White Racial Consciousness and Advocacy

A Commentary on the Movie “The Order”

Part One

A movie that came out in 2024, The Order, caught my eye recently because it looked as if it had to do with a book I wrote, so I checked it out.

The Order is about a real-life, six-eight member, racially committed white insurrectionist group in the northwestern U.S. called The Order led by a man named Bob Mathews that engaged in a brief flurry of nefarious activity—bombings, robberies, the killing of a Denver radio call-in host, counterfeiting—in the mid-1980s before winding up imprisoned or, in Mathew’s case, dead.

The Order, directed by Justin Kurzel from a screenplay by Zach Baylin, revolves around FBI agent Terry Husk, played by Jude Law, who travels to Coeur d’Alene, Idaho to track down The Order.  Nicholas Hoult plays Mathews; Tye Sheridan is Jamie Bowen, a young local deputy that joins up with Husk; Jurnee Smollett (Jussie’s sister) is Joanne Carney, an FBI agent with an unexplained history with Husk, possibly romantic; and Marc Maron plays Alan Berg, the Denver radio call-in host.  Husk, Bowen, and Carney are fictional characters, though the events in the film are based on historical fact.  The Order was entered in the Venice International Festival, had a brief theatrical release, and found a home on the streaming platform Amazon Prime.  It has received generally favorable critical reaction.

My connection to the film is a book I wrote in 2001 called The Fame of a Dead Man’s Deeds: An Up-Close Portrait of White Nationalist William Pierce.1   Pierce (1933–2002) was a notorious racist/Nazi figure (“The most dangerous man in America,” the Anti-Defamation League called him) who founded and led until his death The National Alliance, a white advocacy or virulent white racist organization, depending on how you look at it.  He is best known for writing the infamous and widely read—a half million copies sold—underground novel, The Turner Diaries,2 which has a prominent place in the movie.  My Fame book, as I call it, contains a chapter on Bob Mathews.3   It isn’t listed as a source for the film, but I suspect that it was.

Bob Mathews

This writing isn’t a traditional review of the entertainment and artistic merits of The Order, though there is a bit of that.  Rather, basically this is a consideration of how film and print differ in what they communicate about something or someone using the movie and Fame book to illustrate my points.  Going that route, I believe it necessary to give over Part One to outlining basic facts about The Turner Diaries and Bob Mathews, as they provide the raw material for both the movie and my book.

The Turner Diaries takes place in the period from 1991 to 1999, which, since the book was written in the 1970s, is in the near future.   It is made up of the diary entries of Earl Turner, a member of the Organization, a group that successfully wages what came to be called The Great Revolution in the United States against the corrupt, Jewish-dominated System resulting in a “cataclysmic upheaval,” a “New Era,” not only in America but all over the world.

Turner’s first diary entry: “Today it finally began!  After all those years of talking—and nothing but talking— we have finally taken our first action.  We are at war with the System, and it is no longer a war of words.”

The Turner Diaries makes explicit that the Organization is waging a struggle on behalf of the white race; this is a race war.  “If the Organization fails at its task now,” the fictional Turner writes, “everything will be lost—our [white] history, our heritage, all the blood and sacrifices and upward striving of countless thousands of years.  The enemy we are fighting fully intends to destroy the basis of our existence.”

The book describes Turner’s initiation into the Organization’s elite unit, The Order.  He is given what looks like a monk’s robe to wear and stands in a circle with five similarly robed Organization members for the initiation ceremony.  As members of The Order, they are the prime bearers of the Cause—the survival and progress of their race.  He and the others swear allegiance to the Oath to the Cause and one another. The experience, Turner reports, “shook me to my bones and raised the hair on the back of my neck.”  Now his life belongs only to The Order. “Today I was, in a sense, born again.  I know now that I will never again be able to look at the world or the people around me or my own life in quite the same way I did before.”  He describes the others who participated in the ceremony as “real men, White men, men who are now one with me in spirit and consciousness as well as in blood.”

Turner’s unit needs to raise cash, so they rob Berman’s liquor store and make off with 800 dollars.  In the process, Earl bops a black employee over the head with an “Ivory special”—a bar of soap in a sock.  His compatriot Henry slits Berman’s throat from ear to ear.  When Mrs. Berman enters the scene, Henry lets fly with a jar of kosher pickles and down she goes “in a spray of pickles and broken glass.”

Turner’s unit isn’t alone doing this kind of thing and the Attorney General of the United States announces that the FBI is going to root out the Organization, which he describes as “depraved racist criminals who want to undo all the progress toward true equality that has been accomplished.”

The Turner Diaries is replete with violence from beginning to end against Jews and blacks and traitorous whites—detailed accounts of the executions, murder, of Federal judges, newspaper editors, legislators, and other System figures   One example, an Organization member is near death in a Chicago jail, the doing of black inmates while the white authorities looked the other way.  In retaliation, a member of the Organization blows off the head of the Cook County sheriff with a shotgun.  When a spokesman for the Chicago Jewish community responds by describing the Organization as “a gang of racist bigots,” his head is chopped off with a hatchet.

Other examples of violence:

  • The Washington Post offices are bombed and one of its Jewish editorial writers is blown in half with two blasts from a sawed-off shotgun.
  • One of the Organization’s members is executed for refusing an assignment to assassinate a priest and a rabbi who have advocated race mixing.
  • Mortar shells rain down on the Capitol in Washington D.C. killing 61 (“beautiful blossoms,” “magnificent spectacle”).
  • A bazooka shoots down an airliner heading for Tel Aviv.
  • Three young black males and one of the two white girls with them are killed with a crowbar.  The other girl is shot and killed as she tries to flee.
  • The Israeli embassy is mortared, leaving nothing but a burned-out heap of wreckage and killing all but a few of the 300 people inside.
  • Houston is bombed, killing 4,000 and leaving much of Houston’s industrial and shipping facilities a smoldering wreckage.  Later explosions close the Houston airport, destroy the city’s main power-generating station, and collapse two strategically located overpasses and a bridge.
  • Blacks are shot at random all over the country amid shouts of “White power!”
  • Execution squads shoot, stab, and beat Jews, whose bodies are found strewn on sidewalks, alleys, and in apartment building hallways.
  • Jews and everyone who looks as if he has some non-white ancestry are marched off in columns on a “no-return” trek into a canyon.
  • Nuclear blasts kill 14 million people outright in New York City, with another five million expected to die of burns or radiation.
  • There is the “Day of the Rope.”  Whites in Los Angeles who have “betrayed their race” meet their fate.  Turner writes in his diary entry of August 1, 1993, “Today was the Day of the Rope.  The night was filled with silent horrors: from tens of thousands of lampposts, power poles, and trees throughout this vast metropolitan area the grisly forms hang. At practically every street corner I passed this evening on my way to HQ there was a dangling corpse, four at every intersection. Hanging from a single overpass only about a mile from here is a group of about 30, each with an identical placard around its neck bearing the printed legend, ‘I betrayed my race.’”

Amid these acts or destruction and killing are what amount to lectures by Turner/Pierce on the state of the world:

  • Liberalism is an infantile, pseudo-sophisticated, submissive worldview that is alien to white people.  It is an “egalitarian plague.”
  • Conservatism is a reformist mentality that either won’t or can’t come to grips with the deep futility of the current social arrangements and the need to build something radically different in its place.
  • The women’s movement is an aberration promoted by the System to divide white men and women and thus set the race off against itself.
  • Blacks have exerted an increasingly degenerative influence on white culture.   In order to live in a wholesome way that is natural to whites, whites need their own living space, completely separate from blacks.
  • Most Americans are drowning in a flood of Jewish/liberal propaganda in the media, the schools, and the churches, and don’t even realize it. They have become soft, materialistic herd animals, true democrats, without racial identity and loyalty and without heroic toughness and spirit.
  • We need to dare to envision walking the streets and seeing only “clean, happy, enthusiastic, White faces, determined and hopeful for the future.”  We need to imagine what it would be like if the streets were ours again.

One incident in the book, the truck bombing of the FBI Building in Washington, D.C., has received particular attention because many believe it inspired Timothy McVeigh in 1995 to blow up the Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City in similar fashion.

After the FBI Building blast, Turner hears a moan and sees a girl about twenty years of age trapped in the rubble, half-conscious, her face smudged and cut, her leg broken, and with a deep gash in her thigh.  He puts a tourniquet on her thigh wound and carries her out to the street. He then becomes aware of the moans and screams of dozens of other victims.  He looks upon a woman, her face covered in blood and with a gaping wound in her head, lying motionless—“a horrible sight,” he writes.   He later learns that approximately 700 people died from the blast.

“There is no way,” Turner writes, “that we can destroy the System without hurting many thousands of innocent people. It is a cancer too deeply rooted in our flesh. And if we don’t destroy the System before it destroys us—if we don’t cut this cancer out of our living flesh, our whole race will die.  We are all completely convinced that what we did was justified, but it is still very hard to see our own people suffering so intensely because of our acts.  It is because Americans have for so many years been unwilling to make unpleasant decisions that we are forced to make decisions now which are stern indeed.”  The “unpleasant decisions” he refers to are in reference to the Jewish and black issues that threaten the preservation of a white America.

The last of Turner’s diary entries is dated November 9th, 1993.  “It’s still three hours until first light, and all systems are ‘go’.”  This is the day Turner will fly off in an old crop duster plane and, staying very low to the ground, destroy the Pentagon with a nuclear bomb.  He will lose his life in the process but gain the recognition and gratitude of his race forever.   He achieves a kind of immortality as one of the Great Martyrs of the Revolution.  He will be honored by all of the generations to come for his enormous dedication, courage, and sacrifice, and for the gift of a grand new way of being that he and others like him made possible.

I began the chapter on Bob Mathews like so:

“The 1983 National Alliance’s annual convention was held in September in Washington, D.C., and Pierce invited a young mine worker from the Pacific Northwest by the name of Bob Mathews to give a talk.  Mathews had been an Alliance member for three years and actively recruiting new members for Pierce’s organization among the farmers and ranchers and working people around where he lived in Washington State.  Pierce asked him to tell the people at the convention about how that effort was going, as well as about the situation generally in his part of the country. Bob wrote out his speech on his dining table at home and flew out to Washington for the conference.

Pierce looked forward to Bob’s talk and publicized it in the monthly bulletin sent out to Alliance members.  He included Bob’s picture and a short write-up on Bob’s recruiting activities.  What Pierce didn’t know was what Bob had in mind to do.  Bob had really taken to The Turner Diaries.  He pored over every word in the book and gave it to his friends to read along with his highest recommendation.  But the thing about Bob was that he wasn’t content to just read the book and agree with what it said.  Bob was a man of action.  He had a fire burning inside him; that is what people said about him.  He was going to create an Order of his own like the one in the book and start a revolution like the one he had read about.   Bob meant business.

Bob’s talk was awaited with a good measure of anticipation by the 100 or so in attendance at the convention because of the picture and write-up that had appeared in the Alliance bulletin.  The Bob Mathews they saw at the podium that day was a boyish-looking man thirty years of age.  He was about 5’7” and had a trim muscular build. He was good-looking with even facial features. His dark brown hair was short and parted to the side and tended to fall forward onto his forehead.  Those who knew Bob said he had hazel eyes that shone with intensity and purpose—that was what you noticed about him when you looked at him, they said.  Most people who came to know Bob saw him as a serious and forceful person and they liked him.  Even those who detested his politics liked Bob the man.  In pictures I have seen of him, he reminds me of an enlisted man home on leave or, another association that comes to mind, the young working-class fathers I see walking past the stores in a shopping mall with their wives, their young child in a stroller.

An audio tape exists of Mathews’ talk.  His voice is youthful.  There is a tension and fervor in his delivery that gives a sense of immediacy and electricity to the occasion:

“My brothers and sisters, from the mist-shrouded forested valleys and mountains of the Pacific Northwest I bring you a message of solidarity, a call to action, and a demand for adherence to duty as members of a vanguard of an Aryan resurgence and, ultimately, total Aryan victory. The signs of awakening are sprouting up across the Northwest, and no more than among the two-fisted farmers and ranchers.  The task is not going to be easy.  TV satellite dishes are springing up like poisonous mushrooms across the domain of the tillers of the soil.  The electronic Jew is slithering into the living rooms of even the most remote farms and ranches.  The race-destroying dogs are everywhere.  In Metaline Falls, we have broken the chains of Jewish thought.  We know not the meaning of the word ‘mine.’  It is ‘ours’: our race, the totality of our people.  Ten hearts, one beat!  One hundred hearts, one beat!  Ten thousand hearts, one beat!  We were born to fight and die and to continue the flow of our people.  The future is now!  So stand up like men and drive the enemy to the sea!  Stand up like men and swear a sacred oath upon the green graves of our sires that you will reclaim what our forefathers discovered, explored, conquered, settled, built, and died for!  Stand up like men and reclaim our soil!  Look toward the stars and proclaim our destiny!  In Metaline Falls we have a saying: ‘Defeat, never!  Victory forever!’”

Bob’s talk received a standing ovation.  He would be dead in a little over a year.”

Part Two

With Part One as background, Part Two compares how the movie and my book treated this material.   My background is in education.   I’m especially interested in how modes of communication, reading a book and watching a film in this case—particularly a mass-market film like The Order—can result in significantly different learning outcomes.  Part Two will be a series of unconnected segments that I hope add up to something of worth.

I’ll start with what I take to be the movie’s version of Bob Mathew’s 1983 National Alliance talk.  It’s midway through the hour-and-fifty-minute movie and the context is different, a gathering at the Aryan Nations enclave in northern Idaho.  Bob is seated in the middle of a large audience listening to a talk by the Aryan Nation’s founder and leader, Richard Butler (1918–2004).

Butler holds up a Bible and says, “This book holds our birthright, but it is not taught in the schools or by our elected officials.  The Promised Land is not for the Jews but rather for the true Israelites, the Caucasians, and you deserve to build that home now.”

Bob stands up.  All eyes are drawn to him.  Butler stops speaking.  Standing tall, Bob states his mind.

Before going into what Bob said on this fictional occasion—I can’t imagine this actually happening—an observation about the casting of Nicholas Hoult as Bob Mathews.

Bob was a fairly short, boyish-looking, weightlifting-pumped, high school graduate, a working-class roughneck.

Actor Hoult is a Brit—mid-thirties, looks his age, around 6’2”, slight of build, somewhat effete (sorry), a pageboy haircut (why?)—who affects the general American accent used by the well-educated.  He came off to me like an Oxford drama school graduate trying his best and doing pretty well with it, but I never believed him as Bob Mathews for a second and that got in the way of my engagement with this movie.

To Hoult/Bob’s talk in the movie.  Compare it to the real National Alliance conference talk in Part One.  Personally, I find a decent fit between the two, including the anti-Jewish references in the movie version, which must have taken some courage on the part of these filmmakers given who passes on their projects and signs their checks in the motion picture industry.

“Good morning my brothers and sisters.  It’s an honor to be here with you.  I’m proud.  If you’re like me, I’m not sure how much more talk I can hear, because that’s all it is, isn’t it?  Talk, talk, talk. Well, I, for one, have had enough of just talk. Now, I know how you feel.  I do. You’ve lost your jobs, your dignity.  I watched my father get knocked down again and again, and he never pushed back, and they tell you that that’s how it works.  You just have to stand there and take it, one link at a time, one freedom at a time, but I won’t do it.  It is time for us to fight.   My friends and family, we’re here for you today because we want you to join us on a mission, putting words into action.  Our brotherhood has broken the chains of Jewish thought and parasitical usury.  We’ve stood tall against the coloreds who have soured our lands. We yeoman farmers are eating, breathing, sleeping, and growing together.  We’ve become one mind, one body, one race, one army!  We’re facing the extermination of our history, our very way of life!  Will you sit back and allow the nation that our forefathers discovered, conquered, and died for be eradicated, or will you stand up like men and fight to survive?  Kinsmen, duty calls.  It is time to take the future all our families deserve!   In Metaline Falls we have a saying.  ‘Defeat never.  Victory forever.’”

Bob receives favorable head-nodding responses from his rapt listeners.

*   *   *

An observation on how these filmmakers chose to tell this story in The Order.

One way they could have gone at it would have been to make Bob the central protagonist.  The movie is about him: he does this, this, and this; we see things from his perspective; other people come into his life as he lives it.  It begins with his National Alliance talk and ends with him being burned to death in a house surround by law enforcement.  That’s how I organized the chapter on him in my book, The Fame of a Dead Man’s Deeds.  The chapter was about him.   I brought in William Pierce for his take on Bob, but it was Bob’s story, not Pierce’s.

This is not the choice these filmmakers made.  The central characters in The Order are fictional: FBI agent Terry Husk (Jude Law), Husk’s helpmate, local deputy Jamie Bowen (Tye Sheridan), and his fellow FBI agent Joanne Carney (Jurnee Smollett)—all of them superb in their roles, by the way.  Bob Mathews is very present in The Order, but it’s Terry Husk’s (Jude Law’s) movie.

In my view, going that route muddied and complicated the movie’s story line.   To what extent is it a true story and to what extent is it fictional? Really, The Order is two stories: one of them Bob Mathews’ and the other Terry Husk’s.  It jumps back and forth between the two and doesn’t tell either of them completely.   There is a hodge-podge quality to this movie.

Why this approach?  To create a star vehicle for Jude Law, who is a producer of the movie?  The belief that a police procedural would make the movie more interesting, compelling, audience-grabbing?   Were there reservations about making a racist/antisemite like Bob Mathews the central protagonist?  Audiences come to identify and sympathize with lead characters whatever they are like—Richard III, Scarface, anybody—and those currently green lighting movies aren’t going to take well to the prospect of somebody like Bob Mathews coming off looking good.  Mathews types you backhand with KKK and Nazi associations and be done with them.  Whatever the case, while The Order is a good movie as it is, I think it would have been an even better one if they had dared to make Bob its central character.

*   *   *

Soon after Bob returned home from his speech at the National Alliance convention, he gathered together eight men in a barracks-like structure he had erected near his mobile home.  He said, “I’ve asked you to come here because I think we share a common goal.”  Earlier, he had talked to them about forming an Order like the one in William Pierce’s Turner Diaries book, a group of kinsmen who would let their deeds do the talking for them.  Bob’s goal was to carve out a part of eastern Washington as a homeland for whites, purged of Jews and minorities.  They would use The Turner Diaries as a blueprint for getting that done.

Bob told the group that he had a plan.  It involved robbing pornography stores and pimps, bombings, and counterfeiting money.  It also involved assassinating both Jews and gentiles who were contributing to the destruction of the white race.  “I’m telling you now,” Bob said, “if any of you don’t want to get involved in this, you are free to leave.”

No one left.

Both the movie and my book deal with The Order’s initiation ceremony.  It might be useful to compare the two accounts.

My book, Bob talking:

“I’m going to ask each of you to take an oath that you will remain true to this cause.  I would like to remind all of you what is at stake here.  It is our children, kinsmen, and their economic and racial survival. Because of that, I would like to place a white child before us as we take this oath.”  The six-week-old daughter of one of those present was placed in the center of the circle as a symbol of a Caucasian future they were about to pledge to create.  She stared up at the figures looming above her in the glow of candles.  The men clasped hands and recited an oath of loyalty and commitment to their race and cause that Bob had written:

I, as an Aryan warrior, swear myself to complete secrecy to The Order and total loyalty to my comrades.

Let me bear witness to you, my brothers, that should one of you fall in battle, I will see to the welfare and well-being of your family.

Let me bear witness to you, my brothers, that should one of you be taken prisoner, I will do whatever is necessary to regain your freedom.

Let me bear witness to you, my brothers, that should an enemy agent hurt you, I will chase him to the ends of the earth and remove his head from his body.

And furthermore, let me bear witness to you, my brothers, that if I break this oath, let me be forever cursed upon the lips of our people as a coward and an oath breaker.

My brothers, let us go forth by ones and twos, by scores and by legions, and as true Aryan men with pure hearts and strong minds face the enemies of our faith and our race with courage and determination.

We hereby invoke the blood covenant and declare that we are in a full state of war and will not lay down our weapons until we have driven the enemy into the sea and reclaimed the land which was promised to our fathers of old, and through our blood and His will, becomes the land of our children to be.”

The movie’s treatment of the ceremony with the baby underscores that movies with their short running times compel keeping the pace up: condense things, keep it short, move it along.  I could take all the time I wanted in my book.  These filmmakers didn’t have that luxury—get the basic idea across and get on to the next scene.

In the movie, Bob speaking:

“As a free Aryan man, I hereby swear upon the children in the wombs of our wives to join together with those brothers in this circle, for we are now in a full state of war and will not lay down our weapons until we have driven the enemy into the sea.  It is time to reclaim what was promised to our fathers and through our blood and His will, let it become the land of our children to be.  May God protect us.  Amen.”

That’s it.

*   *   *

A difference between my task and the filmmakers’ with The Order, I didn’t have to entertain.  I could write with no compunction that Bob walked into a Seattle branch of Citibank and handed the teller a note and walked off with almost $26,000 dollars.  Unfortunately, that action is not the most cinematic, so the filmmakers felt pressed to hype it.   No notes to a teller.  Masked men with automatic weapons burst through the bank door shouting and threatening and charging around.  You’ve seen the routine in a number of movies.

An armored car robbery:

“Get on the fucking ground!”

“Get the fuck down!”

“Don’t you fucking move!”

“Don’t fucking move, bitch!””

“Move and I’ll blow your fucking head off!”

“Fuck!  Fucking go!”

In reality, the bombs at a synagogue and porn theater did little damage, poof.  It the movie, kaboom!

*   *   *

Speaking of “Don’t you fucking move,” the F-word gets a whole lot of play in this movie, as is does generally in the popular entertainment of our time.  Apparently, it is considered a good way to give strength and credibility to speech as well as to the speaker.

An example of the F-word frequency in The Order.  Jamie messed up in his and Terry’s attempt to capture Bob and the others during an armored car heist and Terry reams him out for it.

“Fucking hear me?”

“I’m sorry.”

“Fuck.”

“I’m sorry.”

“Fuck, fuck, fuck, fuck, fuck!  Cocksucker.  Fuck me, man.”

At this point, agent Carney comes onto the scene and lets Terry have it—he hadn’t done a good job either.  I picked up a subtext in this exchange of a minority woman putting a white man in his place, which is also a feature in popular entertainment these days.

“What a fucking shit show that was!  You find the cars?  Don’t ever fucking do that shit to me again.  You’re not in the lead anymore, Terry.  You don’t get to run off on your own without fucking telling me first!”

“There wasn’t time.”

“Bullshit.”

“I was with Jamie.”

“You were with Jamie?  Well, how’d that fucking work out for you, huh?  Considering you motherfuckers let the target get away.”

*   *   *

Though others are depicted in the movie, the only killing I know about that anybody in The Order committed was the murder of the controversial Jewish radio call-in host in Denver, Alan Berg.  It later became the basis for the film Talk Radio directed by Oliver Stone.

One of The Order had lived in the Denver area and was very put off by Berg, who went off on monologues on the joys of oral sex, the flaws in Christianity, why whites are afraid of blacks, and how white women fantasize about sleeping with black men.

Bob and several others in The Order drove to Denver and ambushed Berg getting out of his car in front of his apartment late at night after one of his shows.  One of the members of The Order, not Bob, started firing from close up.  Bullets hit Berg in the face, neck, and torso. The garage door behind him splintered from the spray of bullets.  When Berg was found lying face up in a pool of blood, the cigarette he had been holding was still lit.  Autopsy reports couldn’t be sure how many shots there were because Berg was twisting at the time he was shot, although it was probably around 12 (the movie says 34).  Two slugs struck near Berg’s left eye and exited on the right side of his neck.  Others hit the left side of Berg’s head and exited from his neck and the back of his skull.

Berg and the killing of him was a couple paragraphs in my book.  Berg gets a lot of time in the movie.

His exchange with a caller accompanies the opening credits.

“You’re saying Jews use the blood of Christian babies for, what was it?”

“Well, for their services, their rituals, their dinners, so they can take over the world.”

“For their dinners?  Oh, okay, I see.  So, do they serve it in cups, this Christian blood?  Is it a drink, or is it more of a condiment, like gravy that we can pour over food?  Because I’ve never been to one of these rituals, so I don’t know.”

“Are you making fun of me, you son of a bitch?”

“No, sir, not at all.  You don’t need my help for that.  I just want to know how I can take over the world, me.  See?”

“You’re trying to bait me, but I’m just trying to answer your question, you dumb kike!”

“All right, that’s enough.  Lot of antisemitism cooking here today.  Thanks, caller, for that load of puritanical garbage. You know what my problem is with every fanatic fundamentalist, from the Catholics to the Orthodox, to the KKK.  The one thing you all have in common, and you are too ignorant to see it, is that you are too inept to get by in the world, so your only recourse is to try and curtail the enjoyment of others.  Well, there it is.  It’s a great country, but we’re all still trapped in our minds.  I happen to believe that most people are decent people.  I really believe that.  Until tomorrow at KOA, this is Alan Berg, and be safe.”

The scene shifts to three men—twenties, early thirties, it’s dark and difficult to see—in a car listening to Berg.

“Hey, gimme that bottle.  You hear this shit?”

“Yeah, yeah, yeah.”

“This fucking Jew, man.”

“Yeah.”

“Ah, fuck.  Fuck him.  He needs a couple of barrels in his mouth.”

About an hour into the movie, Berg on the air again.

“See, I just want to know what to do when I get to hell, because apparently, so you said, all my friends are there.  So, I just want to know what I’m walking into.”

“See, there you go.  You don’t get it ‘cause you’re just a kike.  You’re making fun of something that’s sacred to Christians and you don’t get it.”

“Oh, okay, make it about Jews.  What do you know about Jews?  Jews to you people is some sort of mythological creature, some sort of beast.  You don’t know anything about the Jewish people.  It’s just an easy target, because you’re too afraid to see what’s in yourself, because you have somebody to blame for your life, because you can’t really blame the people that have put you in the position you are in, whether it’s a government that doesn’t care for you and has taught you to believe the alternative or it’s something within yourself.  You can’t face yourself, so it’s the Jews, but the one thing you believe is that the only good Jew is a dead Jew.  I hear this all the time.  People say things are dirty, things are ugly, things are changing.  They don’t like the new neighbor on their street.  They don’t like the new synagogue in town.  And when you hear this all day, you might think we are filled with hate, it’s almost irreversible.  But this may surprise you coming from me, but I think it is actually decent.  That’s why they call in, they want to talk.  They want someone to connect with.  I think people want to give love.   They want to say, ‘You’re all right.   Let’s sit together, let’s have a beer.’  But they are afraid they won’t get it back.  But I think our better instincts will prevail, but it’s got to start somewhere.  So I encourage you to do that tonight.  Put some good out there, because our words, our ideas, that’s going to live on. That’s what matters after all.  And that’s all for me, folks.  This is Alan Berg, KOA Denver, signing off.”

Then Berg’s murder in front of his garage.   Multiple shots fired.  It’s late at night and dark and it’s tough to see exactly what happened.  An aerial shot shows Berg’s dead body sprawled in the driveway.  Terry later says, “They butchered the guy.”

*   *   *

The Turner Diaries book is repeatedly shown in the movie.  I think the filmmakers do a fairly good job of describing its contents given the time restraints film imposes.  The biggest criticism I have is they get across that Bob has taken on the grand task of the Organization in the book, to transform the U.S., when he had the far more modest aim of making eastern Washington State a place for white people to live in their natural way.

Terry and Jamie go back and forth describing what’s in The Turner Diaries to an unseen group that includes us in the movie audience.  You can compare what they say with what I wrote about the book in Part One.

“The men who killed Alan Berg have splintered off from the Aryan Nations and formed a new group.  They are responsible for a series of robberies and murders, and they are inspired by the doctrine in this book [holding up a Turner Diaries paperback].  They’re using this book as a map.”

“It tells a fictional story of a group of white separatists raging a race war against the United States government.  There are six steps in the book.  Recruiting, fundraising, training.  Assassination is step five.  Armed revolution.  Large scale terror attacks.”

“Poisoning city water supplies, bombing federal buildings, seizing the Capitol.”

“Day of the Rope, when race traitors are hung.”

“There are plans to assassinate the president.’

“This terrorist group have a name?”

“In the book they are called ‘The Order.’”

*   *   *

The movie makes Bob a killer when in real life he wasn’t.  Running from a Portland motel, he shoots Jamie in the chest.  Blood pouring out of him, Terry leaning over him lying in an alleyway, we watch Jamie die.

In my book, I reported:

“Somehow Bob got out of there [the motel] and ran about two blocks down the street and got behind a concrete pillar next to an apartment complex.  Bob later said it was at this point he decided to stop being the hunted and become the hunter.  A couple of officers chasing him ran up to the pillar and Bob fired, wounding one of them in the shin and foot. Bob later claimed that he had at first aimed at the officer’s head, but when he saw that he was a white man he lowered his aim.”

My guess is that a central character dying in an alley in a blood-soaked shirt is more dramatic than an anonymous police officer getting shot in the shin and foot and that prompted the movie to have Bob take out Jamie in this fashion when nothing like it ever happened in real life.  As far as I can see, there were no limits to poetic license in the minds of these filmmakers.

*   *   *

Toward the end of the movie, Bob makes it to a safe house—or so he thought—on Whidbey Island near Seattle.

He’s shown typing something.  He hands its pages to a member of The Order.

“What’s this?”

“A Declaration of War.”

“Who am I sending it to?”

“Congress, the House of Representatives, the White House, The New York Times, The Denver News.  Everyone.”

“Why?”

“It’s happening.  The war has begun.”

“Fuck.  There’s no fucking army.  Everyone’s gone.”

“Cattle die, kinsman die, I too shall die.  But one thing that I know that never dies. It’s the fame of a dead man’s deeds.”

I was taken by hearing the reference to the title of my book.  It’s from an old Norse poem that William Pierce recited frequently, the idea being that what will live on after his death and give him the respect he doesn’t have now in his life are the positive memories of what he did with his life on earth.

The movie doesn’t deal with the substance of The Declaration of War.  Here are excerpts from the book.

“It is now a dark and dismal time in the history of our race. All about us lie the green graves of our sires, yet, in a land once ours, we have become a people dispossessed.”

“By the millions, those not of our blood violate our borders and mock our claim to sovereignty. Yet our people only react with lethargy.”

“A great sickness has overcome us. Why do our people do nothing?  What madness is this?   Has the cancer of racial masochism consumed our very will to exist?”

“Our heroes and our culture have been insulted and degraded. The mongrel hordes clamor to sever us from our inheritance. Yet our people do not care.”

“Throughout this land our children are being coerced into accepting non-whites for their idols, their companions, and, worst of all, their mates. A course which is taking us straight into oblivion. Yet our people do not see.”

“Not by accident but by design these terrible things have come to pass. It is self-evident to all who have eyes to see that an evil shadow has fallen across our once fair land. Evidence abounds that a certain vile, alien people have taken control over our country.”

“All about us the land is dying. Our cities swarm with dusky hordes. The water is rancid and the air is rank. Our farms are being seized by usurious leeches and our people are being forced off the land.”

“They close the factories, the mills, the mines, and ship our jobs overseas. Yet our people do not awaken.”

“The Aryan yeomanry [small landholders] is awakening. A long-forgotten wind is starting to blow.  Do you hear the approaching thunder?  It is that of the awakened Saxon. War is upon the land. The tyrant’s blood will flow.”

“We will resign ourselves no more to be ruled by a government based on mobocracy. We, from this day forward, declare we no longer consider the regime in Washington to be a valid and lawful representative of all Aryans who refuse to submit to the coercion and subtle tyranny placed upon us by Tel Aviv and their lackeys in Washington. We recognize that the mass of our people has been put into a lobotomized, lethargic state of blind obedience and we will not take part anymore in collective racial suicide!”

“This is war!”

*   *   *

Something that didn’t make it into the movie that I considered important enough to include in my book was a letter Bob sent to a small weekly newspaper in Newport, Washington on November 25th, 1984, a couple weeks before his death.

“It is logical to assume that my days on this planet are rapidly drawing to a close.  Even so, I have no fear.  For the reality of life is death.  I have made the ultimate sacrifice to secure the future for my children.  As always, for blood, honor, for faith and for race.”

*   *   *

The climax of the movie: law enforcement, including Terry, has Bob surrounded in the Whidbey Island house.  He’s alone.   A SWAT team storms the house but is driven off by Bob’s shots through the floor from the second floor.

The lawmen set the house on fire.  Terry goes into the burning house to try to get Bob to come out.  No.

Bob gets into a waterless bathtub and dies in the flames.

What I wrote:

“On December 7th, the FBI had the Whidbey Island house surrounded. They’d caught up with Bob again.  He was alone in the house. This time, they were going to be sure that he didn’t get away.  One hundred agents surrounded the house. They cut off his electricity. They attempted to negotiate through a bullhorn.  ‘Come out and we won’t harm you.’  Bob was having none of that.  He wasn’t coming out of there.  His hand mangled and throbbing [he was shot escaping from the Portland motel], he opened fire with an automatic weapon.

The standoff went on through the night and into the next day.  By this time, the press had converged on the site.  The FBI lofted in tear gas. Bob must have had a gas mask.  He continued to fire—da-da-da-da-da-da-da-da-da-da-da-da.

They issued an ultimatum.  ‘Give up or we’re coming in to get you.’

More automatic weapon fire from Bob.

At 3:00 p.m. on December 8th, a SWAT team went into the house. When they got inside, bullets rained down on them through the ceiling from the floor above. The SWAT team returned fire as they retreated.

Later that evening, after it had gotten dark, a helicopter flew over the house and dropped white phosphorous illumination flares onto the roof. The house ignited and flames shot one hundred feet into the air.  Bullets came ripping through the walls from inside the burning house—Bob was still firing away! The agents kept down as the slugs whistled through the night air and split the trees above them.

Then everything was still.

The next morning, in the charred ruins of the house they found a body burned beyond recognition.  Dental records determined it to be that of Bob Mathews.”

Endnotes

  1. Robert S. Griffin, The Fame of a Dead Man’s Deeds: An Up-Close Portrait of White Nationalist William Pierce, FirstBooks Library, 2001.
  2. Andrew Macdonald (Pierce’s pen name; everyone knew Pierce wrote the book); The Turner Diaries, second edition, National Vanguard Books, 1980.
  3. 3. The Fame of Dead Man’s Deeds

Review: Bombshell patriotic documentary makes waves

Review in The Noticer: Bombshell patriotic documentary makes waves

Reposted here with permission

Earlier this year a group of patriots peacefully marched in Adelaide singing Waltzing Matilda on Australia Day – only to be shut down and arrested by the police. On the same day, there was an anti-Australia, antiwhite rally being held with chants of “Death to Australia” deemed perfectly legal.

The march made national news but the media was very dishonest about what happened and framed the peaceful Australian nationalists as terrorists, while those who were openly enemies of this nation were protected and celebrated.

Now the nationalists involved have released a documentary that tells their side of the story and contains some bombshell new revelations.

Watch the full documentary here:

Historically, nationalist and alternative media has always been very hit and miss on a technical level. Whether that be live streams with bad audio, or roughly edited documentaries often crudely cobbled together from archival material. So, we really didn’t know what to expect with this one.

Immediately, the film opens up with confident cutting and use of counterpunctal music. This wasn’t going to be framed as a depressing pity-party, but rather a jovial celebration of what it means to stand up and fight for one’s nation. Young men are dragged to the ground by police to an up-beat acoustic guitar melody. A montage of physical action and plot points express a uniquely Australian sense of humour.

How are men able to be so unfazed after such violence and injustice from the police and legal system? The documentary is structured in such a way to explain this. Thomas Sewell, who humorously describes himself to the camera as “the self appointed leader of White Australia” sends his boys on a ten kilometre run, only to then be followed by a mixed martial arts tournament on the same day. So this is a hardened group of young men ready to take on anything. An action-packed sequence of kickboxing peaks the first act before the film’s heroic mission begins.

From here we follow the group as they assemble on Australia Day, intercut with South Australia Police at a press conference expressing their intent to use the full force of the law and shut down any celebration of Australia Day that the patriots had in mind. The boys then assemble around a war memorial, singing Waltzing Matilda, which is intercut with historical footage of Australian troops marching and singing the same song in WW2, followed by Sewell attempting to give a speech before the police intervene and drag him away into a white van.

This is quite significant because of what is revealed in the closing credits of the film. After Sewell was taken into custody, a microphone he had been wearing picked up two officers talking about shooting the nationalist activists. From The Noticer:

In the recording, one officer appears to check whether his colleague’s bodycam was operating by asking “are you rolling?” and replies “okay good” after the second officer says “no”.

“I’m happy to shoot them,” the first cop then says.

“Happy to?” the second asks.

“I’m happy to shoot them,” the first officer repeats as voices can be heard singing Waltzing Matilda in the background.

“I wanna hammer these cunts. These guys… just need to be shot.”

It’s a revelation that puts everything in context. The regime is anti-Australian and the destruction of Australia is not some mistake or mismanagement – it’s by design and on-target.

We all remember the violence of tyrannical police during the Covid lockdowns. Police forces now have labour shortages that they struggle to fill because to be a policeman is to be a traitor to your own people. The nation was founded and built on the White Australia Policy and therefore the current power structure is opposed to the nation’s heritage, foundation and what it truly means to be Australian. It’s also funny that this film has bigger newsworthy bombshells than an entire 45-minute hit-piece attempt from earlier this year by ABC’s Four Corners.

The film is very well put together. Even with some haphazardly shot footage, it has a very refined edit that pushes this material to its full potential. There are various stylistic flourishes that keep it engaging. Joel Davis makes a rousing speech that is edited with electronic music and clever use of jump cutting to make it a rhythmic sequence. This incorporates meme-video language into a more traditional documentary, which I think was very effective and forward-thinking.

The film is obviously a propaganda piece for this nationalist group and it does a good job at showing the scope of the organisation. They were able to stage seminars with various speakers, physical marathons and kickboxing tournaments, followed by dominating the new cycle with an effective protest that exposed the anti-White regime that runs this country.

Arguments about optics and self-censorship are destroyed by Joel Davis’s seminar talk. He explains how leftists don’t run to the centre ground but keep marching left, which drags the centre of acceptable discourse with them. Joel argues it’s time to march in the other direction and drag the country right. This means being unapologetically right-wing and no more compromises. And when packaged in such a well-made documentary, which doesn’t pull its own punches, it’s hard to argue with Joel’s strategy.

The main thing I want to express about the filmmaking is how tight this edit is. Normally when watching something like this, I would expect to write down notes for edit changes and suggestions, but I really have none to give. This is as tight as a bow. It goes from deeply felt, back to humorous relief, to insight, to revelation without ever getting bogged down. Intuitive musical choices progress its narrative and emotion. Stylistic editing techniques create variation between the different sequences. Multiple elements are interwoven and cross-cut to create juxtaposition and a third entity.

Looking at this film, I believe they would have been editing from shortly after Australia Day right up until its premiere. And some credit should be given to the camera work. They had very good coverage, I’m sure some of this would have been shot on phones but that gave it dynamism and freshness. You can’t edit what you haven’t shot. The lack of sit-down interviews gave this a tactile, ever-moving quality that transcends the stagnation of Four Corners’ bigger budgeted yet inferior film.

The structure is great, with an amazing series of emotional crescendos culminating in a message from a WW2 widow who expresses pride in the men and donates $9,000 to assist political prisoner Stephen Wells. In fact, the combination of this and revelations that police openly expressed a desire to shoot these men may have led to Friday’s dropping of false charges and release of Wells, who was held in solitary confinement for four months. Wells was slapped with phony politically motivated charges of “fail to cease loiter”, and “display Nazi symbol” for a patch on his sleeve. But rather than sign bail conditions that would prevent him communicating with his comrades, he stood by his principles and in the process exposed the justice system as corrupt. His suffering was not in vain.

My only real criticism with the documentary is the title of the film. I understand it’s kind of staunch to just call it “Summer Nationals”, which I assume is in reference to the name of the event they are attending, like how the Scouts might have a “Winter Jamboree”, but something more targeted and attention grabbing would have served the film better.

There are various nationalist activist groups in the West who have produced their own media. I think it’s fair to say this documentary is a bit of a milestone and inspiration going forward in terms of video production. At its heart, this is an incredibly Australian film and made for a domestic audience that shares its sense of humour and cultural understanding. But international audiences will still get plenty from the patriotic spirit and bravery depicted in the film.

This is something every Australian should see. Not just every nationalist or patriot – but every Australian including radical leftists and foreigners. They will at least gain a better understanding of Australian nationalism and how the police treat political enemies. The left has had a pretty free-run with their protests for years, but the recent crack-down on anti-war and anti-Zionist rallies regarding genocide in Gaza has made a film like this more relevant to everyone. Many leftists are waking up not just to Zionism but global Jewish plutocracy and the penny is dropping. The simplistic days of left/right are over. The patriots shown in this film are arguably more socialist than the Greens. They just want things done in the national interest.

The Shaman of the Radical Right: Jonathan Bowden

In 2009, at a secret and un-filmed Occidental Quarterly meeting in Atlanta, a portly, middle-aged Englishman with a slightly whining rural accent delivered what, according to multiple witnesses, was the best speech ever made. Certainly, they all agreed, it was the best nationalist speech ever made. It was all the more impressive if you consider that when this man ascended the stage he apparently had no idea what he was going to say. A so-called mediumistic speaker, he told friends that, prior to an oration, he would effectively enter a trance in which he would dissociate — almost split in two — and then hear the words from the ether before saying them. This man was Jonathan Bowden.

Since his untimely death in March 2012 aged just 49, a process which had already commenced towards the end of his life has accelerated and continues to accelerate. Bowden has become a cult figure on the internet, especially among the increasingly rebellious and anti-Woke zoomers who have known nothing other than Clown World throughout their young lives. Bowden, despite or possibly because of his multiple flaws as well as obvious talents, is a nationalist folk hero; a kind of “based shaman” who inspires young people, and increasingly (though they won’t mention it in public) some rather prominent and influential older people, to at worst “Ride the Tiger” of Kali Yuga and to, at best, find the courage to fight against it, personal consequences be damned. Such is the clamour to understand more about this incredible man that I have just published his official biography: Shaman of the Radical Right: The Life and Mind of Jonathan Bowden. I have been flabbergasted, to be frank, by the level of interest in it, especially among Generation Z.

It was a book that almost never got written. Various people asked me to write it in 2019 but it turned out that a friend of Bowden’s had been doing-so since 2012. In 2021, he was still blocking others from writing it, clearly unable to produce it but also unable to admit that he couldn’t do so. In September 2024, I was a meeting of what I would call a “purple-pilled” magazine in London; one of those magazines that is slightly too frightened to fully go where the empirical evidence leads. I got chatting to a female philosopher who suddenly produced a book of Bowden’s speeches from her handbag (purse in American) and gleamed at me with undisguised pride. If I had been a cartoon, a light bulb would’ve appeared above my head: “Bowden is a lot more popular and influential than I thought,” I said to myself. Bowden’s heir (to whom he bequeathed all his property) and I gave his “official biographer” a week to write back, he didn’t, so off I went; determined to do Bowden justice.

A key question remained, though: Why has Bowden become such a phenomenon? What was it about him? Can we pick apart the assorted intertwined factors that led to my semi-respectable philosopher carrying around a book of speeches by this open “Fascist” in her handbag?

There was something inherently fascinating about Bowden’s breadth of knowledge, delivered without notes; the way in which he could reveal unusual connections or elucidate the previously obscure; from Julius Evola to Judge Dredd. Bowden was, to some extent, the Weberian charismatic; the man gifted with certain skills that, for a people feeling a sense of crisis or meaninglessness, is able to make a cold world seem warm again. When there is no crisis, such a person is perceived as a crank, or is a charismatic only for a small group of troubled followers (as he was in his lifetime), but as a sense of crisis spreads so does his role as the charismatic. As German sociologist Max Weber (1864–1920) put it, “The term ‘charisma’ will be applied to a certain quality of an individual personality by virtue of which he is considered extraordinary and treated as endowed with supernatural, superhuman, or at least specifically exceptional powers or qualities. These are such as are not accessible to the ordinary person, but are regarded as of divine origin or as exemplary . . .”  The Charismatic comes to lead, inspire and embody the community.

Bowden’s extraordinarily engaging talks were, in some ways, a kind of performance art. His lectures are not meant simply to be read, and the internet has allowed them to be preserved and widely disseminated in a way that could not have been true of people like Bowden from an earlier generation. Recorded, often in an amateur way, in rooms above pubs, an aura of the genuine, of the English struggle against tyranny, of the mysterious is added to them.

Bowden used his real name despite the obvious financial and social dangers of being a dissident against the Woke regime. This indicated bravery and self-sacrifice. Bowden espoused a kind of Nietzsche-inspired philosophy: We must reject weakness, resentment and being part of the grievance hierarchy. We are in an evolutionary and spiritual battle in which, ultimately, the powerful will triumph. We must embrace power openly and fight, eternally, against weakness, such that we can bring about the triumph of our people.

Another attractive dimension to Bowden is that he took chances, particularly in terms of his nightmarish faux-Kandinsky abstract art; his unreadable and opaque stream-of-consciousness novels, but also in his unscripted speeches. One of Bowden’s friends referred to his prose thus: “His novellas and short stories are almost unreadable, but all the same the prose is incredible, uniquely pyrotechnic . . . in its use of metaphor, vocabulary, and striking juxtapositions.”  This risk-taking in pursuit of what he feels and believes has the potential not to pay off, but he was fervent enough to take the risk and it paid off not in terms of his novellas but in terms of his speeches. This risk-taking can be inspiring and certainly signals a kind of genuineness.

Bowden was an artist as well as a thinker, so he understood, explicitly from his reading, how to successfully transmit his ideas; the brilliant teacher, he could make the world make sense for his audience. Bowden had a way with words; he would leave other speakers thinking, “I wish I’d said that!” He was acerbically witty. Some of the radical right’s favourite phrases—such as “Clear them out!” (with reference to the Labour Party) —originate from him.

Most importantly, Bowden, in a sense made the ultimate sacrifice by dying and dying prematurely. This would have imbued him with a prophet-like status; an aura of the other-worldly. In this regard, studies have found that when a charismatic leader dies, and especially if he dies suddenly, then he is suffused with greater charisma. He is perceived as being “one with the group” and representing the group to a greater extent. Death renders him, somehow, fused with the collective.

In addition, there is an extent to which Bowden seemed, in some respects, slightly childlike and helpless. Studies have found that people who sometimes make mistakes are regarded as more relatable, that childlike traits, including slight helplessness, make people more engaging, and that charismatic leaders often have a childlike enthusiasm and naivety.  In comparing her husband, the leader of the British Union of Fascists Sir Oswald Mosley (1896–1980), to Hitler, Diana, Lady Mosley (1910–2003) observed that Hitler possessed this attractive quality of slight helplessness: “When people met Hitler they thought: here is this wonderful but unfortunate man who seems to have all of the cares of the world on this shoulders, so we must do all we can to help him.”

Bowden also had an “identifiable flaw:” He was short and overweight. It has been argued that, counter-intuitively, this is an aspect of charisma; of gaining a following. It allows ordinary people to identify better with you and so bond more strongly with you. Bowden also suffered from serious mental health problems and was, essentially, penniless. A childless bachelor, Bowden lived alone in a decrepit caravan in a caravan park in Reading, never really worked, had an old mobile phone and didn’t have the internet where he lived, so he used to research his essays at the local library.

For some this might add to his charisma: he sacrificed the worldly so that he could dedicate himself to his research, his art and to promulgating his ideas. Diogenes the Cynic (412–323 BC) lived in a barrel in Sinope in what is now northern Turkey; Bowden lived in a mobile home in dreary Reading. As Bowden put it in his 2009 interview “Why I Am Not a Liberal,” “I’m probably a Bohemian. There’s an artistic element in me. I don’t care for bourgeois respectability. It doesn’t bother me. That’s where the leaders of the extreme right often come from. They actually come from the arts as much as from the academy or from the intelligentsia, and the arts are a psychologically very radical part of the society, and therefore you don’t care as much for, you know, being regarded as a bit of a demon.”

But, certainly, these are identifiable flaws. They all contribute to his charisma. Posthumously, though the process had already commenced during his lifetime, Bowden has become an “influencer,” with YouTube channels and Twitter accounts dedicated to him. He has become a meme, with inspiring videos of his speeches produced all the time. Were he alive today, I imagine he’d have a huge channel, but he is a dead, and, naturally, this has made him even more influential; for so many younger people he is a kind of based prophet.

Destination 1982: Wilmot Robertson’s “Ventilations” Then and Now — Part 1 of 2

3152 words

The Context

Absolutely true event — not a joke: My former neighbor, whose parents emigrated from the nation of Georgia to Israel to the United States, introduced me for the first time to his parents on a family visit. I cordially spoke, “Hello, my name is Sigurd, and I live next door.”  The mother immediately fired back with the strangest reply in her strong foreign accent, “Have you heard about the new holocaust movie?” “Why no, I haven’t. And what was your name again?” I answered. While geography and family economic status had me surrounded by Jews since early childhood onward, and having developed an understanding of what I might expect in their social behavioral traits, this mother’s opening line finally confirmed my midlife curiosities that these people were wired differently, despite the often-similar skin color. This was my turning point where I scrutinized our social, cultural and political situation with a much keener eye. Human diversity was a fact, and as my worldview evolved along with the internet, I came across a book — a quasi-underground classic — that attempted to spell it all out on behalf of the European-American’s perspective: The Dispossessed Majority, by Wilmot Robertson, published in 1972[1] (henceforth TDM).

President Trump is found on cover of the latest paperback edition of The Dispossessed Majority

Robertson’s magnum opus is an eloquent attempt to bring racial consciousness to the American Majority before it’s too late! As its dust jacket introduction states, “this mind-rousing book hammers home the theme that America has changed, and changed for the worse…the Americans of Northern European descent — the American Majority — have been reduced to second-class status.” It continues, “the sickness of America…is presently racked by a double infection: (1) the moral debility of liberalism [and] (2) the rampant virus of minority racism.” The concluding paragraph here finally describes the American Majority as “the loser in a racial war.”

Wilmot Robertson’s life experiences and extensive education brought him the great clarity to coin the term “The Dispossessed Majority.” But while even the mainstream Fox News channel will carry today’s similar term “The Great Displacement,” they dare not credit the author whose book forewarned Americans and is still available on Amazon (hardcover, $224 and paperback for $35). For Fox News, delving into what they’d consider extreme right-wing literature is far more violent and hateful than tacitly approving the America-funded-and-condoned bombing of defenseless women, children, and non-combatant male civilians in the Middle East (continued by Trump).

As abhorrent and devastating as the Palestinian-Israeli conflict had already been by the writing of TDM, this subject comprises but a small chapter within a larger section on “The Foreign Policy Clash.” In fact, after addressing racial dynamics, racial composition, and the predicaments of the Majority, the core substance of its original 538 pages carefully describes the Minority groups within our nation that have interests that conflict with those of the Majority. The factor of assimilability is stressed in Robertson’s writing long before the Diversity-Equity-Inclusion movement celebrated the differences of all groups and sub-groups of peoples apart from the nuclear family which is indigenous to Whites and rare in the rest of the world; nor was the heterogeneity of Whites acknowledge in an effort to paint all Whites as cut from the same (evil) cloth. Chapters V–VIII emphasize Majority-Minority “Clashes” — culturally, politically, economically, and legally, and the book concludes with Prospects and Perspectives. It is here where Robertson’s nine pages titled “Toward a Pax Americana” foreshadows concepts for his final book, “The Ethnostate,” a 1993 utopian journey that he professed would be most beneficial for the civilizations of all races — not just those of European descent — since multi-cultural societies always degenerate into discord.

Social Science Bookshelves Today

TDM has sold hundreds of thousands of copies in over fifty years despite the challenges promoting a book that defends and advances the uniqueness of Northern Europeans and their American descendents. Indeed, the quality of Robertson’s writing and the rationality of his intellect present (in this author’s opinion) the most profound and sagacious appeal ever accomplished on behalf of the White race. TDM would easily have sold millions if abundantly stocked on the Social Science shelves of a Barnes & Noble book store today. This is where you should find this well-thought-out discourse in defense of Western peoples and culture. Robertson’s the book is both exemplary and thorough, but instead of carrying TDM or other like-minded books, instead, this last bastion for brick-and-mortar book sales carries titles like: Rich White Men, by Garrett Neiman, White Fear, by Roland S. Martin, White Fragility, by Robin Diangelo, Nice Racism (How Progressive White People Perpetuate Racial Harm), also by Robin Diangelo, Nice White Ladies (The Truth about White Supremacy, Our Role in it, and How We Can Help Dismantle It) by Jessie Daniels, and of course Critical Race Theory, Fourth Edition, by Richard Delgado and Jean Stefancic. Today’s mainstream social science topics certainly do not shy away from the topic of “race.” It’s just that “racial justice” today means tipping the shelves over with multi-pronged anti-White attacks from every direction![2]

Typical books found in the “Social Science” section at popular book stores

One book that was also displayed prominently in the Barnes & Noble social science section was Uncomfortable Conversations With A Jew, by Emmanuel Acho and Noa Tishby, both “New York Times Bestselling Authors.” The back cover of Uncomfortable Conversations brings up a multitude of topics on Jews that I’m confident Wilmot Robertson would loved to have opined on — topics which today’s critical-thinking youth of all races are probably questioning amidst the escalations of Israeli (read: Jewish) deadly aggression (read: war crimes) and student protests against it (read: last vestige of American freedom of speech). We find:

  • Is a “Jewish race” a thing?
  • Is it true that people don’t believe the Holocaust really happened?
  • Are Jewish people white? Do they have access to the privilege that comes with that?
  • If Zionism is Jewish people’s right to have a country, what’s the counter?
  • Is it possible to be an anti-Zionist and not be antisemitic?[3]
  • In whose life am I the oppressor?
  • Why are there so many Jewish people in Hollywood?
  • Could the Holocaust happen again?
  • Is ending antisemitism even possible?

And most relevant to what we see and hear today in everyday news and media:

  •  Calling things antisemitic is the quickest way to shut down a discussion. But if there are no discussions, how can we ever reach a place of understanding?

Everybody on the book shelves is a “New York Times Bestselling Author.” Wilmot Robertson devoted a chapter in Ventilations to why he didn’t garner this accolade.

If equity or egalitarianism[4] referred to any notion of fairness for all races, this book and the previous social science bestsellers already mentioned would alone justify mainstreaming of TDM. It should sit side by side on the shelf next to Uncomfortable Conversations at Barnes & Noble, since Robertson’s book represents the uncomfortable racial realism issues confronting Majority Americans — whether they know it or not. Instead, TDM receives “The Censorship of Silence.” And a decade after its first edition print, this would become the title of the third chapter in a new Wilmot Robertson book that provided his essays and commentary on TDMVentilations.

Anti-White books dominate brick & mortar book store shelves for “Social Science.”

Wilmot’s Observation: More Pronounced Domination = More Separateness

Robertson wrote 45 pages on “The Jews” as a separate chapter within “The Minority Challenge” section of TDM, and it was the longest chapter regarding minorities while representing less than ten percent of the book.[5] After reading the book twice, I found his treatment of Jews and their history to be just a small side story in the overall message and lessons he was trying to convey, and I wondered if the Uncomfortable Conversations authors would even approve TDM on the same shelf as theirs? But for today’s young adults with curiosity on how our government and nation ticks, having no clue as to how a William Ackman[6] can summon up a congressional hearing to confront campus free speech, or how people like him, such as Idan Ofer, Len Blavatnik, or Leslie Wexner, can earn or accumulate vast sums of money and a great deal of power, this TDM chapter instructs us:

To sum up the phenomenon of Jewish affluence, what is happening in the United States today is what has been happening throughout much of Western history. The Jews, finding themselves unrestricted and uncurbed in a land rich in resources and labor, are rapidly monopolizing its wealth. It is almost certainly the same historic process that took place in Visigothic, Arabic and Catholic Spain, in medieval England, France and Germany — and most recently in twentieth-century Germany. Yet no one cares — or dares — to notice it.

He emphasizes that so many people seem to be

concerned about labor monopolies or business cartels, about the influence of the Roman Catholic Church or the military-industrial complex, about the WASP domination of the big corporations or the international Communist conspiracy,

but these same critics are

strangely silent and utterly unconcerned about the activities of an ever more powerful, ever more dominant, supranational ethnocentrism with almost unlimited  financial resources at its command.

Here are Robertson’s comments on anti-Semitism — comments that prefigured Uncomfortable Conversations and provide a quite different perspective:

Instead of submitting anti-Semitism to the free play of ideas, instead of making it a topic for debate in which all can join, Jews and their liberal supporters have managed to organize an inquisition in which all acts, writings and even thoughts critical of Jewry are treated as a threat to the moral order of mankind. The Tartuffe[7] of the contemporary era turns out to be the Jewish intellectual who believes passionately in the rights of free speech and peaceful assembly for all, but rejoices when permits are refused for anti-Semitic meetings and rocks crack against the skulls of anti-Semitic speakers.

More than fifty years later we find our U.S. House of Representatives passing an outrageous anti-Semitism bill aimed at preventing criticism of Jews and Israel;[8] and we find that “punching Nazis” has become normalized and society-approved form of violence. Robertson saw it all coming, but then he also understood history. He emphasizes that “Jews seem bent on destroying the very political, economic and social climate that has made their success possible.”

But how does Robertson really feel about Jewish history?

As if in the grip of a lemming-like frenzy, they have been in the forefront of every divisive force of the modern era, from class agitation to minority racism, from the worst capitalistic exploitation to the most brutal collectivism, from blind religious orthodoxy to atheism and psychoanalysis, from total dogmatism to total permissiveness.

The TDM chapter on “The Jews” ends with Robertson admonishing the reader “to transcend, for the first time, the ancient racial infighting by submitting the Jewish problem to reason and full disclosure, not to the harsh and inconclusive solutions of the past.” His appeal is fundamentally moral. But this last paragraph incorporated a pre-condition for this to occur: “When and if a resuscitated American Majority has the strength and the will to put a stop to the Jewish envelopment of America,” he wishes that we learn from, and not repeat history. And with (1) new laws on the near horizon combating anti-Semitism and possibly even “hate speech,” with (2) a newly elected President Donald Trump ostensibly supporting such crackdowns,[9] and with (3) politically-right-leaning citizens resting (all too) comfortably within the Republican Party that now has four more years in control, it remains doubtful that Wilmot Robertson’s reasoning and “full disclosures” will see daylight any time soon.

Most Americans read very little, and very few have heard the term “The Jewish Question” or “The JQ,” and even fewer “The Jewish Problem” despite these societal conflicts having existed for millennia.[10] Mainstream media and academia create the historical, political and cultural narrative that we consume. Most of the Majority haven’t a clue as to how many influential people in America identify as Jews, and so a book like TDM might open the eyes of a typical under-informed American and change his or her worldview, adding both wider and sharper focused lenses. 

A Decade after TDM: An Open Discussion on Race and Politics

In 1982 Wilmot Robertson published Ventilations, a short 113-page gem that is no longer available in print. It can, however, be downloaded from colchestercollection.com, the archival work created by a former writer/White advocate from The Occidental Observer, Russell James. I call it a gem because Robertson elucidates so many topics that occupied “the current events” of my teens and early adulthood, giving them a fresh perspective that complements and affirms the significance of TDM as we fall ever more downward in The Decline of the West.[11]

Wilmot Robertson was also the founder and publisher of the magazine Instauration, which presented articles that TDM readers likely found important and insightful. For instance, one issue featured the sensational 1913 Georgia trial of Leo Frank and the murder of 13-year-old Mary Phagan, “Pardoning the Unpardonable.” But it was in a 1982 issue where he finally commented on pro-Spenglerian metaphysical white knight “Francis Parker Yockey and the Politics of Destiny,” and especially regarding his book, Imperium, for it was the definitions of “race” that caused splits between the two camps of right-wing movements supporting America and Western Civilization. Per author Kerry Bolton’s biography on Yockey,[12]

The two types of race theory according to Yockey are ‘horizontal race’ and ‘vertical race’. The first is the race of the ‘spirit’, culture and soul, expounded by the German Idealists, Herder, Goethe, Fichte, et. al. The second is biological and materialistic, measured and tabulated, influenced by Darwin, and introduced to Germany by Haeckel.

Wilmot Robertson’s TDM definitely embraced the vertical race concept, as Bolton also describes as ‘zoological’ race theory. The quotes of the Instauration article provided in Bolton’s book are important if an advocate for “Westernkind and White Wellbeing”[13] wished to learn the history and inner conflicts of the movement resisting Majority dispossession:

In the six years since its existence, Instauration has not once touched upon the problem of Francis Parker Yockey. We say problem because it’s hard to know exactly what to make of this mysterious character, who has become a cult figure of certain hermetic elements of the American right. His much touted and much thumbed through Imperium (Noontide Press) is part twentieth-century Book of Revelations, part post-script to Oswald Spengler, part revised and updated edition of Mein Kampf. His suicide or murder in a San Francisco jail makes him a candidate for martyrdom in some future century, provided that in the meantime his writings and his tragic life story have not been scourged out of the West’s consciousness.

Towards the end of the article, Robertson sheds his positive viewpoint on Yockey:

[Yockey’s] great selling point is that amid all the despondency of the present age, he is one of the very few thinkers who offers us Balm in Gilead, some shreds of hope, some possibility of white resurgence. Expectedly, it is not the deep space of the cosmos that Yockey is interested in, but the equally deep and equally mysterious space of the inner man. This is all to the good because in these days anyone who writes seriously and earnestly about the soul, about the Western soul, strikes a bell that reverberates most pleasantly up and down our increasingly spineless spines.

So more power to Yockey. He is still alive and kicking in the hearts of a sizeable number of true believers. Despite his shortcomings, his life and his works are proof that no matter how far they get us down, we will never be out.[14]

Yockey was profoundly spiritual, Robertson was rational and more pragmatic. They also viewed Europeans differently, Yockey being the ultimate ‘inclusive’ proponent of all Europeans — including Western Russians — while Robertson favoring Nordics. And while they may have viewed race differently, they did share an updated view on the Soviet Union, particularly regarding the decline of Jewish power and influence in that communist state. Apparently, this topic tended to divide the right-wing movement from the 1940s onward, and Ventilations presents this topic as its first chapter, “The Kremlin and the Jews.” Given a similar divide in Majority opinions today on Russia and Putin, good or evil, Robertson’s 1982 commentary (contesting that the U.S.S.R. was under Jewish control by that time) provides amusing quips and forgotten events:

Jews themselves have reason to be suspicious about Russian racial policies when the foremost Jewish world organizations, which used to sing the praises of Russia openly or in secret, now issue frequent press releases accusing the Soviet government of anti-Semitism. When the United States Senate rejects most-favorite nation treatment for Russian trade, when Jewish publishers and reviewers in America heavily promote books by Khrushchev, Stalin’s daughter, Svetlana Alliluyeva, and the dissident Yugoslav Communist, Djilas, pointing out instance after instance of Stalin’s anti-Semitic speeches and cheer Yasser Arafat, when Russia gives or sells huge amounts of arms to Syria, Iraq, and Libya, Israel’s bitterest enemies, when Jews flee the Soviet Union by hundreds of thousands, it is difficult for anyone to say that Russia is a pro-Jewish country.

With all of the recent American uproar against Russia and our arming of Ukraine, Robertson’s view predicts the 2024 victory for Donald Trump and his campaign promises:

If we want to protect ourselves from the Russians — and we should never close our eyes to the possibility of a sudden Russian assault on Western Europe or on the oil fields of the Middle East — we should clean up our domestic chaos, which is an open invitation to Soviet aggression everywhere.” (my emphasis)

When millions of Americans go out after dark without running the risk of being mugged, raped or murdered by bands of roving young blacks who haven’t the faintest notion of what a Communist is or what communism stands for, it hardly seems logical for the Birch Society, William F. Buckley, Jr. and other assorted ‘patriots’ to harp on the Red Menace while carefully avoiding the far greater domestic menace.

Fast forward to today and we hear Republican pundits constantly harping on “Chinese Communists” while BLM/AntiFa rioters have recently burned our cities down ostensibly with federal agency immunity. Russia recently failed to support the Syrian government against Israeli and U.S. intervention, but in 1982, Robertson wished to straighten out the geo-political beliefs of right wingers:

When Jewish propaganda mills are cranking out anti-Russian articles day and night, it is some-what mind-boggling for our rock-ribbed anti-Semites to inform us that Jews and Russians are joining in a secret alliance. These fossilized patriots cannot seem to get it out of their heads that Jewish support for world revolution has now been withdrawn from the Russians and funneled into the New Left, the Maoists, the Zionists, militant liberalism and noisy Kosher conservatism.

Go to Part 2.


[1] The Dispossessed Majority, Howard Allen Enterprises, Cape Canaveral, FL, 1972. Wilmot Robertson was the pen name of John Humphrey Ireland (1915–2005), who studied at Yale, served in the Army during WWII, studied Physics at U.C. Berkeley, started a small scientific company, and had a successful career in journalism and advertising. Obviously, he was an intelligent man whose written words on racial matters could not be easily dismissed as simply “bigoted racism” (as leftists and mainstream conformists would describe), but rather an intellectual counter-argument that had to be censored by The System.

[2] It does appear, though, that Wilmot Robertson’s TDM might be purchased online in the new edition paperback from the https://www.barnesandnoble.com/.  On searching availability of this paperback, however, this author’s effort yielded nothing. It certainly wasn’t available on store shelves.

[3] Uncomfortable Conversations With A Jew uses the spelling “antisemitism” instead of the more commonly presented “anti-Semitism” on the book’s back cover.

[4] Robertson’s TDM frequently refers, instead, to ‘equalitarianism’.

[5] For comparison, Robertson wrote 25 pages on “The Negroes” in “The Minority Challenge” section.

[6] https://www.thenation.com/article/society/william-ackman-harvard-donor/

[7] Tartuffe, or The Impostor, or The Hypocrite, was a French theatrical play (by Molière) first performed in 1664 that included a character with the same name. The word Tartuffe now is used to mean a hypocrite who gives a false impression of caring for what is virtuous.

[8] https://www.congress.gov/bill/118th-congress/house-bill/6090

[9] See CNN’s story: “Trump Vows to ‘Remove the Jew Haters’…”, https://www.cnn.com/2024/10/08/politics/trump-remove-jew-haters-october-7-event/index.html

[10] But when Americans do read non-fiction, they do flock to the social science section of the book store in search for answers to the crazy world we are living in.

[11] The Decline of the West, Oswald Spengler, original publications: Volume 1 (1918), Volume 2 (1922), available by Arktos Media Ltd (2021)

[12] Yockey: A Fascist Odyssey, Kerry Bolton  (Arktos Media Ltd., 2018), https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/38741770-yockey

[13] Jason Kohne, Go Free: A Guide To Aligning With The Archetype of Westernkind, (2017)

[14] Yockey, A Fascist Odyssey, Kerry Bolton, p. 502 (Resurrection)

Preserving the White Majority in the United States: My 10-Point Plan

Since Donald Trump was re-elected in November, many things that were rarely said in the mainstream are now being floated in public and taken seriously. Great examples include mass deportationsthe US buying GreenlandFacebook ending its fact-checking algorithmsthe phasing out of Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion programsflipping New Jersey red, and restricting immigration from IndiaThree months ago, who in the mainstream was discussing, let along debating, such topics? Whatever faults Trump has—and he has many—being wholly part of the Washington uniparty elite is not one of them. And that is a good thing. This reminds me of the Khrushchev Thaw period following the death of Josef Stalin in 1953. For a time, ordinary people and Soviet elite alike were let out on a longer leash, and could engage in discourse that had previously been frowned upon or forbidden. Yes, it was more of a Thermidorian reaction than anything real, but it still opened the door for at least some changes and improvements to the Soviet Union.

Of course, it didn’t last. Mostly likely Trump’s thaw won’t either (they never do, do they?). This is why white advocates should take advantage of this period of greater openness while we can. In other words, it’s time to push the envelope, even if that means getting the enveloped shoved back into our faces by a president who might identify more as orange than white.

My suggestion, beyond what David Zsutty has given us in his excellent three-part series “What White Nationalists Want From the Trump Administration,” is to propose a bill in Congress which would, on paper at least, protect the US white majority in perpetuity through selective immigration bans, mass deportations, and pro-natalist policies. Outlandish, I know. A white US minority is the very thing the Left craves and the mainstream Right is too afraid to talk about—a political third rail indeed. However, there are upsides to attempting to sell such legislation to US congressmen during the second Trump term—aside from it actually succeeding, of course.

For one, whites these days are waking up to anti-whiteism, and so a proposed bill to protect the dwindling white majority at least won’t be unpopular among whites in red areas of the country. Such a proposition in 2025 would certainly not come out of left field, and would make sense to many. Trump has recently spoken against anti-white racism, and so have conservative mainstream pundits such as Charlie KirkTucker CarlsonCandace OwensLaura LoomerMichelle MalkinMatt Walsh, and Mark Dice. The Hodge Twins as well as former MMA world champion Jake Shields recently featured longtime white advocate David Duke on their podcasts. Jared Taylor had his Twitter/X account restored and has garnered tens of thousands of followers. Patrick Bet David recently hosted Patriot Front leader Thomas Rousseau. And here’s a report from February 2024 about a Michigan lawmaker Steve Carra who led a sit in outside the Michigan House Speaker’s office to protest his state’s anti-white spending policies.

So if there ever was a good time to go public with a pro-white initiative like this one, it’s now.

Secondly, even in defeat, such a proposal will provide a surfeit of rhetorical victories for the Dissident Right and pro-white camps. Any congressman who ignores or opposes such a bill can be fairly branded as anti-white. Not only this, they can be accused of not just wanting a white minority, but actually contriving to attain one. If you are not in favor of a white majority then you are in favor of a white minority. There is no middle ground. Yes, most Democrats would reject such a bill out of hand, gladly admitting that they look forward to the day that whites dip below 50 percent in America. Joe Biden did just that back in February 2015. With today’s whites being less likely to tolerate anti-whiteism than ever before, record of such a refusal would certainly help damage a Democrat ticket during a general election.

But the main use of such a bill would be to hector, bog down, or at best replace weak-minded Republican lawmakers who would also reject the bill. How much would it cost, really, to primary a Republican congressman who refuses to consider a pro-white bill because the mainstream narrative tells him it’s racist? How hard would it be for even mainstream Republicans with a little pluck to ding an incumbent over his purported hostility towards whites? Remember, we are in the Trump Thaw at the moment. So what seemed beyond the pale of public discourse three months ago, may no longer be. With enough energetic, well-funded, aspiring politicians beating the white majority drum, establishment Republicans would have to at least give lip service before rejecting the bill. And the more people talking about it, the better—even if much of that talk is negative. And for all we know it could even work well enough to reach a vote on the House floor.

You can buy Greg Johnson’s White Identity Politics here.

Finally, there is the metapolitical change that such a bill promises to make. They say the process is the punishment, but in this case the process would also the reward. The goal here should not necessarily be to get the bill passed (although that would be great). The goal should be to introduce the bill into the long and arduous lawmaking process in order to make it its own news item. The goal should be to get people talking about it in the way the Soviet public began discussing the gulags after the publication of Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn’s One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich during the Khrushchev Thaw. The goal should be to get ordinary, everyday whites to begin to want or even expect a white majority in this country. They should consider it their birthright, given how the Founding Fathers were all white and the vast majority of people who have fought and died in America’s wars have also been white. And why not? Is there anything in the US Constitution preventing this country’s founding race from legislating its perpetual majority? Can that even be called racist? In the Trump 2.0 era, what really is preventing a critical mass of whites from adopting such a perspective? Nothing, I’d say. As I’ve pointed out above, all the signs are actually quite encouraging.

If you are reading this because you have white identity—even a secret one—and you’re not a researcher from the Anti-Defamation League or Southern Poverty Law Center looking to squeeze the vitality out of the entire white race, then ask yourself, why not? Why can’t whites discuss these things? Why can’t we expect such things? Are our jobs and incomes and social standings worth so much to us that we cannot at least throw a few shekels at politicians and pundits willing to buck the anti-white system and stand up for ourselves? Do we really want to live in a world in which we are outnumbered by hostile non-whites in our own hometowns? Is this the kind of world we’d wish upon our children and grandchildren?

If not, then . . . what are we doing?

Assuming that we all understand that we need to do something, is there a better idea than crafting some sort of incipient law and presenting it to prospective lawmakers who are willing to promote it while running for office? Now, I am not an attorney, and have little influence irrespective of that. But maybe somebody reading this does have influence and can make a difference? If so, then I offer a rough 10-point plan as a starting point. And before I get outraged comments about how my plan is some cucked Magna Carta, please remember that this is not a White Nationalist wish list, but a proposal for a real-world document to effect real-world changes in the here and now that even non-whites in America today could abide. It will basically be a promise from whites to non-whites to share the United States with them in good faith as long as the current racial proportions remain the same. It will be an effort to halt the white demographic decline, not to turn back the clock or start a race war. Thus, there will be compromises in it which many white advocates (myself included) will find odious. Please don’t let these get in the way of seeing the overall value of the plan.

Such a plan can go two ways: it can work or it can fail. In the former case, great. We won’t be back to 1960, but it won’t be 2020 either. Let’s split the difference and call it 1990, not exactly a terrible year in the life of white people. In the latter case however—which is much more likely—the heightened racial awareness of whites will necessarily increase friction with American non-whites, and will lead to one of two things: red state secession, which is the first step towards a white ethnostate, or (God help us) Civil War 2.0. Again, in the former case, great. And in the latter, we would at least have a fighting chance. This means that of the three possible outcomes of a bill like this, two and a half are positive. Not bad, right?

Anyway, here are my 10 points, and if someone thinks they can do better and still be realistic, I’m all ears:

BILL TO ENSURE THE PERPETUAL WHITE MAJORITY IN THE UNITED STATES

  1. Require bi-yearly censuses.
  2. Define white by “one-half not black” rule (at least one white parent, and no fully-black parent). For the sake of this bill, “whites” would include people of white European descent, Jews originating in Europe, and Caucasians from Central Asia.
  3. Employ self-identification to determine race, and agreed-upon genetic markers to determine race in case of appeals.
  4. Establish African Americans and Indigenous Americans as “demographically exempt” populations. (This means that their populations can fluctuate naturally and are not counted when calculating the proportion of whites to the general population. This would be a good thing for both populations and should be promoted as such.)
  5. Require that the white majority remain no lower than 80% of the US population minus the exempt populations. (Using rough estimates taken from Wikipedia, the United States currently has 48 million blacks and 7 million Indigenous Americans, making 55 million demographically exempt citizens. Subtract this from the 340 million total population to get a denominator of 285 million. Divide the 205 million whites in America by that to get around 72 percent. If such a bill were to be signed into law, the main focus of government would be to push that number up to 80 percent as soon as possible.)
  6. Require that, among non-exempt non-whites, no more than 10 percent of the US population be of Mexican, Central American, or South American descent. All immigration from these places will stop if this proportion grows above this percentage.
  7. Require that, among non-exempt non-whites, no more than 10 percent of the US population be of Asian or Middle Eastern descent. All immigration from these places will stop if this proportion grows above this percentage.
  8. Require that pro-white immigration and pro-white natalist policies be put in place until whites reach 80 percent of the total non-exempt US population.
  9. Require that all illegal immigrants as well as legal immigrants with a history of violent or serious crimes be deported.
  10. Ban all immigration from places of origin of racially exempt populations (i.e., Indigenous peoples from the Americas or blacks from Sub-Saharan Africa).

Given how the Trump Thaw has already allowed whites more leeway to discuss their own racial interests (and Trump hasn’t even taken office yet), I think my 10-point plan might push the envelope far enough but too far in order to get white people to act their own racial interests as well.

Losing is No Reason Not to Fight

All is lost. Western Civilization is over. There is no point in fighting against it. Embrace defeat.

This was the thesis of an article published here on The Occidental Observer this weekend. The writer argued that fighting for the future of our race was pointless, because it would accomplish nothing and only lead to personal tragedy.

“Don’t take heed of anyone who tells you to fight. There is no fight to have, we have already lost…. If you start fighting, you will just be jailed, lose your job, and probably your family and your mental health.”

I disagree. I have done those things and I feel great.

I have lost my job, my family, lots and lots of money. I have been brought up on a politically motivated charge that took me almost four years to overcome. I have been attacked in the streets, betrayed and lied to by the authorities, investigated, been illegally searched and so on.

Many people have suffered way worse. They have done hard prison-time. They have lost more money, wasted more time in court. Many of the writers at this publication have sacrificed more than me.

Have we achieved anything in politics? Have we weakened Jewish power? Had any effect on the health of our race? I don’t know.

What I do know is, my mental health has never been better. I feel awesome. I LOVE fighting against Jewish power! If I had to have a normal job and never ever say what I really think… then I would be depressed. I know many others who feel the same. What is life worth if you can’t fight for something?

So the writer is dead wrong about that. If more people took up the fight against Jewish power, their mental health would certainly improve. And if all Whites took a stand, Jewish power would collapse that very day.

As to the author’s notion that “we have already lost” and should therefore do nothing. Not only is the conclusion wrong, but the premise is too. We have not lost. It’s not over. It’s never over until you and everyone like you is dead. History goes on. More people to fight, more empires to build and destroy, more art and literature to create and forget, more more more.

That people can fall for such simplistic and history-denying arguments tells me that they have no education in the humanities. This is a big problem in our civilization generally, with far too much emphasis being placed on technical subjects and statistics. People have become blind to “the human element,” that is, morale and will-power. They see a graph of a demographic trend and think “oh, the White line is going down, the non-White line is going up, therefore this will continue indefinitely until we are all dead.”

They would know better if they understood the difference between technical subjects and the humanities. History concerns itself with what men do and why they do it. In physics, you can predict with total accuracy the acceleration of a falling object given Earth’s gravity and no resistance. In history, you know what happened only after it has happened. You cannot predict the future with total accuracy, because you have to account for men’s intent. Even if you knew what all the historical actors intended to do, knowledge of other actors’ intentions would cause other actors to change their behavior, and thus, the outcome.

Americans in particular seem to fall into the writer’s kind of defeatism. This defect of our national character is attributable to the fact that (unless you’re a Southerner) our country has not fought a stronger enemy since 1812. We have no historical memory of being on the weaker side in any fight. Exceptions—the Alamo, Bataan, Bastogne—are all either well out of living memory, and they only occurred because a weaker enemy briefly achieved temporary superiority. In the last eighty years, all Americans have known is massive material superiority in any fight. Few of us even have enough experience in team sports to know what it’s like (and what it takes) to win against the odds. This is something we have to fix.

The first step is understanding that nothing is ever hopeless. If only material things matter—money, armies, natural resources, governmental and media apparatuses—history would have “ended” a long time ago. Sumeria or Egypt would have conquered the world and we would be under their heel even now. That didn’t happen, because great empires can and do collapse, and smaller and weaker—but more motivated—groups can beat bigger, stronger ones. That should be obvious, but it seems necessary to say it again. Whites need to keep things in perspective. What German in Caesar’s time could have imagined annihilating three legions a mere generation later, or conquering the whole empire in five centuries?

The next step is identifying and analyzing your opponent’s weaknesses, then exploiting them the same way that they have exploited our weaknesses. We could be doing this. Most Whites just aren’t trying. Everyone has either some money to give or some time to volunteer. Since White resistance against Jewish power is not well organized, the burden is on each of us to figure out how to make his contribution count. I’m constantly hearing about how good we Americans are at taking initiative and what individualists they are. Well, prove it!

So no. It isn’t over. The Jews can have all the money, all the government agencies, all of the media and they will still lose. The trait that got them into power will be their undoing—their monumental arrogance. Because it blinds them to the hidden moral power of their opponents.

I assume that the author of the dystopian vision isn’t a Jew or a political enemy trying to sew defeatism in our hearts. I assume he is acting in good faith. If so, at least he had the willpower to write an article, no matter how wrong he is and how damaging his attitude is to our cause. If he really believed that everything was hopeless, he would not have bothered lifting up the pen.

He does point out, rightly, that there are many charlatans trying to profit from our race’s grief. “There is an industry selling hopium [hope used as a drug] to the White man”.

Indeed. It is called conservatism. Conservatives will try to tell you that “This time it will be different,” Trump will expel all of the illegal Hondurans, he will put real men in charge of crucial government ministries, he will restore order in the military, he will root out the liars and thieves from academia, and a thousand other things.

We all know that Trump won’t do any of that. The writer is right in that regard. There is no hope for conservatism. Thousands of their writers, editors, fundraisers, Twitter-people and operatives are selling desperate White people false hope. They have been doing it for decades. You cannot trust anything they say, because they are always balancing truth with what gets them paid.

Conservatism is a pitiable delusion. We cannot settle for anything less than the complete overthrow of Jewish power in America and the West. There is no sense in hoping for lesser, easier to achieve goals. The Jews see us Whites as a dire threat, and they have no desire to offer us concessions. It’s either us or them in their minds. The only option we have is to tear down their power bit by bit. And since they have all of the material power, we have to have stronger willpower. We have to want it more, no matter the cost.

As Adolf Hitler pointed out:

When self-interest threatens to replace idealism, we notice an immediate weakening in the force that maintains the community. When the community breaks, so falls civilization. Once we let self-interest become the ruler of a people, the bonds of social order are broken. When man focuses on chasing his own happiness, he falls from Heaven straight to Hell. (Mein Kampf, vol 1, chapter 11. Trans. by Ford)

Of course, it will be an awful grueling fight. We will all have to face far worse things than losing our jobs or going to jail. We will have to prepare for pain and loss. “Embrace the suck.” We’re going to have to learn to love this unfair and uneven fight. That is the only true hope.

In the end, I’m here because I love to fight. Even if it’s not fair. Even if we can never have an honest White man’s fight, and we have to fight the Jews on their own turf like lawyering, or weird rhetorical maneuvering. It’s a lot more thinking and less physical exertion. But it is still fighting, because you have an opponent who hates you and wants you poor, imprisoned or dead. There is real danger. And not stupid purposeless danger like jumping off buildings or overdosing on Benadryl. This is not mere thrill-seeking.

The fight against Jewish power is meaningful, purposeful danger in pursuit of noble aims. I love it and I will never give it up.

Thank you to Doctor MacDonald for everything you do. It’s been 10 years this month since I came to understand the Jewish Question, thanks in no small part to this website. Thank you to all the writers and donors to The Occidental Observer. You have changed my life all for the better.

If you understand the problem of Jewish power and the lamentable condition of the White race, you have a choice to make:

Join us in the fight. Or get out of the way.

Why I voted for Trump

I realize that Trump is far from perfect, and some prominent figures on the dissident right have said they are not voting for him. His first term accomplished little (if anything) besides mobilizing the hate-filled left to combat the “fascist threat.” (And if he wins again, there will be rioting that will make the rioting of 2016 look like a picnic.) But I voted for him (I’m in an early-voting state). This is why.

Listening to Joe Rogan’s podcast with Trump, Trump admitted that he had no clue about how Washington worked when he got there. This resulted in lots of bad appointments, like John Bolton, who never saw a war he didn’t like. Christopher Wray, who has shown nothing but hatred toward all things Trump since being appointed. John Kelly, who now says Trump is a Hitler lover. He is quite aware of the problem: “Mr. Trump’s greatest regret from his first term is hiring staffers whom he came to believe were the wrong people.”

Because Trump seems aware of his mistakes, I trust it will be better next time, although having Robert Lutnick as co-chair of his transition team is certainly troubling. Lutnick has said that he is in close touch with Jared Kushner (a huge cancer in his first term), despite Kushner’s claim that he was not going to be involved. Scary.

And Trump has floated names like Tom Cotton and Mike Pompeo for Secretary of Defense or State. This is indeed worrisome—but far from assured. Given Trump’s much-advertised commitment to non-intervention and avoiding wars (i.e., the stance that alienated the neocons like Bill Kristol, Jennifer Rubin, and Max Boot in 2016), one would think he would have learned not to appoint neocon war mongers. His closeness with Tucker Carlson would certainly weigh against that, since Tucker has often railed against the neocons and their promotion of forever wars; he has loudly opposed the Ukraine war and the endless wars in the Middle East.

And yes, I realize that if anything, Trump is more wedded to the Israel Lobby than Harris. His campaign got $100 million from Miriam Adelson, widow of Israel-firster Sheldon Adelson who got Trump to appoint Bolton via the same kind of money as Miriam has contributed. Sheldon Adelson fervently hoped that his support would get Trump to make Iran into a nuclear wasteland. Didn’t happen, and I don’t think it will happen the second time around.

And the general point is that the Israel Lobby dominates U.S. foreign policy toward Israel, whether it’s the Democrats or the Republicans. Like Biden and only because of all those Arab voters in Michigan, Harris may criticize the Israelis more because of their ongoing genocide in Gaza (which now includes banning the UNRWA from the West Bank and Gaza), but there’s no reason to think that she would withhold the military aid from Israel and would continue to involve U.S. forces in shooting down whatever Israel’s enemies throw at them. Bottom line: No difference between the candidates. Effectively, it’s a wash.

But there are people would push back against the threats represented by the likes of Jared Kushner. People like Tucker Carlson, Steve Bannon—recently freed from his bogus imprisonment, and Elon Musk. I think that Carlson truly “gets it,” although he is not as explicit as would be ideal (remember, the perfect is always the enemy of the good). Carlson has a huge following on his podcasts and live shows. He has definitely shown signs of getting off the Conservatism Inc. reservation. He has interviewed Trump and J.D. Vance, and he will be hosting an event at Mar-a-Lago on election night. A Trump victory would cement his status in the GOP—definitely a good thing.

Carlson’s April, 2021 monologue on his Fox News show is the most powerful and most explicit statement in the mainstream media that Whites—as Whites—have an interest in immigration. He portrayed the middle class as one of the victim groups of the Great Replacement as America is transformed into a society with a hostile, ultra-wealthy elite who are politically supported by a dependent mass of Democrat voters and college-miseducated White liberals. And he dueled with the ADL, pointedly discussing their hypocrisy on immigration to the U.S. vs. immigration to Israel. No wonder he was fired from Fox News.

Carlson’s interview with Darryl Cooper showed that he rejected some basic parts of the standard World War II narrative, such as the hero cult of Winston Churchill so dear to the neocons. And he was excoriated by the left for his interview with Viktor Orban, Hungary’s nationalist Prime Minister who is opposed to transforming Hungary away from its ethnic and cultural roots.

Cooper’s take on election fraud is spot on without going into what are widely considered on the left as conspiracy theories. Tucker read it verbatim on a 2021 show:

Elon Musk’s support for Trump — not only financially (at least $119 million which is greater than Adelson’s), but also happily appearing with him at rallies — is important because of Musk’s celebrity status and very large following on X, especially among young men. Musk is increasingly off the reservation in his tweets: “The damage was done,” [holocaust activist] Deborah Lipstadt remarked about a Musk post on X. “The endorsement of the Great Replacement theory was very harmful.” Lipstadt added that she disapproved of what she saw as any attempt to “mitigate” Musk’s earlier tweet, without criticizing ADL head Jonathan Greenblatt directly. “You can try to mitigate, but once you open the pillow, it’s like chasing the feathers,” she said.

Musk was replying to a user who wrote, “Jewish communities have been pushing the exact kind of dialectical hatred against whites that they claim to want people to stop using against them. I’m deeply disinterested in giving the tiniest s— now about western Jewish populations coming to the disturbing realization that those hordes of minorities [they] support flooding their country don’t exactly like them too much.”

Musk responded, “You have said the actual truth.”

Greenblatt joined a loud chorus in condemning that post. Other Jewish groups, including the American Jewish Committee, harshly condemned it. Later in the same thread, Musk went after the ADL itself, saying the group “push[es] de facto anti-white racism.” He apologized for a lot of this and made the mandatory visits to Auschwitz and Israel, but it’s hard to believe that he now rejects these ideas.

Steve Bannon is a strong and influential Trump supporter who got into a war with Kushner during the Trump presidency—a war that he lost. I suspect he totally gets it on the danger Kushner would represent to a new Trump administration.

Incidentally, the gender gap will be huge in this election, and Democrats are actively encouraging the wives of Trump-supporting husbands to vote for Harris. Trump Derangement Syndrome is especially common among White women—obsessed as they are with abortion rights, ignoring everything else. Women are more conformist because of fear of consequences—social ostracism — and departing from the moral consensus of the mainstream liberal media is certain social death in many social circles. White women are also more empathic than men and hence more likely to have empathy for all the victim groups created by our hostile elite.

And White women are much less prone to identifying with their race, at least partly because of fear of that same ostracism from the contemporary moral community (which is now a pathological consensus created and managed by our hostile elites that dominate the media and academia and aggressively police what politicians say). Moral communities are the social glue of Western societies.

White men, including many young White men, are beginning to see that everything is increasingly stacked against them—jobs, promotions, etc. DEI is completely opposed to their interests. They are attracted to Trump’s masculine persona in an age when the left rejects it. Trump’s interview with Joe Rogan definitely appeals to young men—they even talk about UFC stuff.

But the main reason to vote for Trump — the reason that, IMO, makes this a no-brainer — is that a Kamala Harris administration would be a complete disaster for our side:

Creating a Permanent Leftist Majority. The Left is clearly aiming at a permanent majority, and another four years would allow them to cement it. Despite Harris’s newfound claims that she will enforce the border, who can believe it when she has previously called for abolishing ICE and happily stood by as Mayorkas completely demolished the border? (I never blame Biden for anything because he was non compos mentis for pretty much his entire administration.) They blame Trump for not agreeing to a horrible “bipartisan” immigration bill (>1.8 million/year, not including ports of entry), that included lots of money for more border patrol officers so they could process illegals faster. All this when they could have stopped the onslaught at any time by simply reversing the policies they adopted on Day 1 of the Biden administration.

Another 10–15 million illegals in addition to the massive number already here would further change Congressional representation in favor of blue states—illegals affect elections even if they don’t vote. And Dems would have a massive amnesty to ensure that their new dependents (immigrants and their descendants are far more likely to be on welfare) would vote as soon as possible.  In fact, they have already made it virtually impossible to deport illegals, leading to what the House GOP called a “quiet amnesty.”

Another Democrat administration would also result in a push to end the electoral college, so states like California would have even more influence than they do now. California has already made it illegal to ask for voter ID. How can anyone believe that vote totals from California are remotely valid?

The result would be a permanent left majority, dramatically opposed to the interests of the soon-to-be-former White majority and funded as it always has been by Jewish money and reflecting perceived Jewish interests in a non-White America.

Censorship. The Left wants media censorship to silence the right, while the right’s proposals for censorship only involve LGBT+ propaganda directed at children, although admittedly, I and some others were banned from X in the post-Musk era. Nevertheless, X is much hated on the left because people like Nick Fuentes are still holding forth with oftentimes very anti-Jewish statements—far less subtle than what I was posting.

As Hillary Clinton noted, “Without censorship, we will lose control…” The lack of social media prior to the internet age led to the complete dominance of Jewish-owned media and their poisonous messages. The possible end of this dominance is a major problem for Jewish organizations and for the left in general—hence the hatred toward Elon Musk since he bought Twitter. The intolerance of the left even toward mainstream conservatives is well established. They are essentially banned from college campuses because of the well-grounded fear of leftist rioting.

Historically the move toward censorship has been led by the ADL and other Jewish organizations. In my 2002 Preface to The Culture of Critique, I wrote about the ADL’s already-robust attempt to pressure media corporations to censor the internet. This reached its apex in the 2020 election suppression of the Hunter laptop story and of dissident information on Covid, the former of which kept enough votes in the Biden column to swing the election, and latter of which dramatically changed voting procedures in a way conducive to fraud. Needless to say, both of these stories turned out to be true and together helped swing the election for Biden.

Promotion of censorship is now common in high places on the left and has resulted in a large body of legal scholarship promoting it. For example, leftist SCOTUS judge Elena Kagan is entirely on board, writing in 1993 that the Supreme Court “will not in the foreseeable future” adopt the view that “all governmental efforts to regulate such speech … accord with the Constitution.” But in her view, there is nothing to prevent it from doing so. Clearly, she does not see the protection of viewpoint-based speech as a principle worth preserving or set in stone. Rather, she believes that a new majority could rule that “all government efforts to regulate such speech” would be constitutional. All government efforts.

And because the present conservative majority is so distasteful to the left, many on the left are demanding that a leftist majority be created by Congress—i.e., by packing the Court.

More Leftist Judges. The left will continue to appoint radical judges prone to enforcing censorship and facilitating lawfare against White advocates (see the work of Gregory Conte on the trials resulting from the Charlottesville marches; or the travesty of the January 6 trials [Trump promises to pardon the protesters]; or the campaign against Vdare by NY AG Letitia James and liberal New York judges).

Reverting to the old GOP. Perhaps the greatest accomplishment of the Trump ascendency in the GOP is that it has threatened to destroy the old neocon-big business GOP. Neocons like the aforementioned Kristol, Rubin and Boot deserted early on, and the GOP became identified with the White working class. If Harris wins, the GOP will revert to the Conservatism Inc.-Paul Ryan-Liz Cheney-Adam Kinsinger-Bush party of war mongering and tax cuts for the wealthy. The result would be leftism lite: eternal war, pro-non-White immigration, and a conservatism that delays leftist agendas for a few years (Coming soon: “The conservative argument for free, government-funded transgender surgery for migrants and prisoners”). Trump’s greatest accomplishment would be to permanently take the GOP away from the neocons and stuffed-shirt liberal Republicans and preventing it from reverting to its role as a loyal component of the uniparty. It’s interesting that arch-neocon Robert Kagan (husband of the notorious Victoria Nuland who engineered the Ukraine war) resigned after Jeff Bezos’s non-endorsement of Harris. Clearly the Dems are the war party.

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So please vote for Trump even though you have serious misgivings.  It’s like Pascal’s wager. If you vote for Harris you are sure to lose big when she wins—the left would love to throw us in prison when they get their permanent majority. At the very least.

On the other hand, if you vote for Trump, you are reasonably hoping he would be better than Harris. And quite possibly, much better. And we have to think about what comes after if Trump wins — quite possibly an irrevocably changed GOP that is much more attuned to White interests. It could happen.

In recent years I’ve been thinking about the situation in the U.S. as analogous to the end of the Roman Republic — a time of civil wars and instability such that most people were relieved when Augustus established the Empire. We are inexorably headed to an either-or moment of autocracy, either by the left or by the right. I’m hoping it’s a populist autocracy that protects the interests of the traditional American White majority. The left wants to destroy us and will do so if they get enough power.