesticated any African equivalent of the horse, despite the abundance of large mammals there. The Jewish scientist Jared Diamond has written anti-White fantasies about “African cavalry mounted on rhinos or hippos” making “mincemeat of European cavalry mounted on horses.” But his words remain exactly that: fantasies.

“Undomesticable” zebras domesticated by the Jewish zoologist Walter Rothschild (image from Wikipedia)

Diamond claims that Africa’s mammals weren’t “domesticable.” What he means is that Blacks weren’t capable of domesticating them. But Blacks are fully capable of appropriating White achievements to aggrandize themselves and attack Whites. The Black Kehinde Wiley is celebrated by leftists when he appropriates White classical art and sneers at White civilization by replacing an important (and handsome) White figure like Napoleon with an anonymous (and ugly) Black. I don’t think that Walter de la Mare was right in his portrayal of Napoleon as a solipsistic megalomaniac. Even if he was, no-one could deny that Napoleon was a genuinely great man, highly intelligent and hugely competent. There has never been a Black equivalent of Napoleon, because intelligence and competence are in much shorter supply among Blacks than among Whites. On the other hand, solipsism and megalomania are not at all in short supply among Blacks. Take the deeply absurd but also viciously murderous Black dictator Idi Amin (1925–2003), who liked to dress in impressive Western uniforms and who gave himself the title of “His Excellency, President for Life, Field Marshal Al Hadji Doctor Idi Amin Dada, VC, DSO, MC, CBE, Lord of All the Beasts of the Earth and Fishes of the Seas and Conqueror of the British Empire in Africa in General and Uganda in Particular.”

The cannibal conqueror Idi Amin, a hater of Whites who eagerly appropriated Whiteness

Idi Amin claimed to be conqueror of the British Empire and leftists are portraying other Blacks as, in a sense, conquerors of the Roman Empire. Septimius Severus and the Aurelian Moors weren’t Black, but yes, there were tiny numbers of Blacks within the boundaries of the Roman Empire at one time or another. Leftists pretend that simply by existing there and being conscious of the Romans’ great achievements, those Blacks somehow took possession of the Empire. Something similar explains Jewish lies about America being a “nation of immigrants.” Jews themselves didn’t build America or risk their lives carving civilization from wilderness there — let alone sometimes lose their lives in horrible ways to Indian tribes. No, Jews arrived in a fully formed nation built by Whites and claimed possession of it by right of consciousness. That’s how America became a “nation of immigrants.”

Translunacy and trans-Westernism

But that conquest-by-consciousness hasn’t stopped with Blacks and Britain or Jews and America. It also applies to translunatics and womanhood. A so-called transwoman is a man who asserts that the contents of his consciousness — his subjective emotions and opinions — permit him to overturn biological reality and invade female territory. Because leftism preaches equality and practises hierarchy, leftists deny that women have any right to resist this invasion, just as they deny that Whites have any right to resist the invasion of their territory by non-Whites. Transwomen are higher in the leftist hierarchy than women, just as non-Whites are higher in the leftist hierarchy than Whites. The higher group can invade and occupy the territory of the lower group. If members of the inferior group resist, leftists will condemn them as bigots and haters — transphobes or racists.

This parallel between translunatics and non-White migrants is why I use the term “trans-Westerners” for Blacks, Jews, and other non-Whites who now reside in the West. Like transwomen, they’re claiming an identity that doesn’t belong to them and like transwomen they harm those who are genuinely entitled to that identity. Leftism denies the harm and claims that transwomen and trans-Westerners are more authentic and more deserving of their stolen identities because they (or their migrant ancestors) made an active choice to cross a border. This is a transwoman claiming to be more of a woman than real women:

Trans people are MORE of a woman, or a man, than their cisgender counterparts. Because trans people spend their entire lives fighting to be recognised as their gender. They undergo humiliating tests and invasive questioning to be allowed to transition. They spend hours correcting your misgendering, fighting for gender confirmation treatment, for the right name on their paperwork. (“All Men (And Women) Are Equal,” Huffington Post, 10th March 2018)

And this is a trans-Westerner claiming to be a more of a Westerner than Whites:

I deserve to be here more than you do because I risked my life to get here. You were just born here by chance. I chose here, you didn’t even choose it. @slawariwanm (The non-White Ariwan on Twitter, 21st June 2023)

These claims of superiority are nonsense, of course. Invasion and occupation do not entitle one to an identity that others have created. And leftists would never say that Whites became African or Amerindian by invading and occupying Africa and America. But they applaud transwomen and trans-Westerners for doing what they condemn in Whites. That’s because leftism condemns creators and applauds annihilators. Just as Blacks are anti-matter in White spaces, so transwomen are anti-matter in female spaces. They destroy women’s privacy and security, deprive female athletes of their rightful prizes, and sometimes assault and murder real women.

Annihilators and their anti-matter

Blacks do most of that to Whites, but there’s one big difference. Thanks to genetically mediated male advantages in strength, speed, and spatial ability, transwomen are genuinely more powerful and athletic than real women. But Blacks aren’t more intelligent and creative than Whites. On the contrary, they’re less intelligent and creative. That’s why leftists have to lie about Black achievements and pretend that Blacks have been an essential part of Western civilization.

In fact, Blacks are anti-matter for the West, destroying everything they touch in a blaze of chaos, noise, and violence. But the real Occidental Annihilators are Jews like Jared Diamond and Miranda Kaufmann, who peddle lies and distort history to aggrandize Blacks and dispossess Whites. Naturally enough, Jews like Gayle Rubin and Judith Butler have also been central to the cult of translunacy. Blacks and translunatics are anti-matter in the world of Whites and women, but Jews are the annihilators who manufacture and distribute that anti-matter.

It’s Not About Fentanyl

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It’s Not About Fentanyl

     The good news is, Republicans are finally willing to criticize immigration! The bad news is, it’s only to say they are against Americans dying from fentanyl [Ed.: and they talk about sex trafficking and deaths of the migrants—anything but the Great Replacement and how it compromises White interests, and of course Ann won’t go there]. So proud of you, GOP!

For example, at the debate last week, Nikki Haley, Tim Scott and Chris Christie all hit the “condemn fentanyl” recordings as soon as they heard the word “immigration.”

Christie was typical. Asked if he still supported amnesty, he said, “What I’ll do on day one is sign an executive order to send the National Guard to partner with Customs and Border Patrol to make sure that we stop the flow of fentanyl over the border.”

Well, that takes care of fentanyl, but what about the people flowing over the border? The principal problem with hauling tens of millions of third worlders into our country is that we’re hauling tens of millions of third worlders into our country. By now, we’re about two years away from becoming another failed Latin American state, if you’ll forgive the redundancy.

Last Wednesday’s presidential debate illustrated what exactly that will mean, through the splendid work of Univision moderator Ilia Calderon (who apparently, because of some technical glitch, was not subtitled).

FIRST, as soon as they get here, immigrants start demanding that we admit an endless supply of their fellow countrymen. This raises the question: If they wanted to be around a lot of Latin Americans, why’d they leave? There are tons of Latin Americans in Latin America, as any guidebook will tell you. Wouldn’t it have been easier to just stay put?

After a single boilerplate question on the economy, Calderon’s next five questions consisted of demands that Republicans amnesty illegal aliens, the vast majority of whom are from Latin America.

Calderon: “Vice President Pence, in 2017, the Trump-Pence administration canceled DACA, which put the legal status of 600,000 Dreamers in the hands of the court. … As president, if the Supreme Court ends DACA, would you work with Congress to reach a permanent solution for Dreamers?”

Canceling DACA is a permanent solution. Only someone who refuses to accept any solution other than amnesty could fail to grasp that.

But she wouldn’t let up, asking again: “Would you negotiate with Congress to give a solution to the problem that Dreamers have right now? They are in limbo.” And they’re getting a little fed up with your foot-dragging.

Gee, it must be tough for people who’ve broken our laws but are still receiving all the benefits of living here to be “in limbo.” I don’t know why they haven’t thought of this themselves, but there’s an easy solution. They could go home.

SECOND: Immigrants bring their third world voting habits with them.

Calderon: “A Univision poll found that mass shootings and gun safety are one of the most important issues for Latino voters. Mental health concerns are not unique to the United States, but gun violence is. What is your specific plan to curb gun violence?”

And in one stupid swoop, Calderon blew away the tissue of lies about illegal aliens being legitimate “asylum-seekers” because they’re fleeing violence. Violence with what? Plastic cutlery? Obviously, gun violence. Luckily for the inadvertent whistleblower, only 15% of Americans could understand what she was saying on account of her accent. But thank you, Miss Calderon, for giving up the game on phony “asylum-seekers.”

She’s definitely right that immigrants love gun control. According to a 2023 Pew Research poll, 74% of Asians and 68% of Hispanics support gun control, compared with only 51% of white Americans (which, by the way, includes white women, a skittish group).

As a result, Latin American countries have gun control laws that would be the envy of Chicago.

In Mexico, for example, it’s very hard to acquire a gun unless Eric Holder brings it across the border to you. There’s a federal gun registry, a license and lengthy background check are required to purchase a gun, the most powerful rifle you can buy is a .22 caliber, and there’s only one gun store in the entire country. Only 1% of Mexicans legally possess a firearm.

And everything’s going great! Even after the recent murder explosion in the U.S. (immediately following May 25, 2020, for no discernable reason whatsoever), America’s homicide rate is 6.9 cases per 100,000. In Mexico, the murder rate is four times that, at 25 per 100,000. And in Miss Calderon’s native Colombia — with similarly draconian gun control laws — the murder rate is 26.8 per 100,000.

Can’t WAIT to have you guys voting in our elections!

THIRD, immigrants really get off on insulting Americans — as is evident from Calderon’s exposing the “asylum” scam, just so she could call our country violent.

Naturally, she lectured Americans about slavery — because Latin America’s record on that front is unblemished! (Only 6% of trans-Atlantic slaves went to North America; the rest went to Latin America and the Caribbean.) Plus, we haven’t heard a thing about slavery recently, so I’m glad she brought it up.

She also blamed the fentanyl crisis on … guess who?

Oh, so you think you’re better than we are, arrogant Americans with your flush toilets, medical advances and 235-year-old Constitution? Well, guess who’s doing the fentanyl smuggling? … AMERICANS!

In one of her debate questions, she said: “Fifty-seven percent of the smugglers are U.S. citizens. How would you stop fentanyl brought into the country” — AND IN CASE YOU DIDN’T HEAR ME THE FIRST TIME — “mostly by U.S. citizens?”

Yes, “U.S. citizens,” meaning: “anchor babies and their progeny.”

I looked up the most recent DEA report on major fentanyl busts. Below are the names of those arrested in just the last few weeks. No names have been excluded, so I’m not cherry-picking. See if you notice anything:

Felix Herrera Garcia

Grei Mendez

Carliston Acevedo Brito

Renny Parra Paredes, aka “El Gallo”

Jose Cruz Ivan Aispuro

Adrian Montalvo

Jose Lora

Ray Urena

Ruben Davila Cardenas

“U.S. citizens” all!

Fentanyl could disappear from the face of the Earth, Republicans. Immigration is still going to wreck our country.

And You Thought Your State’s GOP Was Bad…

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State Senator Colton Moore announced on Thursday that the state GOP voted to oust him over his calls to defund and investigate the district attorney in the wake of her sweeping RICO indictment that named former President Donald Trump and 18 of his allies as co-conspirators in an attempt to overturn the 2020 election results in Georgia.

“Today’s removal is a direct result of me calling on my Republican colleagues in the Senate to do their job and sign onto an emergency session to investigate Fani Willis,” Moore said in a statement shared with Newsweek. “The Georgia Constitution clearly outlines the legislature’s power to call an emergency session to investigate a judicial officer. After urging my Republican Senate colleagues to join me…they responded by acting like children and throwing me out of the caucus.”

Days after Willis indicted Trump, Moore asked Governor Brian Kemp to call for a special session and bring legislators back to the state Capitol to review Willis’ actions in the probe and “determine if they warrant impeachment.” …

“I stand by my Republican principles. I stand by the Republican platform. I will continue to serve as a Republican Senator from the great state of Georgia,” Moore said. “Unfortunately, now I will be forced to refer to my colleagues, who ran on being ‘Trump conservatives’ as the RINO caucus.” RINO refers to Republicans in Name Only.

“This is the fight of our lifetime, and I will continue to double down to defend the rule of law and do what is right,” he added.

To be expected from a GOP headed by a Governor who ordered the National Guard not to “interfere” with the Black mobs that invaded a predominantly White neighborhood in Atlanta night after night to loot and burn buildings (to the tune of tens of millions of dollars) and to terrorize the residents.
To be expected from a GOP headed by a Governor and a State Attorney General who prosecuted the District Attorney in Brunswick County for taking 4 days to recuse herself on the Ahmad Arbury case and for failing to jail the McMichaels before they were even indicted.
To be expected from a GOP headed by a Governor and a State Attorney General who would prosecute the District Attorney in Brunswick County (see above) but who did not prosecute or remove the District Attorney and the Solicitor in Fulton County who variously (a) dropped charges against 3 Antifa terrorists arrested in the act of blowing up a police car with a handheld bomb; (b) dropped all charges against members of the Black mobs that attacked Buckhead (the ones arrested despite the orders of the Governor NOT to arrest any of them) “in the interest of higher justice”.
To be expected from a GOP headed by a Governor and a State Attorney General who would prosecute the District Attorney in Brunswick County (see above) but who would not prosecute or remove the District Attorney of DeKalb County when she issued a public statement that her office would not prosecute the Marxist terrorists arrested in the attacks on the construction site of the City of Atlanta police training facility who (a) did $2,000,000 damage to public property, (b) on one occasion alone threw 8 Molotov cocktails at police officers, (c) violently attacked the offices of the construction company hired to build the facility, (d) went to the homes of the corporate executives to threaten their wives and children.
To be expected from a GOP headed by a Governor and a State Attorney General who, siding with Marxist extremists and the Black Lives Matter nut cases, parroted the claims of these fanatics that Georgia’s citizens’ arrest statute was enacted by a “White Supremacist legislature” for the purpose of empowering White people to wrongfully throw Blacks in jail (despite the fact that when Kemp and Carr were playing “Little Sir Echo” on the claims that the citizens’ arrest law was enacted as part of “White racism,” 48 of the 50 States had citizens’ arrest laws including all 6 of the States in New England) and who successfully repealed the right of Georgia citizens to detain people who had committed crimes against them or their neighbors.
To be expected from a GOP headed by a Governor so impudent a liar as to strut around — after all of the above — and campaign for reelection by claiming “Vote for me, Brian Kemp, cause Ah’m tough on crime.”
If Kemp and Carr are “conservatives,” who needs Octavia Alexandra Cortez (A.O.C.)?

And this, from Patrick Cleburne on the GOP’s role in facilitating fraud in Georgia in the 2020 election: Yes, Virginia (Dare): The 2020 Election WAS Fraudulent—And GA GOP Leadership (Among Others) Are Complicit

Obviously, at present Georgia is of particular interest.

Georgia’s 2020 election was a shambles.

The VoterGa.org website has a long list of faults in its WHO SAYS THERE WAS NO GEORGIA ELECTION FRAUD? section and a 7-page written statement WHO SAYS THERE WAS NO 2020 ELECTION FRAUD?  This has the salient conclusion:

In reality, the entire 2020 Presidential election outcome was decided by secret counts in five counties of five battleground states, each riddled with the corruption described. Specifically, on fraud and illegalities committed in Philadelphia Co. Pennsylvania, Wayne Co. Michigan, Milwaukee Co. Wisconsin, Fulton Co. Georgia and Maricopa Co. Arizona determined the 2020 Presidential election. Fried summarizes a few choice items, including

  • The number of “funny” ballots and “impossible” ballots is about forty-five times larger than the Biden margin of victory for Georgia, which was around 11,700.
  • Although it takes at least one second to scan a ballot, there are over 4,000 ballots with precisely the same timestamp—to the second. Not possible.

Needless to say, neither the Fulton County DA, Fani Willis, nor the Feds have shown any interest in investigating these complaints.

Fried strongly recommends listening to the VoterGA Press Conference March 7th, starting at 27:00.

The quite extraordinary aspect of the Georgia election scandal: The State GOP leadership is furiously opposed to any investigation or subsequent reform. See VoterGA’s Kemp, Duncan Block Key Election Integrity Bill to Unseal Ballots.  This was in April 2022.

The GA GOP leadership are vociferous Never Trumpers, as VDARE.com’s Washington Watcher II detailed in GA Gov. Brian Kemp, Fake Immigration Patriot, Hopes Communist Prosecutors Take Out Trump. But He’ll Be Next. Of course, leaving the Georgia’s election procedures as they are jeopardizes all Republicans: both Republican Senators were “defeated” in the reruns in early 2021. The GA GOP leadership are behaving like Democrats.  

My view: Probably that is because they are Democrats.

Religion, Race, and Ethnicity in Greco-Roman Antiquity New Perspectives on The Lordship of Jesus, Judaism, and the “Truthiness” of Christianity, Part 4

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Conclusion: Relevance to Anglos

What lessons should crypto-Anglo White or Christian nationalists take away from the first-century Jesus movement?  First, notice that this movement emerged among a people in which the diaspora population outnumbered their co-ethnics in Judea.  In addition, both at home and in the dispersion, Jews were experiencing a spiritual identity crisis.  Perhaps Paul’s mission to resurrect the lost sheep of Israel has unexpected relevance to those of us who long for the restoration of the lost tribes of Greater Britain.[i]

Paul’s push for the resurrection of Israel presupposed a deep-seated, ancestral inseparability of ethnicity and religion.  That is to say that the family, the tribe, the nation can, jointly and severally, serve as the syngeneic medium through which the divine, God or the gods, expresses itself in the collective life of a people.  For his followers, the messianic myth of Jesus Christ incarnated the perfected telos of national Israel.  Today, it is impossible to imagine the renaissance of British race patriotism apart from the reunion of Anglo-Saxon ethnicity with an ancestral religion.  Such an ethnoreligious revival must develop both within the Anglo-Saxon diaspora and its ancestral homeland (where the native English and Celtic peoples are undergoing demographic replacement at the hands of a hostile plutocratic elite).

The sacred mythology of Jesus the Christ inspired Paul’s ethnoreligious movement.  The resurrection of British race patriotism, too, must draw on ancestral traditions of sacral kingship rooted in both history and Arthurian legend.  A counter-cultural ethnoreligious movement across the Anglosphere could summon into being our own long-awaited messiah, the Patriot King prophesied by Henry St. John, Viscount Bolingbroke during the Financial Revolution of the eighteenth century.[ii]

British race patriotism could find legitimate expression once again, not in the godless transnational corporate welfare states now mismanaging the Anglosphere, but through a patriot prince devoted to the spiritual welfare of the British peoples.  The modern counterpart of the first-century Jesus movement could emerge in the form of an Angelcynn Network of ekklesia.  Its members would work to secure the independence of the British monarchy in its constitutional role as defender of the faith.  The chief aim of the Angelcynn movement would be to re-consecrate the Crown as head of reformed Anglican churches throughout the Anglosphere, including the USA.  Clearly, King Charles III is unlikely to seek or accept such a role.  The goal must therefore be to shame some honourable man among his heirs and successors into defending the ethnoreligious identity and biocultural interests of the Anglo-Saxon peoples outside and apart from the governments of the historic White Commonwealth.

Such a movement would revise and reform, not reject, the Christian heritage of the Anglican church.  Rather, Jesus and Paul would recover their rightful place in the Angelcynn tradition.  As historical figures, Jesus and Paul would be honoured as Israelite ethnoreligious patriots.  They must also continue to be exalted for their divine agency in consummating the covenantal history of Israel.  Drawing inspiration from both, Anglo-Saxons world-wide could begin the process of exalting gods of our own.  It is long past time, for example, to “translate” Alfred the Great, recognizing him, at long last, as an English David, a Son of God in his own right, who modelled his English kingdom on Old Covenant Israel.

As a practical matter, such an ethnoreligious strategy means that “nationalists” such as Joel Davis and Stephen Wolfe (to name but two) must come out of the WASP closet.  In Australia, Joel Davis would no longer conceal his Anglo-Saxon identity under a White skin suit worn within a supposedly secular political space.  One might also hope that he would cease to profess a universalist Catholic faith altogether detached from his ethnic identity.  Stephen Wolfe, on the other hand, foreswears his ancestral WASP identity in favour of a civic-minded Americanism.  His inner faith, however, exalts the supernatural truths of a worn-out Augustinian metanarrative; his Lord Jesus is a cosmic Christ, sitting at the right hand of the Father in the heavenly City of God.  Like other members of the invisible race, Wolfe eschews both Whiteness and Anglo-Saxondom.  Here in the City of Man, he retains “Anglo-Protestantism” only because it is the “true religion” of creedal Christianity.  Every other earthly source of ethnoreligious identity is adiaphorous, a matter of indifference in the eyes of God.

As a spiritual diet, this is thin gruel indeed.  Looking instead to the original Jesus movement for inspiration, WASPs can and must rise from the dead.  We desperately need a messianic new covenant Angelcynnism.  Come, Patriot King.  Come!

[i] The idea of Greater Britain dates from the mid- to late nineteenth century at the peak of British imperialism.  Historians now look back upon the Greater Britain project as a failed utopian vision.  Could a Greater Britain really rise from the dead, like the first-century idea of Israel, within an Anglo-Saxon diaspora under the thumb of the transnational corporate welfare state?  As one might expect, recent scholarship provides ample grounds for pessimism.  See, Sir John Robert Seeley, The Expansion of England: Two Courses of Lectures (New York: Cosimo Classics, 2005) [Original Edition, 1891]; John Wolffe, God and Greater Britain: Religion and National Life in Britain and Ireland, 1843-1945 (London: Routledge, 1994); and two books by Duncan Bell, The Idea of Greater Britain: Empire and the Future of World Order (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007); and idem., Dreamworlds of Race: Empire and the Utopian Destiny of Anglo-America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2020).

[ii] See, “The Idea of a Patriot King,” in David Armitage, (ed.) Bolingbroke: Political Writings (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 217-294.

Religion, Race, and Ethnicity in Greco-Roman Antiquity New Perspectives on The Lordship of Jesus, Judaism, and the “Truthiness” of Christianity, Part Three

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The “Truthiness” of Christianity 

In short, Miller “challenges the classic conception of what many regard as the most sacred narrative of Western civilization, namely, that the New Testament stories of Jesus’ resurrection provided alleged histories variously achieving credibility among their earliest readers.”  Instead, he provides “the first truly coherent case that the earliest Christians comprehended the resurrection narratives of the New Testament as instances within a larger conventional rubric commonly recognized as fictive in modality.”  Modern scholarship, by contrast, mistakenly assumes that these texts were intended to present “a credible, albeit extraordinary account of an historical miracle.”  On that assumption, one may then approach the question “from one of two polarized loci: (1) with a faith-based interest in honoring (defending) the most sacred tenet of Christianity; (2) with an atheistic interest to disprove the claims of orthodox Christian doctrine.”  Both positions are unsound.  The first thesis mistakenly supposes that gospel writers proposed the resurrection of Jesus as a historical reality; the second, antithetical, possibility is that the narrative was peddled as an early Christian hoax.  In dialectical terms, Miller advances an “authentic synthesis (tertium quid): the early Christians exalted the leader of their movement through the standard literary protocols of their day, namely, through the fictive, narrative embellishment of divine translation.”[i]

It should be obvious that a sincere, honest response to Miller’s investigation by Christian nationalists such as Stephen Wolfe will demand “a fearless, rational, unwavering commitment to the pursuit of truth.”[ii]  Unfortunately, Christians, generally, appear ill-equipped to meet this intellectual challenge.  Faith-driven presentations of the gospel resurrection tales seem historically plausible only so long as one’s audience knows nothing of their classical literary provenance.  The quarantine protecting the New Testament resurrection stories from exposure to their ancient cultural analogues is unlikely to be lifted anytime soon.

Given Wolfe’s personal preference for the work of older theologians, he has been isolated from critical currents in contemporary New Testament scholarship.  On social media, Wolfe has expressed admiration for the work of the early twentieth-century Orthodox Presbyterian scholar, J. Gresham Machen (1881–1937).  My guess is that Machen has influenced Wolfe’s understanding of the twin “supernatural truths” which upon which his case for Christian nationalism is grounded: “Jesus is Lord” and “Christianity is the true religion.”  In 1921 Machen published a study entitled The Origins of Paul’s Religion.  There, he argued that the truth of Christianity was to be found in a study of its origins.  Machen acknowledged Jesus as the Founder of Christianity but, because He Himself wrote nothing and “the record of his words and deeds is the work of others,” Machen turned to the testimony of Paul as “a fixed starting point in all controversy.”  As Paul was such a central figure in the early history of the Jesus movement, Machen was confident that if one could “explain the religion of Paul … you have solved the problem of the origin of Christianity.”[iii]

Gresham Machen

According to Machen, the religion of Paul “was something new.”  His mission to the Gentiles “was not merely one manifestation of the progress of oriental religion, and it was not merely a continuation of the pre-Christian mission of the Jews.”  Certainly, “the possession of an ancient and authoritative Book” was “one of the chief attractions of Judaism to the world of that day.”  Authority in religion was in short supply.  Paradoxically, however, “if the privileges of the Old Testament were to be secured … the authority of the Book had to be set aside.  The character of a national religion was … too indelibly stamped upon the religion of Israel.”  At best, Gentile converts could “only be admitted into the outer circle around the true household of God.”  For Paul, Machen declares, Gentile freedom (i.e., from the law) “was a matter of principle.”  This principle had, of course, been “anticipated by the Founder of Christianity, by Jesus Himself.”  But, if so, the doctrine of Gentile freedom was based “upon what Jesus had done, not upon what Jesus, at least during His earthly life, had said.”  It was unclear what He intended with respect to the universality of the gospel.  The “instances in which He extended His ministry to Gentiles are expressly designated in the Gospels as exceptional.”  Certainly, as far as his disciples were concerned, “Gentile freedom, and the abolition of special Jewish privileges, had not been clearly established by the words of the Master.”  This meant that there was “still need for the epoch-making work of Paul.”[iv]

Machen contends that Paul’s distinctive achievement was not the geographical expansion of the Church.  Seas or mountains were not “really standing in the way of the Gentile mission.”  Instead, it was “the great barrier of religious principle.”  Paul “overcame the principle of Jewish particularism in the only way in which it could be overcome; he overcame principle by principle.”  The real apostle to the Gentiles, Machen believed, was Paul the theologian, not Paul the practical missionary.  It was his achievement to exhibit “the temporary character of the Old Testament” by enriching the historical, logical, and intellectual understanding of the death and resurrection of Jesus.  Consequently, “Gentile freedom, and the freedom of the entire Christian Church for all time, was assured.”[v]

Machen declares that, by convincing others, Jews, and Gentiles alike, that Jesus is Lord, Paul compelled the religion of Israel to go forth “with a really good conscience to the spiritual conquest of the world.”  Henceforth, “when Christian missionaries used the word ‘Lord’ of Jesus, their hearers knew at once what they meant.  They knew at once that Jesus occupied a place which is occupied only by God.”  In the final chapter of his book, Machen defends “the historical character of the Pauline message.”  The religion of Paul, he concludes, “was rooted in an event … the redemptive work of Christ in his death and resurrection.”  It was based on “an account of something that had happened … only a few years previously.”  The facts of that event, the death and resurrection of Jesus, “could be established by adequate testimony,” Machen writes.  Moreover, “the eyewitnesses could be questioned, and Paul appeals to the eyewitnesses in detail” (cf., 1 Cor. 15:3-8).  He staked everything on the truth of what he said about Jesus’ crucifixion, death, and resurrection.  Machen poses the issue in uncompromising terms: If Paul’s account of that event “was true, the origin of Paulinism is explained; if it was not true, the Church is based upon an inexplicable error.”[vi]

Richard C. Miller’s mimetic criticism of the gospel resurrection narratives presents defenders of Machen’s Christian apologetic, such as Stephen Wolfe, with a stark choice.  If the Resurrection of Jesus was, as a matter of fact, just one among many classical fictive narratives of divine translation, in what sense (if at all) can one still proclaim that “Jesus is Lord” and that “Christianity is the true religion?”  Neither Paul’s nor Machen’s appeal to “eyewitness” testimony will be sufficient to close the case.  That possibility has been foreclosed by Miller’s detailed examination of the “eyewitness” tradition that became “the political protocol in the consecration of those most supremely honored in Roman government” during the Julio-Claudian dynasty.[vii]

The legendary example of Julius Proculus, the alleged “eyewitness” to the post-mortem appearance of Romulus, contributed to the “senatorial tradition of the eyewitness to the apotheosis of the Roman emperors” between 27 BC and 284 AD.  The chief historians of the period typically devoted considerable space to the tale.  The “senators (as an act of consecration), plebes, and successors assigned glory and deification to a deceased emperor through the process of formal “eyewitness” testimony to the monarch’s translation.”  For example, following the death of Caesar Augustus, “the Roman senators carried an effigy of his body in grand procession to the Campus Martius, the location where Romulus achieved apotheosis.”  In accordance with the structured requirements of the translation fable, this “public funeral did not involve the actual corpse of the emperor, but a substituted wax effigy.”  According to tradition, “the witnesses must not find any charred bones, once the pyric flames have gone their course.”  The scenario also provided for a prominent eyewitness “who took oath that he had seen the form of the Emperor on its way to heaven, after he had been reduced to ashes.”[viii]

One suspects, however, that Anglo-Protestant evangelicals are unlikely to be impressed by such scholarly skepticism as to the historicity of the Resurrection of Christ Jesus.  Faith-based conservative evangelicals still condemn as a “heretic” any supposed Christian questioning—what Stephen Wolfe might call the “supernatural truth” of—the futurist eschatology outlined in various creeds.  Accordingly, Pastor Douglas Wilson (whose Canon Press publishes Wolfe’s book on Christian nationalism) recently joined many other religious leaders in signing an open letter which calls upon Gary DeMar (head of the American Vision ministry) to recant his alleged refusal to affirm “the future, bodily, and glorious return of Christ, a future, physical, and general resurrection of the dead, the final judgement of all men, “and the tactile reality of the eternal state.”  DeMar was accused of denying “critical elements of the Christian faith” by declining to label full preterism as “heretical”[ix] (preterists hold that all of God’s promises to Old Covenant were fulfilled at the time of the destruction of the Jerusalem temple in 70 AD).[x]

But what is “truth?”  A correspondence theory of truth holds that a statement “is true if it corresponds to the facts; and, conversely, if it corresponds to the facts, it is true.”  It would be difficult to maintain that any of the propositions put to Gary DeMar by his critics satisfies a correspondence theory of truth.  On the other hand, the scholarly field of “mimetic criticism” lends credibility to a coherence theory of truth.  Here, truth is defined “as a relation not between statement and fact, but between one statement and another.”  On this view, “no actual statement … is made in isolation: they all depend upon certain presuppositions or conditions and are made against a background of these.”[xi]  A practitioner of mimetic criticism such as Richard C. Miller might agree, therefore, that it is true that Romulus, Caesar Augustus, and Jesus Christ were all resurrected (or translated) from the dead through exaltation to divine status.  But would Wolfe or Pastor Wilson concede that Jesus’ resurrection, along with the Second Coming of Christ, are truths anchored, not in history as it happened, but in the realm of myth, legend, or fiction?  If not, creedal Christianity is characterized, at best, less by its demonstrable “truth” than by its “truthiness.”

Was Paul a Jew, an Israelite, or a Christian?

It may still be, however, that the religion of Jesus and Paul was true in another, pragmatic, sense.  Miller hints at this issue when he observes that “the mythic dimensions of cultural stories, rather than being the mere arbitrary product of a supposed whimsical human imagination, arise out of the innate anthropological, psychic disposition of the peoples who produce and value them.”  In other words, myths “arise out of the subconsciously discerned survival and adaptive needs” of individuals and groups in relation to their “social and physical environment.[xii]  Robyn Faith Walsh more pointedly observes that Paul was “constructing a myth of origins for his audience.”  Many of his rhetorical strategies were “constituent of Paul’s larger project of religious and ethnopolitical group-making.”  She characterizes Paul as “a religious and ethnopolitical entrepreneur” for whom “ethnicity is not a blunt instrument; it is an authoritative frame for achieving cohesion among participants, and one that calls for a sense of shared mind and practice.”  Accordingly, Paul “proposes that God’s pneuma is intrinsically shared among his addressees, binding them together.”[xiii]  On a purely pragmatic view, Paul’s ethnotheology became true or false depending upon whether it worked.  Of course, any assessment of the degree of practical success achieved by Paul and the Jesus movement turns on our understanding of the goals they pursued.

Practitioners of mimetic criticism, such as Walsh, Miller, and Dennis R. MacDonald, locate New Testament writers within the discursive realm of Greco-Roman literature.[xiv]  They show that the work of Paul and the gospel writers functioned as a strategy for constructing new, or resurrecting old, social identities, aiming in the first instance at Hellenized Jews and God-fearing Gentiles in both Judea and, more broadly, throughout the Dispersion.  Other scholars have moved beyond literary analysis to examine the geopolitical breadth of the movement’s aims as well as the deep historical roots of its ethno-religious identity.  Together, both approaches effectively undermine J. Gresham Machen’s claim the “universalism of the gospel” was incarnate in both Jesus, whose redemptive work made possible the Gentile mission, and Paul, who discovered the true, theological significance of Gentile freedom.[xv]

Certainly, Machen found it difficult to deny that Jesus attached an ethnic identity to the God of Israel.  He conceded that Jesus’ disciples would not have been “obviously unfaithful to the teachings of Jesus if after He had been taken from them they continued to minister only to the lost sheep of the house of Israel.”[xvi]  Closer to our own day, another prominent Pauline scholar, James Dunn acknowledged that Jesus recognized the covenantal boundary around Judaism by “his choice of twelve to be his closest group of associates, with its obvious symbolism (12 = the twelve tribes)” and in “the picture of the final judgement in terms of the twelve judging the tribes of Israel (Matt. 19:28/Luke 22:30).”  But, like Machen, Dunn gives Paul credit for making clear the importance of “Gentile freedom.”  Paul brought the universal significance of the gospels into the light of day.  He taught that “faith in Christ is the climax of Jewish faith, it is no longer to be perceived as a specifically Jewish faith; faith should not be made to depend in any degree on the believer living as a Jew (judaizing).” [xvii]

But did Paul really refuse to require his Gentile converts to judaize as Dunn claims?  This raises an even more fundamental question: What were the goals of Paul and the Jesus movement?  Were Jesus and Paul on the same page with respect to those goals?  Jesus certainly looked forward eagerly to the imminent end of the age and the promised restoration of the twelve tribes of Israel.  He was not alone.  “Whether in the diaspora or (however defined) in the homeland,” restoration theology occupied a prominent place in the Jewish mind in the first century.  Diaspora Jews may have lived in pleasant and prosperous circumstances but they never “dropped traditional restoration eschatology in favor of a more positive perspective on the dispersion.”  In fact, educated Hellenistic Jews regularly portrayed diaspora as exile.  At the same time, most believed that “the diaspora would ultimately turn out for the best.”  Staples suggests that “exile and diaspora simultaneously serve[d] as punishment for sin and the means for redemption, the greater good brought out of redemptive chastisement.”[xviii]  Amidst such a tense but expectant socio-cultural atmosphere, Jesus’ direction to his disciples to serve the lost sheep of Israel launched an apocalyptic, ethno-religious movement aiming to resurrect the twelve tribes of Israel.

But how could Paul’s mission to the Gentiles serve the goals of a restorationist theology focused on the idea of Israel?  The standard Christian answer turns on a reading of Romans 11:25–26.  There, Paul suggests that the salvation of “all Israel” will not happen “until the fulness of the Gentiles be come in.”  Creedal Christian theologians, such as Manchen and Dunn, interpret such passages as downplaying the specifically, and narrowly, Jewish restoration eschatology in favour of an apocalyptic vision embracing the whole of humanity.  Dunn, for example, writes that Paul’s “apocalyptic perspective … looked beyond the immediacy of the situation confronting his mission and the Israel of God.”  In doing so, he “set the local or national crisis of Israel’s identity within a cosmic framework.”  The coming Kingdom of God “had a universal significance.”  Like Machen, Dunn maintains that Paul was against “Jewish privilege” and in favour of Gentile freedom and equality in the eyes of God.  “No national or ethnic status, or we may add, social or gender status (cf. Gal. 3:28), afforded a determinative basis for or decisive assurance of God’s favour.”  That universalist principle applied not just to Israel but to the world at large.[xix]

Paula Fredriksen and Derek Lambert of MythVision

Paula Fredriksen takes issue with this interpretation of Paul’s mission.  She flatly rejects any reading of Paul’s letters from which he “emerges as the champion of universalist (‘spiritual’) Christianity over particularist (‘fleshly’) Judaism.”  She sets herself in opposition to scholars such as Machen and Dunn for whom “Paul stands as history’s first Christian theologian, urging a new faith that supersedes or subsumes the narrow Ioudaϊsmos of his former allegiances.”  In her view, far from superseding his Jewish identity, Paul preached “a Judaizing gospel, one that would have been readily recognized as such by his own contemporaries.”  His “core message to his gentiles about their behavior was not ‘Do not circumcise!’  Rather, it was “Worship strictly and only the Jewish god.”  He required Gentile “ex-pagans” to abandon the “lower gods” of their kinfolk.  They would retain their native ethnicity but live, in a certain sense, outside and apart from their co-ethnics.  Having received the holy spirit, these Gentiles “were to live as hagioi, ‘holy,’ or ‘sanctified’ or ‘separated-out’ ethne, according to standards of community behavior described precisely in ‘the Law.’”  But he did not expect, much less require, Gentile males to undergo circumcision.  On the other hand, he nowhere “says anything about (much less against) Jews circumcising their own sons. … He opposed circumcision for gentiles, not for Jews.”  Israel must remain Israel.  God’s coming Kingdom “was to contain not only gentiles, but also Israel, defined as that people set apart by God by his Laws (e.g., Lev 20.22–24).”[xx]

Paul, according to Fredriksen, “maintains and nowhere erases the distinction between Israel and the nations.”  At the same time, however, his rhetoric erases “the distinctions between and among ‘the nations’ themselves.”  The nations or “ethnē function as a mass of undifferentiated ‘foreskinned’ idol-worshippers (if outside the movement) or of ‘foreskinned’ ex-idol-worshippers (if within).”  The God of Israel is also the god of other nations as well.  “But the nations by and large will know this only at the End.”  And the point to bear in mind here is that “Paul, a member of a radioactively apocalyptic movement, sees time’s end pressing upon his generation now, mid-first century.”[xxi]  Moreover, “for Paul, the more intense the pitch of apocalyptic expectation, the greater the contrast between Israel and the nations.”  It was this “ethnic-theological difference between Israel and the nations, the nation’s ignorance of the true god, is what binds all of these other ethnē together in one undifferentiated mass of lumpen idolators.”  At the End, “this sharp dichotomy is resolved theologically, but not ethnically: Israel remains Israel, the nations remain the nations (cf. Isa 11.10; Rom 15.10).”[xxii]

According to Paul’s “eschatological arithmetic” the world consists of the seventy nations listed in the Table of Nations (Genesis 10) and the twelve tribes of Israel.  At the End, all “will, somehow, receive Christ’s pneuma” (spirit).”  Gentiles-in-Christ (who Fredriksen describes as “eschatological Gentiles”) will “rejoice with saved Israel, but they do not ‘become’ Israel. … Even eschatologically—that is, ‘in Christ’—Jews and Gentiles, though now in one ‘family’ are not ‘one’.”[xxiii]  Yet, paradoxically, while Paul’s ethnē-in-Christ are not-Israel, they are not only “enjoined to Judaize to the extent that they commit to the worship of Israel’s god alone and eschew idol-worship,” they “must behave toward each other in such a way that they fulfill the Law.”  For Paul, “the only good gentile is a Judaizing gentile.”[xxiv]

Clearly, there are unbridgeable differences between Fredriksen, a convert to Judaism, on the one hand, and Anglo-Protestants such as Machen, Dunn, and Pastor Doug Wilson, on the other.  But, on one issue, at least, they all agree: both Jesus and Paul must be considered failed prophets.  Fredriksen is confident that “the historian and theologian know something that the actors in this [eschatological] drama could not; namely, that Jesus Christ would not return to establish the Kingdom within the lifetime of the first (and, according to their convictions, the only) generation of his apostles.”[xxv]  Unsurprisingly, atheistic/agnostic scholars such as Bertrand Russell, Bart Ehrman, and Richard C. Miller share that view.

Consequently, few scholars of any stripe, Jewish, Christian, or non-believer, will appeal to a pragmatic theory of truth to uphold the truth of the eschatology of the first-century Jesus movement.  Fredriksen even expresses surprise that Paul remained convinced even at mid-century that the End would come within his own lifetime: How, after a quarter-century delay, could he reasonably assert that ‘salvation is nearer to us now than when we first believed?’”[xxvi]

Despite Fredriksen’s incredulity, Paul’s expectations turn out to have been reasonable on the assumption that he looked forward to the end of the Old Covenant age, not the end of the world.  Tom Holland, to cite but one prominent scholar, suggests that both Jesus and Paul framed their eschatological expectations as a New Exodus.  Paul insisted “that Israel’s experience of Exodus whether from Egypt or Babylon was only a rehearsal of the forthcoming eschatological salvation.”  Israel was separated from God and “shut up under Sin,” refusing to heed the message of the gospel.  Israel herself “was now behaving like Pharoah” in opposing the Exodus of the people of God.  In the mimetic character of that New Exodus, Paul could hardly be surprised that forty years would elapse before judgement was visited upon Old Covenant Israel and “the holy city, new Jerusalem” came “down from God out of heaven” (Rev. 21:2).[xxvii]  And, remembering the death of Moses, Paul must have known that he might not live to see that day (Deut. 34:1-8).  In other words, prima facie, a pragmatic case can be made for the credibility of the eschatology foreshadowed in the religion of Paul.  Certainly, the covenant eschatology of Don K. Preston and other preterist biblical scholars does just that.[xxviii]

The work of Jason A. Staples on Paul and the resurrection of Israel lends additional support to the biblical truth of both restoration theology and covenant eschatology.  It is important here to note the difference between Staples’ thesis and Fredriksen’s claim that both Jesus and Paul were working “within Judaism.”  Fredriksen has no doubt that Paul was “an ancient Jew, one of any number of whom in the late Second Temple period expected the end of days in their lifetimes.”  She is no less confident that, in Paul’s mind, “whether ‘now’ (mid-first century) or in the (impending) End time, ‘Israel’ is the Jews.”[xxix]  Staples calls both propositions into question.  He points out that Paul prefers “to identify himself as ‘of the nation of Israel, of the tribe of Benjamin’ (Phil 3:5; Rom 11:1; 2 Cor 11:22) rather than using the more generic term ‘Jew’.  In addition, Paul frames his ministry in ‘new covenant’ language, suggesting the centrality of the restoration of all Israel to his gospel.”[xxx]

Paul’s “new covenant” theology echoes Jeremiah 31:31 but, Staples reminds us, “Jeremiah’s prophecy primarily concerns the reconstitution of all Israel—that is, that both Israel and Judah will be restored by means of God’s writing the law on their hearts.”  This implies, however, that “the covenant will be madeonly with Israel and Judah,” given that Gentiles are not mentioned in the prophecy.  But it turns out “that faithful Gentiles (those with ‘the law written on their hearts’; see Rom 2:14–15) are the returning remnant of the house of Israel, united with the faithful from the house of Judah (cf. the ‘inward Jews’ of Rom 2:28–29).”  It matters not “whether Paul actually imagines that all redeemed Gentiles are literal descendants of ancient Israelites.”  Gentile inclusion was to be the means of Israel’s promised restoration because the seed of the northern tribes was mixed “among the Gentiles—thus God’s promise to restore Israel has opened the door to Gentile inclusion in Israel’s covenant.”  Staples cites Hosea 8:8 to sum up the situation: “Israel [the north] is swallowed up; they are now in the nations [Gentiles] like a worthless vessel.”[xxxi]

By means of this process, God has provided for the salvation of the Gentiles by scattering the northern tribes “among the nations only to be restored.”  By this means, the new covenant also “fulfills the promises to Abraham that all nations would be blessed, not ‘through’ his seed (i.e., as outsiders) but by inclusion and incorporation in his seed (Gal 3:8).”  These faithful Gentiles need not, however, “become Jews (that is, Judah) in order to become members of Israel—rather they have already become Israelites through the new covenant.”

Go to Part 4.

[i] Richard C. Miller, Resurrection and Reception in Early Christianity (New York: Routledge, 2015), 180–182.

[ii] Ibid., 182

[iii] J. Graham Machen, The Origins of Paul’s Religion; The James Sprunt Lectures Delivered at Union Theological Seminary in Virginia, Leopold Classical Library, [Original publication, 1921], 4-5.

[iv] Ibid., 12-15.

[v] Ibid., 17, 19.

[vi] Ibid., 13, 316.

[vii] Miller, Resurrection and Reception, 75.

[viii] Ibid., 66-75.

[ix] “An Open Letter to Gary DeMar of American Vision,”

https://reformation.substack.com/p/an-open-letter-to-gary-demar

[x] See, e.g., Don K. Preston, Who is this Babylon? (Ardmore, OK: JaDon, 2011) and https://bibleprophecy.com/

[xi] W.H. Walsh, Philosophy of History: An Introduction (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1960), 73, 76.

[xii] Miller, Resurrection and Reception, 104.

[xiii] Walsh, Origins of Early Christian Literature, 37-39.

[xiv] Dennis R. MacDonald, Synopses of Epic, Tragedy, and the Gospels (Claremont, CA: Mimesis Press, 2022).  This reference work based on MacDonald’s mimetic criticism provides a comprehensive collection of parallels between New Testament writers and classical Greco-Roman literature.  There is no space here to discuss those examples.

[xv] Machen, Origin of Paul’s Religion, 13-14.

[xvi] Ibid., 15.

[xvii] Dunn, Partings of the Ways, 114, 133.

[xviii] Staples, The Idea of Israel, 204, 208.

[xix] James D.G. Dunn, The New Perspective on Paul, Revised Edition (Grand Rapids, MI: William B.Eerdmans, 2008), 328-329.

[xx] Fredriksen, Paul, 108, 111-113.

[xxi] Paula Fredriksen, “Paul, Pagans and Eschatological Ethnicities: A Response to Denys McDonald,” (2022) 45(1) Journal for the Study of the New Testament 51, at 56.

[xxii] Fredriksen, Paul, 114-116.

[xxiii] Ibid., 88; Matthew Thiessen and Paula Fredriksen, “Paul and Israel,” in B. Matlock and M. Novenson (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Pauline Studies 365, at 378.

[xxiv] Fredriksen, Paul, 117, 125.

[xxv] Paula Fredriksen, “Judaism, the Circumcision of Gentiles, and Apocalyptic Hope: Another Look at Galatians 1 and 2,” (1991) 42(2) Journal of Theological Studies 532, at 533.

[xxvi] Ibid., 533 n.4.

[xxvii] Tom Holland, Contours of Pauline Theology: A Radical New Survey of the Influences on Paul’s Biblical Writings (Fern, Scotland: Mentor, 2004), 211.

[xxviii] Don K. Preston, “We Shall Meet Him in the Air:” The Wedding of the King of Kings! (Ardmore, OK: JaDon, 2010).

[xxix] Paula Fredriksen, “What Does it Mean to See Paul ‘within Judaism’?” (2022) 141(2) Journal of Biblical Literature 359, at 379; Fredriksen, “Reply to McDonald,” 60 (emphasis added).

[xxx] Staples, “What Do the Gentiles Have to Do with ‘All Israel,’” 378.

[xxxi] Ibid., 380-381.