On the True Meaning of Hate Speech

“A law against Jew-hatred is usually the beginning of the end for the Jews.”
—Joseph Goebbels, diary (April 19, 1943)[1]

‘Hate’ is such an ugly word.  And such a juvenile word.  It calls to mind the stereotypical eight-year-old girl who screams “I hate you!” to her mother when she is not allowed to join the local sleep-over.  The word is most often used half-jokingly—“I hate the Yankees!”, “I hate broccoli!”, etc.—or to describe some detested task (“I hate cleaning the bathroom”).  Or it can be used for rhetorical effect.  But the use of the term in the context of ‘hate speech’ is silly, juvenile, and formally meaningless.  We may dislike someone or some group, or be repulsed by them, or wish to dissociate from them.  But to hate them?  Seriously—what mature individual today is willing to openly and earnestly say “I hate you” to anyone?  Only a highly insecure or severely distressed person would do such a thing.  It’s a sign of weakness.

And yet today, hate seems to be the ethos of the moment.  More specifically, we seem to be surrounded by talk of ‘hate speech’ in the mass media.  To judge by various headlines and liberal pundits, hate speech would appear to be among the greatest dangers of modern existence—on par with racism and “White supremacy,” and greater than political corruption, international terrorism, global pandemics, financial instability, environmental decline, overpopulation, or uncontrollable industrial technology.  Most European countries have legal prohibitions against various forms of hate speech, however ill-defined, as do Canada and Australia.  Even in the US there is increasing pressure to create legal sanction for some such concept, the First Amendment notwithstanding.

I take this whole topic very personally.  It’s no secret that I’ve written harshly against Jews and other minorities.  It’s no secret that I prefer living in a White community and a White nation.  I have no need to apologize for any of this.  And yet, for these very reasons, some people find it appropriate to call me a ‘hater’:  “Dalton hates the Jews”; “he hates Blacks,” “he hates Latinos,” etc., etc.  But I state here, for the record, that nothing is further from the truth.  I hate no one.  I may dislike certain people, I may find them malevolent and malicious, I may want them punished, and I may want to separate myself from them; but this does not mean that I hate them.  In this era of “hate crimes” and “hate speech laws,” this requires some explanation.

As usual, we should start by knowing what we are talking about.  What, exactly, is it to ‘hate’?  The word has ancient origins, deriving from the Indo-European kədes and Greek kedos.  Originally, and surprisingly, it meant simply ‘strong feelings’ in a neutral sense, rather than something negative.  In fact, the Old Irish word caiss includes both love and hate.  But the negative connotation emerged with the Germanic khatis (later, hass), the Dutch haat, and eventually became ingrained in the English ‘hate.’

The standard dictionary definition typically runs something like this:  “intense or extreme dislike, aversion, or hostility” toward someone or something.  As such, the word is fairly innocuous; I can hate my job, hate asparagus, and even hate my boss.  But this is not at issue.  We are more concerned about hate as a mindset, and specifically as oriented toward classes of people, or increasingly, toward certain privileged ideologies.

But we immediately confront a major problem here:  Hate is a feeling, and feelings are indelibly subjective.  And anything that is completely subjective cannot be quantified in objective terms.  No one can say with certainty that “Dalton hates X.”  Only I can say, “I hate X,” precisely because it is my own feeling.  If there is one thing that I insist upon, it is complete sovereignty over my own feelings.  No one else will ever dictate how I feel about anything.

And even if I say “I hate X,” how does anyone else know that I really feel the hatred?  They don’t.  Maybe I’m being sarcastic.  Maybe I’m joking.  Maybe I’m just trying to cause a stir.  No one will ever know my actual feelings except me—precisely because they are my own.  No one will ever know if I am expressing “real” hatred, or just pretending.  (Does that even matter?)

The point here is that hatred, because it vanishes into a subjective void that is utterly inaccessible to others, can never be quantified or objectified, and thus can never be the basis for legal enforcement—at least, not in any rational sense.  Therefore, the corresponding concept of ‘hate speech,’ viewed as the expression of hatred, likewise melts into thin air.  It is, technically, an incoherent concept when put forth as a basis for law.  This fact, of course, does not stop corrupt lawmakers around the globe from trying to enforce it, though for very different reasons, as I will explain.

So, let’s take a look at how some attempt to define the indefinable.  Here is one interesting definition from the Cambridge Dictionary:  hate speech is

public speech that expresses hate or encourages violence toward a person or group based on something such as race, religion, sex, or sexual orientation (= the fact of being gay, etc.)

This is a hugely problematic definition, on several grounds.  First, how public is ‘public’?  If I tell my neighbor, is that public?  If I publish something in a private chat room, is that public?  What if I mumble something aloud to a friend while in a shopping mall?  Am I responsible if a private email to a colleague gets reposted online?  And so on.

Second:  it involves the “expression of hate,” or “encouragement of violence.”  These are two vastly different things.  ‘Expression of hate’ is, as I said, functionally meaningless.  What, exactly, does it take for something to qualify as an “expression of hate”?  Presumably if I say “I hate X,” that counts.  But what else?  Does “I really, really, really dislike X” count?  Does “I’d like to see X die” count?  What about “I’d like to see X get very ill”?  Does “X is a total scumbag” count?  We can see the problems.  Incitement to violence is somewhat less ambiguous, but still problematic.  Who, for example, is to judge ‘encouragement’?  This is another highly subjective term.  And how much violence is necessary to qualify?  Is a good shove violent?  A pie in the face?  Tripping someone?  Is ‘emotional distress’ violence?  What about financial loss?

Third, we notice that it’s not violence per se, but rather violence “based on something such as race, religion, sex, or sexual orientation.”  This is very odd.  What does the phrase “something such as” mean here?  The qualifiers mentioned are usually assumed to be intrinsic to the person or group (race, gender)—except that religion, and even sexual orientation, can be changed at the drop of a hat.  Therefore, the qualities need not be intrinsic.  So what, exactly, is this mysterious criteria, this “something such as,” that is so crucial for the whole concept?

The point here is that the whole notion of ‘hate speech,’ like hate itself, dissolves into a subjective void.  In objective terms, it is virtually meaningless.  How, then, can be it be subject to the force of law?

The UN Takes a Shot

As if they don’t have enough on their plate already, the United Nations is now highly distressed by the spread of hate speech around the world.  Recently, in May 2019, they issued a short statement called “Strategy and plan of action on hate speech.”  It included this observation:

There is no international legal definition of hate speech, and the characterization of what is ‘hateful’ is controversial and disputed.  In the context of this document, the term ‘hate speech’ is understood as any kind of communication in speech, writing or behaviour, that attacks or uses pejorative or discriminatory language with reference to a person or a group on the basis of who they are—in other words, based on their religion, ethnicity, nationality, race, colour, descent, gender or other identity factor.  This is often rooted in, and generates, intolerance and hatred and, in certain contexts, can be demeaning and divisive.

The key phrases here:  “controversial and disputed” (obviously), “any kind of communication” (very broad), “pejorative or discriminatory language” (highly subjective and undefined), and “on the basis of who they are” (mostly intrinsic factors, except for nationality and religion, and possibly “other identity factors”).  And then we read the subsequent explanatory paragraph:

Rather than prohibiting hate speech as such, international law prohibits the incitement to discrimination, hostility and violence (referred to here as ‘incitement’).  Incitement is a very dangerous form of speech, because it explicitly and deliberately aims at triggering discrimination, hostility and violence, which may also lead to or include terrorism or atrocity crimes.  Hate speech that does not reach the threshold of incitement is not something that international law requires States to prohibit.

So, hate speech per se is not to be prohibited, but rather only a special kind of hate speech—“inciteful (to violence) hate speech.”  In other words, only the worst of the worst, apparently.  Clarification and elaboration would soon follow.

Also, the Foreword to the statement reveals something of the deeper motives at work here.  We find, in the opening paragraph, references to “anti-Semitism,” “neo-Nazis,” and the dreaded “White supremacy.”  Strange how we inevitably find such terms in any discussion of hate speech; more on this below.

Evidently dissatisfied with this short statement, the UN issued a 52-page “detailed guidance” report, under the same name, in September 2020.  Here they establish three levels of hate speech:  1) the worst kind: “direct and public incitement to violence” (including to genocide), 2) a grey zone of hate speech to be prohibited based on “legitimate aims” and only as “necessary and proportionate”, and 3) an unrestricted and lawful form that may still be “offensive, shocking, or disturbing.”  Level One (“Incitement”) hate speech in turn is based on, and determined by, six conditions:

  • 1) social and political context
  • 2) status of the speaker (!)
  • 3) intention of the speaker (!)
  • 4) form and content of the speech
  • 5) extent of dissemination
  • 6) likelihood of harm

Level One Hate must satisfy all six criteria, meaning (presumably): a sensitive time or social context, an influential or important speaker, bad intent, provocative style, widely disseminated, and with reasonable probability of harm.  Again, all six are required, for Level One status.  Levels Two and Three may meet some, or none, of these.  The six criteria are elaborated on pages 17 and 18 of the report.

Later in the document we find an interesting admission:  “The terms ‘hatred’ and ‘hostility’ should be understood to refer to intense and irrational emotions of opprobrium, enmity, and detestation towards the target group” (p. 13).  This is actually quite a relief; any opposition to Jews or other minorities, if rational and non-emotional (e.g., fact-based) cannot count as hate speech!  Therefore, writings by scholars, academics, or other serious researchers, who build a case based on facts, history, and plausible inference, are under no circumstances engaging in hate speech.  This is a huge loophole that somehow slipped past the ideological censors, one which we should be able to use to our advantage.

We (some of us, at least) get further relief on the following page, where we read that Level Three (allowable) Hate includes not only “expression that is offensive, shocking, or disturbing” but also covers “denial of historical events, including crimes of genocide or crimes against humanity.”  As the UN sees it, so-called Holocaust denial is permissible, or at least non-punishable, hate speech.[2]  And in Figure 4 they go further still, stating that Level Three hate “must be PROTECTED” as a form of free expression.  This is a remarkable concession.  Ah, but there’s a catch:  “unless such forms of expression also constitute incitement to hostility, discrimination, or violence under article 20 (2) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.”  This document, written in 1966 and made effective in 1976, includes these words under article 20:  “Any advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence shall be prohibited by law.”  So it would seem that, for example, Holocaust “denial” (whatever that means) is not prohibited as long as it avoids any connection to “incitement” of any kind.  Presumably discussing it as a historical subject is fine; just don’t implicate anyone today who promotes, exploits, or profits from the conventional Holocaust story.

“It’s always about the Jews!”

So, let’s get down to the rub.  I have a tentative hypothesis that I am willing to put forward:  Hate speech is by, for, and about Jews.  (Oops—is that hate speech?)  That is, that hate speech laws have been invented and promoted by Jews, primarily for their benefit.  I further hold that Jews are the master-class haters in world history, and that they understand the power of hatred better than any other people.  They have furthermore learned how to project their hatred onto others in service of their own ends, including by trickery and deception.  Let me marshal whatever evidence I can, mostly implicit, to build a case for this hypothesis.

Start with a little history of Jews and hatred.  Perhaps the first explicit connection came way back in 300 BC, in a short writing by Hecateus of Abdera titled “On the Jews.”  Only two fragments remain, one of which is relevant:  As a result of the Exodus, “Moses introduced a way of life which was, to a certain extent, misanthropic (apanthropon) and hostile to foreigners”.[3]  It is striking that, even at that early date, the Jews had a reputation for misanthropy—a hatred of humanity.  The same theme recurs in 134 BC, when King Antiochus VII was advised “to destroy the Jews, for they alone among all peoples refused all relations with other races, and saw everyone as their enemy.”  The king’s counselor cited “the Jews’ hatred of all mankind, sanctioned by their very laws.”[4]  Not only was their hatred notable, so too was the fact that it was “they alone, among all peoples”; the Jews were exceptional haters, it seems.

It is worth further expanding on the idea that Jewish hatred is “sanctioned by their very laws”—by which they mean, the Old Testament.  We know, of course, that the Jews viewed themselves as “chosen” by the creator of the universe:  “For you are a people holy to the Lord your God.  The Lord your God has chosen you to be a people for his own possession, out of all the peoples that are on the face of the earth” (Deut 7:6).  Clearly, then, everyone else is second-best.  We also know that God supposedly gave the Jews a kind of dominion over the other nations of the Earth.  The Book of Exodus states, “we [Jews] are distinct…from all other people that are upon the face of the earth” (33:16).  Similarly, the Hebrew tribe is “a people dwelling alone, and not reckoning itself among the nations” (Num 23:9).  In Deuteronomy (15:6), Moses tells the Jews “you shall rule over many nations”; “they shall be afraid of you” (28:10).  There is Genesis:  “Let peoples serve you, and nations bow down to you” (27:29); or Deuteronomy, where God promises Jews “houses full of all good things, which [they] did not fill, and cisterns hewn out, which [they] did not hew, and vineyards and olive trees, which [they] did not plant” (6:11).  And outside the Pentateuch, we can read in Isaiah:  “Foreigners shall build up your walls, and their kings shall minister to you…that men may bring you the wealth of the nations” (60:10–11); or again, “aliens shall stand and feed your flocks, foreigners shall be your plowmen and vinedressers…you shall eat the wealth of the nations” (61:5–6).  What is this but explicit misanthropy, sanctioned by God, and sustained “by their very laws”?

Around 50 BC, Diodorus Siculus wrote Historical Library where, in the course of discussing the Exodus, he observes that “the nation of Jews had made their hatred of mankind into a tradition” (34,1).  A few decades later, Lysimachus remarked that the Hebrew tribe was instructed by Moses “to show good will to no man” and to offer only “the worse advice” to others.  And in the early years of the Christian era, the writer Apion commented on the Jewish tendency “to show no goodwill to a single alien, above all to Greeks.”[5]  Again, repeated observations of Jewish hatred toward Gentile humanity.

The most insightful ancient critique, though, comes from Roman historian Tacitus.  His works Histories (100 AD) and Annals (115 AD) both record highly damning observations on the Hebrew tribe.  In the former, the Jews are described as “a race of men hateful to the gods” (genus hominum invisium deis, V.3).  Somewhat later, he remarks that “the Jews are extremely loyal toward one another, and always ready to show compassion, but toward every other people they feel only hate and enmity” (hostile odium, V.5).  But his most famous line comes from his later work, Annals.  There he examines the Great Fire of Rome in 64 AD, and Nero’s reaction to it.  Nero, says Tacitus, pinned the blame in part on the Christians and Jews—“a class of men loathed for their vices.”  The Jews “were convicted, not so much on the count of arson as for hatred of the human race” (odio humani generis, XV.44).  Clearly this was the decisive factor, certainly in Tacitus’ eyes and perhaps in all of Rome:  that the Jewish odio humani generis, hatred of humanity, was a sufficient crime to banish and even slay them.

I could go on, but the message is clear:  The ancient world viewed the Jews as exceptional haters.  I could also cite, for example, Philostratus circa 230 AD (“The Jews have long been in revolt not only against the Romans, but against all humanity”) or Porphyry circa 280 AD (The Jews are “the impious enemies of all nations”)—but the point is made.

Importantly, this impression carried on for centuries in Europe, into the Renaissance, the Reformation, and even through to the present day.  Martin Luther’s monumental work On the Jews and Their Lies (1543) includes this passage:  “Now you can see what fine children of Abraham the Jews really are, how well they take after their father [the Devil], yes, what a fine people of God they are.  They boast before God of their physical birth and of the noble blood inherited from their fathers, despising all other people.”[6]  Two centuries later, circa 1745, Jean-Baptiste de Mirabaud wrote that “The Jews…were hated because they were known to hate other men.”[7]  And then we have Voltaire’s entry on “Jews” in his famous Philosophical Dictionary, which reads as follows:

It is certain that the Jewish nation is the most singular that the world has ever seen, and…in a political view, the most contemptible of all. …  It is commonly said that the abhorrence in which the Jews held other nations proceeded from their horror of idolatry; but it is much more likely that the manner in which they, at the first, exterminated some of the tribes of Canaan, and the hatred which the neighboring nations conceived for them, were the cause of this invincible aversion.  As they knew no nations but their neighbors, they thought that, in abhorring them, they detested the whole earth, and thus accustomed themselves to be the enemies of all men. …  In short, we find in them only an ignorant and barbarous people, who have long united the most sordid avarice with the most detestable superstition and the most invincible hatred for every people by whom they are tolerated and enriched.[8]

British historian Edward Gibbon stated the following in his classic work of 1788, The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire:

The Jews…emerged from obscurity…and multiplied to a surprising degree. …  The sullen obstinacy with which they maintained their peculiar rites and unsocial manners seemed to mark them out a distinct species of men, who boldly professed, or who faintly disguised, their implacable hatred to the rest of human-kind.[9]

A similar observation came from the pen of German philosopher Johann Fichte in 1793:

Throughout almost all the countries of Europe, a mighty hostile state is spreading that is at perpetual war with all other states, and in many of them imposes fearful burdens on the citizens: it is the Jews.  I don’t think, as I hope to show subsequently, that this state is fearful—not because it forms a separate and solidly united state, but because this state is founded on the hatred of the whole human race…[10]

Who, then, are the master haters in all of history?

Particularly striking are the words of Nietzsche.  A long series of negative comments on the Jews began in 1881 with his book Daybreak, where he observes in passing (sec. 377) that “The command ‘love your enemies’ had to be invented by the Jews, the best haters there have ever been.”  So it would seem that the Jews are truly best at something after all: hatred.  Then in The Gay Science (1882), Nietzsche sarcastically notes that the Jews are indeed ‘chosen’ people, precisely because “they had a more profound contempt for the human being in themselves than any other people” (sec. 136).

But the most stunning discourse appears in Nietzsche’s work of 1887, On the Genealogy of Morals, where he offers a detailed analysis of hatred from the Judeo-Christian perspective.  In short, Jewish hatred is manifested most visibly in their rabbis, religious men, and their priests.  Sanctioned by God, priestly hate is the deepest and most profound; it is the hatred of those without tangible power.  Jewish hatred then metastasized in Christianity, taking form as its nominal opposite, namely, love.  The First Essay is a masterpiece of literature and philosophy; I quote it at length:

As is well known, priests are the most evil of enemies—but why?  Because they are the most powerless.  From their powerlessness, their hate grows among them into something huge and terrifying, to the most spiritual and most poisonous manifestations.  The really great haters in world history and the most spiritual haters have always been priests—in comparison with the spirit of priestly revenge, all the remaining spirits are generally hardly worth considering.

Let us quickly consider the greatest example.  Everything on earth which has been done against “the noble,” “the powerful,” “the masters,” “the rulers” is not worth mentioning in comparison with what the Jews have done against them: the Jews, that priestly people, who knew how to get final satisfaction from their enemies and conquerors through a radical transformation of their values, that is, through an act of the most spiritual revenge.  This was appropriate only to a priestly people with the most deeply repressed priestly desire for revenge.  In opposition to the aristocratic value equations (good = noble = powerful = beautiful = fortunate = loved by god), the Jews, with an awe-inspiring consistency, dared to reverse things and to hang on to that with the teeth of the most profound hatred (the hatred of the powerless)…  (sec. 7)

But you fail to understand that?  You have no eye for something that needed two millennia to emerge victorious? … That’s nothing to wonder at: all lengthy things are hard to see, to assess.  However, that’s what took place: out of the trunk of that tree of vengeance and hatred, Jewish hatred—the deepest and most sublime hatred, that is, a hatred which creates ideals and transforms values, something whose like has never existed on earth—from that grew something just as incomparable, a new love, the deepest and most sublime of all the forms of love: —from what other trunk could it have grown?

However, one should not assume that this love arose essentially as the denial of that thirst for vengeance, as the opposite of Jewish hatred!  No: the reverse is the truth!  This love grew out of that hatred, as its crown, as the victorious crown unfolding itself wider and wider in the purest brightness and sunshine, which, so to speak, was seeking for the kingdom of light and height, the goal of that hate, aiming for victory, trophies, seduction, with the same urgency with which the roots of that hatred were sinking down ever deeper and more greedily into everything that was evil and possessed depth.  This Jesus of Nazareth, the living evangelist of love, the “Saviour” bringing holiness and victory to the poor, to the sick, to the sinners—was he not that very seduction in its most terrible and most irresistible form, the seduction and detour to exactly those Jewish values and innovations in ideals?  (sec. 8)

On this view, Christian ‘love’ grows out of Jewish ‘hate,’ like the crown of the tree from its roots.  The Jews (and Paul specifically), the master haters, purveyors of the “deepest and most sublime hatred” that has ever existed, created the idea of a saviour who loves everyone.  They did so as cover for their hatred of humanity, and as an enticement into their Jewish-inspired worldview—one of a Jewish man-god (Jesus), of Jehovah the Almighty, of heaven and hell.  These destructive and nihilistic “values and innovations” could only be foisted upon a humanity that was detested.  Christianity was thus the greatest manifestation of Jewish hatred ever conceived.

Nietzsche summarizes his thesis concisely in section 16:

In Rome the Jew was considered “guilty of hatred against the entire human race.”  And that view was correct, to the extent that we are right to link the health and the future of the human race to the unconditional rule of aristocratic values, the Roman values.

The nihilistic Christian values—based on a mythical God and an unknowable and perhaps nonexistent future life—managed to undermine and ultimately displace the superior Greco-Roman values that had flourished for 800 years and created the foundation of all of Western civilization.  Only an overthrow of Judeo-Christianity and a return to classic, aristocratic values can save humanity at this point.  The quoted passage refers, of course, to Tacitus.

We can’t leave the Genealogy without brief mention of a fascinating and humorous allegory on hatred that Nietzsche offers in section 13.  There he compares the situation between lowly (Judeo-Christian) haters and the strong and noble (Roman) aristocrats to the opposition that might exist between baby lambs and some nasty predator (Raubvogel), like an eagle.  The lambs are innocently and peacefully munching grass in a field, but live in constant fear of a predator who may, at any time, swoop in and snatch them up.  The weak lambs are haters; they hate those birds of prey.  But the noble eagles don’t hate at all.  Nietzsche explains:

But let’s come back: the problem with the other origin of the “good,” of the good man, as the person of ressentiment has imagined it for himself, demands its own conclusion.  —That the lambs are upset about the great predatory birds is not a strange thing, and the fact that they snatch away small lambs provides no reason for holding anything against these large birds of prey.  And if the lambs say among themselves, “These predatory birds are evil, and whoever is least like a predatory bird, especially anyone who is like its opposite, a lamb—shouldn’t that animal be good?” there is nothing to find fault with in this setting-up of an ideal, except for the fact that the birds of prey might look down on them with a little mockery and perhaps say to themselves, “We are not at all annoyed with these good lambs.  We even love them.  Nothing is tastier than a tender lamb.”

The noble don’t hate; they rule and dominate.  Only the weak hate.  The weak haters furthermore seek to portray the strong and noble in the harshest possible terms: “evil,” “killers,” “sinners.”  But this is ludicrous, of course.  The strong are just doing what is appropriate to their nature.  The haters might then try to confuse the strong, to guilt them into changing their behavior, to get them to become ‘weak’ and ‘good’ like the haters themselves.  But this would be the death of them, just as a life of munching grass—so pleasant for a lamb—would mean death for an eagle.  Nietzsche emphasizes this very point:

[I]t’s no wonder that the repressed, secretly smouldering feelings of rage and hate use this belief for themselves, and basically even maintain a faith in nothing more fervently than in the idea that the strong are free to be weak and that predatory birds are free to be lambs: —in so doing, they arrogate to themselves the right to blame the birds of prey for being birds of prey.

Today, weak and lowly haters—Jews, Jewish-inspired Christians, and Jewish lackeys in the media—have been working hard to convince the strong and noble that they are bad, evil, bigoted, racist, and supremacist.  And to the extent that they have succeeded, it has been the death of noble humanity.  We must resist this tendency with all our might.

Hate Speech in the Twentieth Century

With growing wealth and financial clout, and with a 2,000-year history of skill in hatred under their belts, organized Jewry began to press the case for legal sanctions against their opponents.  With the flood of Jewish immigrants around the turn of the century, it is perhaps not surprising that Jewish legal advocacy took hold in the US.  In the first two decades, a number of major pro-Jewish groups emerged, including the American Jewish Committee (1906), the Anti-Defamation League (1913), the American Jewish Congress (1918), and the American Civil Liberties Union (1920).  All these groups were de facto anti-hate speech advocates, even if the federal legal apparatus did not really exist at that point.  Their focus was on so-called “group libel,” a novel legal concept that was formulated specifically to benefit Jewish interests.

Meanwhile, across the ocean, Jews were making better legal progress in the proto-Soviet Union.  The rise of Jewish Bolsheviks from around 1900, including Leon Trotsky and the quarter-Jewish Vladimir Lenin, brought a new concern with anti-Semitism to the Russian Empire.  When they took power in the February Revolution of 1917, they immediately set to work to make life better for Russian Jews.  Pinkus (1990) explains that these Bolsheviks “issued a decree annulling all legal restrictions on Jews” in March 1917.[11]  He adds that, unsurprisingly, “Even before the October [1917] Revolution, Lenin and the Bolshevik Party were hostile to anti-Semitism.  Lenin castigated it in the strongest terms on a number of occasions.”  As soon as July 1918, the Soviet Council issued a decree (though without legal enforcement) stating that “the anti-Semitic movement and the anti-Jewish pogroms are a deadly menace to the Revolution”; all Soviet workers are called upon “to fight this plague with all possible means”.[12]  Lenin himself continued to press his pro-Jewish propaganda; in one short but notable speech of March 1919, he said:

Anti-Semitism means spreading enmity towards the Jews.  When the accursed Czarist monarchy was living its last days, it tried to incite ignorant workers and peasants against the Jews.  The Czarist police, in alliance with the landowners and the capitalists, organized pogroms against the Jews.  The landowners and capitalists tried to divert the hatred of the workers and peasants who were tortured by want against the Jews. … Only the most ignorant and downtrodden people can believe the lies and slander that are spread about the Jews.  This is a survival of ancient feudal times, when the priests burned heretics at the stake, when the peasants lived in slavery, and when the people were crushed and inarticulate.  This ancient, feudal ignorance is passing away; the eyes of the people are being opened.

It is not the Jews who are the enemies of the working people.  The enemies of the workers are the capitalists of all countries.  Among the Jews there are working people, and they form the majority.  They are our brothers, who, like us, are oppressed by capital; they are our comrades in the struggle for socialism. … Shame on accursed Czarism which tortured and persecuted the Jews.  Shame on those who foment hatred towards the Jews, who foment hatred towards other nations.

As (non-Jew) Joseph Stalin rose to power in the 1920s, he found it expedient to continue working with the Soviet Jews and generally defended their status.  Consequently, that decade became a sort of ‘golden age’ for Jews; it saw the emergence of the likes of Lazar Kaganovich, Yakov Sverdlov, Lev Kamenev, Karl Radek, Leonid Krasin, Filipp Goloshchekin, and Yakov Agranov—all high-ranking Jews in the Soviet hierarchy.[13]  Partly because of this governmental dominance, anti-Semitism among the Russian masses continued to percolate.  Eventually, “in 1927, a decision was reached to take drastic steps to repress anti-Semitism.”[14]  Various forms of propaganda were employed, including books, pamphlets, plays, and films; the process culminated in harsh legal action against anti-Jewish hate, up to and including the death penalty.  Stalin confirmed this in writing in 1931:

Anti-Semitism is of advantage to the exploiters as a lightning conductor that deflects the blows aimed by the working people at capitalism.  Anti-Semitism is dangerous for the working people as being a false path that leads them off the right road and lands them in the jungle.  Hence Communists, as consistent internationalists, cannot but be irreconcilable, sworn enemies of anti-Semitism.  In the USSR, anti-Semitism is punishable with the utmost severity of the law as a phenomenon deeply hostile to the Soviet system.  Under USSR law, active anti-Semites are liable to the death penalty.

The Jewish Golden Age in the Soviet Union lasted until the late 1930s, when Stalin inaugurated a retrenchment of Jewish power, apparently in response to the National Socialist stance.[15]

But the Soviet (and Bolshevik) philo-Semitic policies of the 1920s and 1930s were not lost on Hitler.  He and Goebbels were relentless, and justified, in their critiques of “Jewish Bolshevism” as a dominant threat to Germany and Europe.  Goebbels in particular noted the growing push for ‘hate speech’ and ‘hate crime’ laws in defense of Jews in both the USSR and the UK; for him, this was proof of (a) a deep-seated and imminent mass uprising against the Jews, and (b) an over-playing of their legal authority.  Anti-hate laws are a sign of desperation; they indicate that the end-game is near.  In a revealing diary entry of 19 April 1943, Goebbels writes:

The Jews in England are now calling for legal protection against anti-Semitism.  We know that from our own past, in the times of struggle.  But even that didn’t give them much advantage.  We’ve always understood how to find gaps in these protective laws; and moreover, anti-Semitism, once it rises from the depths of the people, cannot be broken by law.  A law against Jew-hatred is usually the beginning of the end for the Jews.  We will make sure that anti-Semitism in England does not cool down.  In any case, a longer-lasting war is the best breeding ground for it.[16]

The following month, in his published essay “The War and the Jews,” Goebbels commented on the legal situation in the USSR—the very law that Stalin described above, and that was still in force some 13 years later:

We constantly hear news that anti-Semitism is increasing in enemy nations.  The charges being made against the Jews are well-known; they are the same ones that were made here.  Anti-Semitism in enemy nations is not the result of anti-Semitic propaganda, since Jewry fights that strongly.  In the Soviet Union, it receives the death penalty.[17]

The status of anti-Semitic hate speech laws was of importance to Goebbels right to the very end.  In his last major essay, “Creators of the World’s Misfortunes” (1945), he reiterated the significance of the Soviet law:

Capitalism and Bolshevism have the same Jewish roots—two branches of the same tree that in the end bear the same fruit.  International Jewry uses both in its own way to suppress nations and keep them in its service.  How deep its influence on public opinion is in all the enemy countries and many neutral nations is plain to see: it may never be mentioned in newspapers, speeches, and radio broadcasts.

There’s a law in the Soviet Union that punishes ‘anti-Semitism’—or in plain English, public education about the Jewish Question—by death.  Any expert in these matters is in no way surprised that a leading spokesman for the Kremlin said over the New Year that the Soviet Union would not rest until this law was valid throughout the world.  In other words, the enemy clearly says that its goal in this war is to put the total domination of Jewry over the nations of the Earth under legal protection, and to use the death penalty to threaten even a discussion of this shameful attempt.  It is little different in the plutocratic [Western] nations.

Even at the bitter end, this theme still impressed Goebbels.  In one of his final diary entries, he wrote:

The Jews have already registered for the San Francisco Conference [on post-war plans].  It is characteristic that their main demand is to ban anti-Semitism throughout the world.  Typically, having committed the most terrible crimes against mankind, the Jews would now like mankind to be forbidden even to think about them.[18]

And indeed, they have succeeded, at least in part.  The postwar German Volksverhetzung and the Austrian Verbotsgesetz both stand as among the most embarrassing legal capitulations to Jewish interests in the Western world.

Thus we clearly see the origins of hate speech legislation in the twentieth century: it was first constructed by Jews and their sycophants (like Stalin), both in the US and in the Soviet Union, to quell any looming opposition to their power structure.  So intent were they on stifling objection to Jewish rule that they were willing to kill those who opposed them.

To the Present Day

With the growing dominance of Jewish influence in American government over the past five decades, and ongoing influence in Europe, calls to restrict and punish any anti-Jewish commentary via hate speech laws have become ever more strident.  The U.S. government—or at least the Republicans—have so far mostly resisted such efforts, but social media has come around to the philosemitic stance.  Facebook and Facebook-owned Instagram, Twitter, and Google-owned YouTube, have all taken it upon themselves to censor hate speech, especially of the anti-Semitic variety.  Google has altered its search algorithms to de-rank offensive and “hate” sites.  All this is perfectly understandable, given the huge Jewish presence atop Big Tech; we need only mention Mark Zuckerberg, Sergei Brin, Larry Page, Larry Ellison, Michael Dell, Sheryl Sandberg, Safra Katz, Susan Wojcicki, Steve Ballmer, Brian Roberts, Marc Benioff, Craig Newmark, and Jeff Weiner, for starters.

Parallel to Big Tech censorship, Jewish advocacy groups like the SPLC and the ADL continue to press civil cases against those ‘haters’ who they believe have violated the rights or reputation of some aggrieved party.  The SPLC has a section of its website dedicated to “anti-Semitism and hate speech,” and the ADL—well, that’s their raison d’etre.  Third-party lawsuits and tech censorship serve the purpose of implementing de facto pro-Jewish hate speech policies, at least within the U.S.

Conclusion

But to come full circle:  I began this piece with a discussion about the logical vagueness and incoherence of the concept of hate speech.  Clearly, though, many powerful, Jewish-inspired corporations and politicians find the concept useful.  For them, in the most basic and practical terms, it becomes quite simple:  Hate speech is any speech that Jews hate.  Yes, they may claim to hate anti-Muslim speech or anti-Black speech, but this is so only because it is a necessary corollary to anti-Jewish hate speech.  The Jews are not so stupid today as to push for uniquely Jewish, “anti-anti-Semitism” laws; those are a thing of the past.  Today, such laws require cover language that, at least in theory, includes other “oppressed” groups.  Jews and their defenders must appear universal and fair—when in reality most seem to have utter contempt for virtually all non-Jewish groups (there’s that “hatred of humanity” again).  Hate speech is any speech that Jews hate.

Consider:  If you hate what I say, who’s the hater?  It’s you, not me.  The fact that you may not like what I’m saying does not make me a hater.  It makes you the hater.  And if you happen to be a champion, master-class, world-historical hater, well then—it’s all hate to you.

Thomas Dalton, PhD, has authored or edited several books and articles on politics, history, and religion, with a special focus on National Socialism in Germany.  His works include a new translation series of Mein Kampf, and the books Eternal Strangers (2020), The Jewish Hand in the World Wars (2019), and Debating the Holocaust (4th ed, 2020), all available at www.clemensandblair.com.  For all his writings, see his personal website www.thomasdaltonphd.com.


[1] Reprinted in Goebbels on the Jews (2019; T. Dalton, ed), p. 199.  This and most other books cited below are available at www.clemensandblair.com.

[2] For the record, I am no denier.  I believe that there was a Holocaust of the mid-20th century:  it was called World War Two, and some 60 million people died as a result of Jewish-instigated actions both here and in Europe.  Jewish fatalities seem to have numbered around 500,000, according to the major revisionists.  For more on these issues, see my books The Jewish Hand in the World Wars (2019) and Debating the Holocaust (4th ed, 2020).

[3] Eternal Strangers (2020; T. Dalton, ed), p. 16.

[4] Emilio Gabba, “The growth of anti-Judaism,” in The Cambridge History of Judaism (vol. 2, 1984; Cambridge University Press), p. 645.

[5] Eternal Strangers, pp. 19, 21, and 25, respectively.

[6] On the Jews and Their Lies (2020, T. Dalton, ed; Clemens & Blair), p. 53.

[7] Eternal Strangers, p. 68.

[8] Eternal Strangers, pp. 70-71.

[9] The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (1788/1974, vol. 2; AMS Press), p. 3.  See also Eternal Strangers, p. 59.

[10] Eternal Strangers, p. 78.

[11] Benjamin Pinkus, The Jews of the Soviet Union (1990; Cambridge University Press), p. 84.

[12] In Pinkus, p. 85.

[13] The parallels to the Biden regime are striking; see my recent piece “Confronting the Judeocracy.”

[14] Pinkus, p. 86.

[15] Postwar, Stalin’s purging of high-ranking Jews accelerated, resulting in a decade-long period of virtual state-sponsored anti-Semitism, ending only with Stalin’s death in 1953.

[16] Goebbels on the Jews, p. 199.

[17] Ibid., pp. 206-207.

[18] 4 April 1945, in Goebbels on the Jews, p. 255.

Remembering the 2001 English Race Riots


“Crime in Oldham had reached ‘record levels’ with a massive increase (to 60 percent of all incidents) in violent attacks on whites.”
David Waddington, Policing Public Disorder[1]

The racialist is bound to an instinctive love-hate relationship with the race riot. On the one hand, racial violence is a cause for sorrow and disgust. It represents the fullest expression of the violent disintegration of prior ethnic homogeneity. On the other hand, the race riot is a powerful vindication and an unveiling. It’s an honest illustration of ethnic truths that are always present but often covered up by a variety of bribes, propaganda devices, excuses, and false or temporary panaceas. For the racialist, ethnic conflict is a predictable, inevitable, and violent eruption of reality into the dreamlike fantasy of multiculturalism. The race riot, with its explosive unraveling of communal grudges and hostilities, can be postponed, reinterpreted, and badly explained by those in power, but, for the racialist, it cannot ever be permanently avoided; its potential is etched into the very fabric of the multicultural project.

This summer marks the twentieth anniversary of a sequence of race riots in northern England that had a transformative effect on my worldview, and continues to exert a significant influence on how I see the world. More than Jewish historical fairy tales or Islamic terrorism, this was the primary moment of my political awakening. It was the first time I heard about “no-go” areas dominated by foreign ethnic groups, the first time I learned about the activities of the British National Party, and the first time I gained an understanding of the fact that we are only ever a simple shift in context and circumstances away from explicit racial enmity. I learned during that summer two decades ago that, ultimately, it doesn’t matter how tolerant you think you are or desire to be — what matters more is how the other side will see you when push comes to shove. And whether or not you subscribe to Social Darwinism in its finer points, it is a simple fact of human history that push always comes to shove. Violence between groups over resources has always occurred, and will never cease.

Such was the painful lesson learned by 76-year-old veteran Walter Chamberlain who, in April 2001, was walking home from a rugby match through a predominantly South Asian area of Oldham when he was set upon by a group of Pakistanis. Having committed the grievous error of deciding to walk through “their” neighborhood, Chamberlain was beaten senseless, and suffered several broken facial bones. Four decades of ethnic tension, dating to the arrival of the first significant waves of Pakistani, Bangladeshi, and Indian migrants in Oldham, had bubbled over. Once Chamberlain’s battered face appeared on the front pages of several national newspapers (I vividly recall seeing it while purchasing a copy of Combat, a now defunct UK martial arts magazine), a White backlash seemed inevitable.

The attack on Walter Chamberlain was merely a final straw. Racial violence against Whites had been escalating in the South Asian enclaves of northern England for years. Prior to the attack on Chamberlain, Greater Manchester Police’s “Q Division (Oldham)” had issued a number of warnings about the nature of ethnic crime and violence in the town. The Chief Superintendent, for example, wrote in one report that

There’s evidence that [Asian male youths] are trying to create exclusive areas for themselves. Anyone seems to be a target if they are white. It is a growing polarisation between some sections of the Asian youth and white youth on the grounds of race, manifesting itself in violence, predominantly Asian.[2]

Four months before the attack on Chamberlain, Greater Manchester Police released a report showing that “62 per cent of racial incidents were Asian on white. A special report for the Chief Constable of Greater Manchester emphasised that these were part of an ongoing trend involving primarily Pakistani and Bangladeshi teenagers.”[3] Academics have  since attributed the later race riots in part to honest media portrayals of these reports and incidents, which acted to stimulate a sense of White cohesion and victimisation. The Oldham Chronicle, for example, had been brutally honest in its reports during the late 1990s, leading with a number of headlines such as “Racist Attacks By Asian Gangs,” (March 17 1998), and “HUGE RISE IN RACE ATTACKS ON WHITE MEN” (January 31 2001). The police, the local media, and the Whites of northern England have since come in for severe criticism by the foremost academic apologist for Pakistani crime, who insists, without evidence, that South Asians were actually the most victimised population prior to the riots but had low trust in the police and therefore didn’t report crimes against them.[4] This apologist is the sociologist Professor Larry Ray (University of Kent), whose motivations, considered in light of his past Presidency of the British Association for Jewish Studies, require no further discussion for the well-informed readers of this website.

Larry Ray: Jewish Apologist for Pakistani violence against Whites

The increase in violence in Oldham, and similar trends in Burnley and Bradford, caught the attention of both the National Front and the British National Party, both of which astutely flooded these towns with pamphlets, some bearing the battered visage of Walter Chamberlain. In combination with honest local media reporting, these groups helped to further heighten White cohesion, solidarity, and ethnocentrism, with the National Front even promising to march through the Asian-dominated “no-go” areas in a White “show of strength.” The march was quickly banned by the Home Office, but White ethnocentrism in these towns was obviously on the rise. Once it reached adequate levels, it was only a matter of time before opposing racial factions clashed on a larger scale. The Pakistanis, for their part, had started daubing walls on their streets with the slogan “Whites Keep Out.”[5]

The Riots

As in most cases of ethnic conflict, the initial flashpoint for mass violence was relatively banal but escalated quickly. A month after the attack on Walter Chamberlain, a White youth spotted two Pakistani brothers walking past a Fish and Chips shop, and threw a brick at them, striking one on the leg. The two Pakistanis followed the youth to a nearby house, and word was quickly spread to other Pakistanis in the area. In a short period of time, more than a dozen Pakistanis had gathered outside the house seeking violent retribution from the lone White perpetrator. They then kicked in the front door. The woman who owned the house called both the police and her 25-year-old brother, who was then socialising in a nearby pub with members of the British National Party and a Far Right paramilitary organisation known as Combat 18. The group made their way from the pub to the scene of disturbance in three taxis, and set about responding to Pakistani intimidation by smashing the windows of South Asian residences and businesses. The police then arrived, arresting 10 members of the White grouping, and two Pakistanis who’d been involved in attacking the house. Within an hour, a 500-strong crowd of Pakistanis formed street barricades and began throwing petrol bombs and other missiles at police. Between 10pm and 5am of the first episode of major violence, four pubs were almost destroyed along with the offices of the Oldham Chronicle (presumably for its reporting of Pakistani crime), and 32 police vehicles were damaged. Scenes of chaos from Oldham’s streets were broadcast around the world.

A month after the Oldham riot, trouble erupted in Burnley. The town had a growing population of young Pakistani males, who formed criminal cliques that acted as rivals to White criminal gangs as well as assaulting or robbing non-criminal Whites. As well as absorbing the tensions emanating from Oldham, Burnley had its own problems. The town had an “Equal Opportunities Co-ordinator” who was accused of helping to provide preferential council investment to South Asian-occupied areas. The controversy led to a spike in British National Party representation on the local council (to 21%), as well as to calls for the abolition of the role of Equal Opportunities Co-ordinator (the town’s Race Equality Council had also recently been disbanded). The final spark arrived in June 2001, when there was an altercation between South Asian and White criminals, which resulted in a Pakistani being struck on the head with a hammer. False rumors that the Pakistani was dead began circulating in the South Asian community, and a mob of armed males gathered at, and subsequently attacked, the Duke of York pub, which was regarded as being frequented by the White element.

The following day, the pub’s landlord closed the establishment and informed arriving customers what had happened. Large numbers of Whites, including around 60 youths, who had no involvement in the events of the preceding days, were reported by police at the time as having adopted “something of a siege mentality,” and began chanting racial slogans at nearby Pakistani taxi drivers. Using taxi radios, much of the town’s young Pakistani male population was mobilised into action and was instructed to attack Whites gathered at the pub. This Pakistani mob, later estimated by police as numbering at least 300, armed themselves with machetes and clubs and made their way to the Duke of York. Before they arrived, the 60 White youths divided into two groups. One of these groups was intercepted by police, who then inexplicably steered them into the path of the armed 300 Pakistanis. The police then hastily formed a barrier between the two ethnic groups, with each then turning their violent intentions towards rival residences and businesses on their side of the police barrier. As with Oldham, these scenes were broadcast around the world.

A few weeks after the ethnic chaos in Burnley, it was Bradford’s turn to combust.[6] In 2001, Bradford had the second largest population of South Asians of any UK city, with approximately 68,000 Pakistanis, 12,500 Indians, 5,000 Bangladeshis and 3,000 other Asians. The White demographic had declined to 78% of the total population, and the town was host to many of the same issues in Oldham and Burnley: decades of tense segregation; a culture of criminality among young South Asian males; and a sense that local government resources were being invested in South Asian communities at the expense of the working-class native population. It should also be added that the town had already witnessed large-scale race riots in the form of the 1995 Manningham Riot. As in the other towns, the National Front and the British National Party supplemented growing White racial consciousness in the area (already prompted by press coverage of South Asian criminality) by engaging in intensive pamphleting, making advances in local government elections, arranging marches, and hosting meetings. When the spark finally arrived, Bradford exploded with one of the most violent of all the race riots that occurred in 2001, resulting in more than 300 injured police officers, 200 jail sentences totaling 604 years, and an estimated £7 million in property damage.

In Bradford, the spark was provided on July 7 by the “Anti-Nazi League,” who declared their intention to prevent the National Front from marching in the city center. The group comprised a small White leftist element and several hundred South Asians. The protest did little more than push National Front/BNP supporters to the fringes of the city, where clashes with South Asians were in fact more likely to take place out of sight of police. Around 3pm, rumors began circulating among the Antifa/South Asian element that members of the National Front were socialising at a nearby pub. A faction set off in search of the pub and, during an attempted attack on National Front members a Pakistani was stabbed. Shortly after this point, the smaller White leftist element departed the city center, leaving a rump of several hundred Asians who soon began throwing missiles at watching police, looting several shops, and smashing windows. Around 5pm, two White men were stabbed by a group of South Asians on Thornton Road, and a group of 60–70 South Asians began resisting police attempts to clear the city center by throwing petrol bombs. The crowd was only dispersed following several police charges on horseback, but during the chaotic retreat of the South Asians, Mohammed Ilyas, a 48-year-old Pakistani businessman and father of six, firebombed the Manningham Labour Club, a White-frequented recreational center, while 23 men and women were still inside. Those inside managed to survive by taking refuge in the building’s cellar. Ilyas was subsequently caught and sentenced to 12 years in prison.

The following night, around a hundred White males gathered near Bradford city center seeking retribution, before setting off in search of South Asian-owned businesses in the Ravenscliffe and Holmewood areas. Following mass damage to Pakistani businesses, vehicles, and property, the police flooded the area with almost 1,000 officers, which brought an end to the riots of July 8. The following night, however, these events were repeated. Police again flooded the streets of Bradford, this time bringing a lasting but uneasy peace.

Legacy

Did ethnic relations in these towns improve? Can we assume that, since the riots have not been repeated, somehow multiculturalism now “works” in these areas? As mentioned at the outset of this essay, as a racialist I believe that ethnic conflict will be the natural state of affairs within multiculturalism, and that where it is not obviously present that is because it has been covered up by a variety of bribes, propaganda devices, excuses, and false or temporary panaceas. In the aftermath of the riots, the government said much about fostering “inclusion,” about “breaking down barriers,” about “encouraging understanding,” and about improving the material lives of the neglected Whites of northern England — words entirely without meaning or honest intent. Five years after the riots, one resident of Burnley told the BBC, “Nothing’s changed, it may have got worse. … The poor white areas still do not get any government help. Duke Bar is a no-go area after dark. So much for all the Government talk about helping Burnley.” Within several years of the riots, Oldham and Bradford evolved into the largest epicenters for the South Asian sex trafficking of hundreds of White girls. Today, the White population has Bradford declined to 63%, while Oldham and Burnley have experienced slower rates of White demographic displacement. Two decades after the riots, Whites and South Asians continue to live in a state of tension.

Since South Asian expansion and criminality hasn’t disappeared, the real question is what happened to the capacity for White reaction. It’s clear in this regard that, rather than deal directly with the problems inherent in multiculturalism, the government pursued a policy of neutering White anger and ethnocentrism as the best method for preventing further riots. Since White solidarity leading up to the riots was perceived as originating with press reports and the activities of the BNP and the National Front, these were two obvious starting points for preventative measures. Criticism of the honest reporting of the Oldham Chronicle, exemplified in the work of Professor Ray, culminated 11 years later in a government report issued by Lord Brian Leveson, who describes himself as a “devout Jew.” The report, known as the Leveson Report, revolutionised press standards by condemning “careless or reckless reporting” that includes “discriminatory, sensational or unbalanced reporting in relation to ethnic minorities.” In other words, referring to such things as “Asian crime” or “Attacks on Whites” in news headlines became a thing of the past, and so White perceptions of their victimisation and the nature of ethnic crime were disrupted and stifled.

Political White Nationalism in England also came under sustained attack from various quarters. In 2004, elements of the media contrived to undermine the BNP and “expose” its racism to the public, eventually resulting in the Channel 4 documentary The Secret Agent. The documentary involves little more than an undercover journalist presenting secretly recorded footage of low-level BNP members uttering some controversial sentiments while under the influence of alcohol. The risible footage nevertheless led to an attempt to prosecute both Nick Griffin and Mark Collett for incitement to racial hatred, both of whom were found not guilty at trial. Continued harassment and disruption of the BNP continued into 2009, however, when the Equality and Human Rights Commission undertook court proceedings to force the BNP to accept non-White members. Finally, there was a sustained push to present UKIP’s civic nationalism as a more respectable “protest vote” against the established parties. The BNP was never able to recover.

White anger and ethnocentrism were also suppressed through a tightening of the law. Two years after the riots the government passed the Criminal Justice Act 2003, sections 145 and 146 of which granted courts the power to increase sentences for any crime in which racial or religious motivations were suspected. Going further even than the idea of a “hate crime,” the legislation made it clear that even perceived “hostility” to the injured party would be sufficient to come under its terms. Placed in the context of an ethnically defined riot, for example, a White youth caught breaking a window would now attract a significantly higher sentence than the normal punishment handed down for criminal damage.

Muzzling the media, disrupting White ethnic politics, and tougher legal punishments for White protest — this is how the government temporarily solved the problem of race riots in England. I say “temporarily” because it’s only a matter of time before even these measures become insufficient to cover up the simmering tensions built into multiculturalism. A further dramatic shift in interethnic relations is an inevitability, and will probably involve the reaching of certain demographic tipping points or a dive in the economy leading to scarce resources. The final spark will be caused by something banal. Instinct will kick in. Tribes will form. People can be awakened by the innocuous as well as the dramatic; the distant as well as the near. For me it began twenty years ago, with a brick thrown in Oldham.


[1] D. Waddington, Policing Public Disorder: Theory and Practice (Routledge: New York, 2007), p.99

[2] Ibid.

[3] Ibid.

[4] Ray, Larry, and David Smith. “Racist Offending, Policing and Community Conflict.” Sociology 38, no. 4 (October 2004): 681–99.

[5] Waddington, 100.

[6] For an in-depth analysis of the Bradford riots see, Bagguley, Paul, Riotous Citizens: Ethnic Conflict in Multicultural Britain (Routledge, 2016).

A maldição demográfica: Satã e a esquerda mentem

Se o caro leitor aprecia livros divertidos e ao mesmo tempo inteligentes, dou um conselho tão bom agora quanto o era mais de dois séculos atrás: leia o livro The Monk [O monge]. Tendo por autor um adolescente altamente talentoso chamado Matthew Lewis e primeiramente publicada em 1796, este que é um dos maiores romances góticos lampeja inteligência e sabedoria. Entre outras qualidades, o livro consiste numa ilustração das mais claras sobre tema perene: a mentira como abre-alas do mal. Satã seduz antes de assaltar, aparecendo sob disfarce até que possa revelar sua verdadeira e feia natureza.

Deslumbrado pelo mal

O monge que dá nome ao romance, homem piedoso, mas moralmente mazelado, um abade espanhol de nome Ambrósio, acaba sendo seduzido pelo demônio e cai em perdição. Quando um falso amigo invoca Satã em favor de Ambrósio, o abade é ludibriado por inteligente disfarce. Na sua aparição, Satã mostra-se como lindo serafim dotado de membros de um branco ofuscante e “cabelame de seda”. Ele vem “cercado de nuvens cor-de-rosa” que exalam deliciosos perfumes. Ambrósio deixa-se encantar “ante a visão tão diferente do que esperava” e “se abstrai no gozo da cena, maravilhado pela contemplação do Espírito”. (The Monk, vol. 2, ch. 4)

A primeira edição do livro O Monge, de Matthew Lewis

Houvesse Satã se mostrado na sua real e medonha forma, Ambrósio teria arredado, retirando-se do caminho do mal. Ao contrário, Ambrósio foi seduzido e levado a cometer pecado mortal. Mas quando Satã sentiu que sua presa estava dominada, desvestiu-se do indumento fantasioso. Na invocação solitária que lhe fez Ambrósio, Satã vem num “redemunho de enxofre” e dá a ver “toda a fealdade que carrega como fardo de seu fado, desde a sua queda do Céu”. Ele tem a pele negra, suas unhas ameaçadoras são garras afiadas e, seus cabelos, “serpentes vivas” que se contorcem, soltando “silvos pavorosos”. (The Monk, vol. 3, ch. 5)

Visões róseas da harmonia racial

Agora Ambrósio vê a feia verdade, mas já tarde demais. Ele fora iludido a cada passo, e brevemente terá chegado ao fundo do vórtice de sua danação. Bem, esse é o romance gótico de 1796, mas não consigo deixar de associar essa história à atual política ocidental. No passado recente, os brancos foram seduzidos pela esquerda com visões róseas da “harmonia racial” e das sociedades culturalmente “enriquecidas”. Por exemplo, muitos milhões de brancos votaram no maneiroso e cheio de lábia Barack Obama, na sincera esperança de que ele faria dos Estados Unidos uma nação pós-racial, onde só as cores da bandeira septicolor importariam, onde a culpa branca e o ressentimento negro de fomento estatal desapareceriam, e todo o mundo fosse “se dar bem”.

Entrem para a Igreja dos Malditos !

Como recompensa por sua boa-vontade, os eleitores brancos de Obama foram agraciados com o Black Lives Matter, merecendo ainda a intensificação da demagogia, da propaganda e do crime contra si mesmos. A sedução esquerdista está chegando ao fim, e o esquerdismo começou a retirar o seu disfarce. A redenção pós-racial já deixou de ser oferecida aos brancos, que agora são acusados de depravação inata. Em outras palavras, cessaram as emanações odoríferas de Satã, que agora lança de si gases sulfurosos. Na American Renaissance, Gregory Hood descreveu a mudança da sedução para a condenação num excelente ensaio intitulado “Anti-Racism: The Church of the Damned” [Antirracismo: a igreja dos condenados]. Ele escreve que “O antirracismo é uma igreja que não oferece a salvação. Ser branco significa pertencer ao número dos malditos, não importa o que se faça”. A população branca dos Estados Unidos sofre o assalto de sumos sacerdotes esquerdistas que em seu culto da morte “apregoam uma eterna culpa branca a ser expiada por toda a eternidade”.

O culto esquerdista da morte elevou-se na maré da imigração não branca nos Estados Unidos e noutras nações ocidentais. E quando a esquerda operava para abrir as fronteiras, ela mentia sobre o que fazia. Por exemplo, Kevin MacDonald mostrou que a Immigration Act [Lei da Imigração] de 1965, a qual escancarou as fronteiras dos Estados Unidos para os não brancos, foi a culminação de campanha de longa duração (décadas), promovida por judeus etnocêntricos no afã de diluir (e eventualmente destruir) a maioria branca cristã americana. Mas, assim como Satã não revelou sua real natureza e intenções para Ambrósio, também os patrocinadores judeus dessa lei não revelaram sua real natureza e intenções aos brancos dos Estados Unidos.

“A estabilidade étnica dos Estados Unidos não será comprometida”

Ao contrário, eles contrataram alguns góis para que fossem seus testas de ferro e cabalassem a aprovação da lei, contando mentiras sobre a catástrofe demográfica que estava para se abater sobre os Estados Unidos. O senador americano de origem irlandesa Teddy Kennedy respondeu aos críticos daquela lei de 1965 nos seguintes termos:

Eu quero fazer um comentário sobre … o que a lei não fará. Primeiro: nossas cidades não serão submergidas na torrente de milhão de imigrantes a cada ano. Conforme o projeto de lei, a taxa de imigração permanecerá substancialmente a mesma de hoje […]. Segundo: a presente composição étnica do país não será desarranjada […]. Ao contrário das acusações de certos setores, o Congresso não inundará os Estados Unidos de imigrantes de nenhum país ou área, de nenhuma das mais populosas e pobres nações da África e Ásia. Em última análise, não se prevê que o padrão étnico da imigração sob a lei proposta venha a sofrer qualquer mudança sensível, como alguns críticos querem dar a entender. Terceiro: a lei não permitirá o ingresso de subversivos, criminosos, analfabetos, doentes mentais ou pessoas com doenças contagiosas. Como observei logo antes, a nenhum indivíduo que possa se converter num problema social […] será concedido visto de imigrante.  As acusações nesse sentido são emocionais, são irracionais, não têm base na realidade. Esses que atacam a lei não estão correspondendo às obrigações da cidadania responsável. Eles geram ódio de nosso legado cultural. (Cf. So Much for Promises — Quotes Re 1965 Immigration Act, VDare, 9th August 2006)

O senador Robert F. Kennedy, irmão de Teddy, disse patranhas semelhantes, assim como toda a caterva de esquerdistas e seus inocentes úteis da direita. Em 1965, a esquerda seduziu os brancos dos Estados Unidos; em 2020, a esquerda proclamou a condenação desses brancos. Os brancos foram condenados à despossessão e à perseguição como casta desprezível por não brancos ressentidos, cujos rancores de inveja têm aprovação oficial.

O chocante, sentimental e desonesto romance gráfico Illegal (2017)

Mas a sedução e as mentiras ainda estão sendo usadas pela esquerda, como o leitor pode ver no romance gráfico para crianças recentemente publicado Illegal (2017). O título é irônico e faz referência a uma famosa citação do ativista judeu Elie Wiesel sobre migrantes ilegais: “Nenhum ser humano é ilegal”. Escrito por dois brancos irlandeses, Eoin Colfer e Andrew Donkin, e ilustrado pelo italiano Giovanni Rigano, também branco, Illegal conta “a história de Ebo e Kwame [dois irmãos negros] e sua torturante viagem do Norte da África para a Europa em busca de uma vida melhor”. Em outras palavras: é tudo propaganda para a abertura das fronteiras e a danação demográfica da Europa. É claro que o livro ganharia o maior prêmio na categoria “Melhores livros para crianças e adolescentes”, da Biblioteca Pública de Nova Iorque e, na categoria “Melhor ficção para adultos”, o prêmio da Biblioteca Pública de Chicago em 2018. Esquerdistas gostam de acreditar que são pensadores sofisticados, mas Illegal apela a sua real natureza de narcisistas refutadores da realidade. Na verdade, por exemplo, a maioria daqueles que procuram “refúgio” na Europa é de homens jovens e arrogantes, numa idade em que costumam formar sua gangue de estupradores e cometer seu primeiro crime.

De olhos grandes e narizinho chato, Ebo quer a ajuda do leitor.

Na fantasia de Illegal, entretanto, o herói é um pré-adolescente chamado Ebo, cujos “grandes olhos, bochechas rechonchudinhas e narizinho de botão” poderiam ter sido extraídos diretamente de um artigo científico intitulado “How cute things hijack our brains and drive behaviour” [Como as coisas engraçadinhas sequestram nosso cérebro e condicionam o comportamento] (2016). Sim, Ebo tem um irmão mais velho, alto, forte, um jovem adulto chamado Kwame mas, é claro, os autores matam Kwame por afogamento durante a travessia do Mediterrâneo, e Ebo teve de continuar sozinho sua “torturante viagem”. Em resumo, o romance é chocantemente sentimental e desonesto. E ele levanta uma desconfortável questão. Será por mera coincidência que por trás de tão enganosa propaganda estão dois irlandeses, como aqueles dois irlandeses da família Kennedy que promoveram fraudulentamente a lei de imigração de 1965 nos Estados Unidos?

   “Ajudem-me, salvadores brancos!”: os grandes olhos de Ebo apelavam para os de cima.

Não, infelizmente não é coincidência. Os católicos irlandeses são minoria inimiga dos protestantes saxões, servindo sempre de aliados providenciais para a hostil elite judia, tanto nos Estados Unidos quanto na Inglaterra, situação análoga àquela das ressentidas minorias antirrussas de georgianos e letões na URSS sob controle judeu. A Revolução Bolchevique e sua precursora na França do século XVIII são outros exemplos de como a esquerda se vale de sedutoras mentiras antes de revelar sua real, repugnante natureza. Na França como na Rússia, os revolucionários prometeram “Liberté! Égalité! Fraternité!”, para então criar tiranias que se banharam no sangue de seus próprios povos.

Lucrando e lacrando com o ódio: os pernósticos, autocomplacentes autores irlandeses e o ilustrador italiano de Illegal querem certificado de sua superior condição moral.

Mas os esquerdistas perderam estatura intelectual e ambição desde os dias de Robespierre e Lenine. Livros tais quais Illegal e Anti-Racist Baby, este de Ibram X. Kendi, não são sérios nem arrazoados minudentemente à maneira de Marx em O Capital (1867). Os esquerdistas de hoje abandonaram o intelecto pela emoção, como se vê em Illegal. Com as imagens do pequeno e engraçadinho Ebo, pretende-se disparar circuitos cerebrais primitivos para contornar o intelecto. Um grupo de psicólogos explica isso nos seguintes termos: “Bebês furam a fila do processamento no nosso cérebro. Eles passam à frente de qualquer outra coisa na mente, o que torna difícil que sejam ignorados. Eles também prendem nossa atenção até mesmo antes de serem reconhecidos como bebês. Eles têm esse condão por sua graça, seus grandes olhos, as bochechas gordinhas e o narizinho de botão”.

O bebê antirracista de Ibram X. Kendi

O desespero de mulheres e crianças também “fura a fila do processamento cerebral”, por isso os esquerdistas usam tantas mulheres e crianças não brancas nas suas enviesadas reportagens sobre a enchente migratória. Mas creio também que essa atitude empática dos esquerdistas quanto aos não brancos tenha correlação com a preocupação deles com o bem-estar animal, que envolve os mesmos circuitos neuronais ligados à emoção. Por exemplo, comparem-se as três imagens abaixo, extraídas de veículos de propaganda esquerdista, como o jornal The Guardian:

A propaganda esquerdista explora a dor em faces femininas.

As imagens apelam à mesma sentimentalidade irracional esquerdista, implicando postura maternalística de haute em bas para com migrantes, mas também para com “Xita, a macaca sagui” [no original: Rondon’s marmoset] atropelada por um carro enquanto fugia de um incêndio florestal no Brasil, em outubro de 2020. Aliás, a mulher migrante que carrega o bebezão também estava fugindo de um incêndio, desta vez num campo para migrantes na ilha grega de Lesbos, em setembro de 2020.

Buscando o poder, alimentando o narcisismo

A Inglaterra está a milhares de quilômetros de Lesbos, mas The Guardian, de perspectiva favorável, reportava o seguinte: “Aumenta a pressão sobre o governo do Reino Unido para que ele acolha alguns milhares de pessoas desabrigadas em consequência de devastador incêndio que destruiu um campo para migrantes na ilha grega de Lesbos”. Esses homens adultos que “procuram asilo” vêm das menos progressistas e mais misogínicas e homofóbicas culturas da Terra, mas os esquerdistas não se importam com isso. Como   tenho apontado com frequência, aos esquerdistas interessa conquistar o poder e alimentar o próprio narcisismo, não lhes interessa entender o mundo ou melhorar a vida daqueles que supostamente são o objeto de seu desvelo.

E como os esquerdistas conquistam o poder e alimentam o narcisismo deles? Eles mentem, como mostrado acima. Teddy Kennedy alegava que “a disposição étnica” dos Estados Unidos não seria transtornada pela lei da imigração de 1965. Não deu outra: ele mentia. Eoin Colfer e seus amigos retrataram os migrantes como crianças engraçadinhas em Illegal. Eles também mentiram.

Sejam todos advertidos, pois: a esquerda mentirosa leva o Ocidente para a maldição demográfica, da mesma forma inexorável como Satã conduziu Ambrósio, literalmente, para a sua maldição em O monge.

Fonte: The Occidental Observer. Autor: Tobias Langdon. Título original: Demographic Damnation: How Leftism Lies to Open the Borders. Data de publicação: 19 de dezembro de 2020. Versão brasilesa: Chauke Stephan Filho.

 

Não examinado, não questionado, não desafiado:   o poder judeu na admirável Inglaterra nova

Ehud Sheleg. Quem que é esse? CFI. Hem? O que é isso?

A grande maioria do povo na admirável Inglaterra nova não tem nem noção da resposta a essas perguntas, porque a mídia dominante não publicou absolutamente nada sobre essas questões muito importantes durante as eleições gerais realizadas recentemente.

O maior lóbi da política britânica

Mas esta revista digital é a The Occidental Observer, o Lar do Ódio, e aqui nós não sonegamos informações sobre esses interessantes e graves assuntos.

Sir Ehud Sheleg (nascido em 1955), judeu de Israel, é o possível fraudafioso [nota do trad.: fraudador + mafioso] de opções binárias e atual tesoureiro do Partido Conservador. Ele sucedeu o judeu sul-africano Sir Mick Davis em 2019 e admitiu explicitamente no Jewish Chronicle que coloca os interesses de Israel acima dos de outros países.

E o que é CFI? CFI é a sigla para representar a organização denominada Conservative Friends of Israel [Amigos Conservadores de Israel], que na mesma publicação Jewish Chronicle foi descrita como “o maior lóbi no Palácio de Westminster”, ou seja, na política britânica.

Os góis prostram-se ante a judiaria: Sajid Javid, Priti Patel e Boris Johnson na CFI

Essa entidade, a CFI, controlada por um outro judeu, injustamente obscuro, chamado Lord Polak, foi responsável por ciceronizar a mulher e política inglesa de origem indiana chamada Priti Patel numa série de reuniões secretas e sem registro oficial com políticos de Israel em 2017 (e provavelmente fazia isso desde muito tempo antes). Patel teve de renunciar ao seu cargo no governo de Theresa May por causa de seus esquemas escusos para favorecer governo estrangeiro, mas não se aflija, caro leitor: ela deu a volta por cima ao ser nomeada para cargo ainda melhor e mais importante quando Boris Johnson substituiu May em 2019. Pois é, os quatro políticos mais importantes da Grã-Bretanha — o meio-judeu Boris Johnson como primeiro-ministro, o paquistanês islâmico Sajid Javid como chanceler, a indiana hinduísta Priti Patel como ministra do Interior e o judeu Dominic Raab como ministro do Exterior — são devotados amigos e obreiros de Israel.

A “especial e preciosa” conexão judeo-monárquica

Na verdade, essas figuras não são realmente as mais importantes da política britânica. Ehud Sheleg e Lord Polak são de fato importantes enquanto tesoureiro do Partido Conservador e diretor do CFI, respectivamente. Mas Sheleg e Polak não foram submetidos a nenhum exame sério por parte da mídia dominante. Se algum jornalista se atrevesse a questionar o papel desses judeus no coração do partido dirigente da Grã-Bretanha, ele acabaria sendo denunciado como antissemita e banido da vida pública. Os dogmas são simples: primeiro: os judeus são filantropos de grande santidade sem interesses próprios, mais assim ainda em relação a Israel; segundo: os interesses de Israel são, em todo caso, idênticos àqueles da Grã-Bretanha, dos Estados Unidos, da França, da Alemanha et al.

A rede reservada: organizações judias controlam a política britânica (BICOM = Britain-Israel Communications and Research Centre)

A exortação seguinte tem sido repetida com frequência: “Lembrem-se todos dos valores judaico-cristãos! Porque, afinal, esses valores estão na base da Civilização Ocidental”. A verdade é que ocorre aí uma contradição em termos, e a expressão “judaico-cristãos” é especialmente idiota, mas, mesmo assim, ela pode se tornar popular durante o que resta do mandato de Boris Johnson. Nesse caso, o chefe da torcida organizada será o ingênuo e estúpido herdeiro do trono inglês. Confirme na transcrição a seguir:

Príncipe Charles enaltece a “especial e preciosa” conexão entre a comunidade judaica e a Coroa.

O príncipe de Gales pronunciou o discurso transcrito abaixo em cerimônia de homenagem à comunidade judaica no Palácio de Buckingham:

É com grande alegria que lhes dou as boas-vindas ao Palácio de Buckingham nesta noite, quando se aproxima a Festa de Chanucá, para juntos celebrarmos a contribuição de nossa comunidade judaica à riqueza, à saúde e à felicidade do Reino Unido.

Em todos os momentos de nossa vida, em todos os campos onde aplicamos nosso esforço [N. do trad.: “endeavor” (esforço) no original, ao que o articulista pergunta: “Por que a pronúncia americana?”. A forma inglesa de “Endeavor” seria “Endeavour”], nossa nação não poderia dispor de mais generosos cidadãos, nem de mais leais amigos. Daí a minha felicidade por esta oportunidade de lhes dizer “Obrigado!”, embora os Amigos merecessem muitíssimo mais, por tudo o que fizeram e continuam fazendo por este país, aqui e nas maiores instituições internacionais, tanto quanto nas comunidades locais de todo o mundo.

Frequentemente eu defino o Reino Unido como uma “comunidade de comunidades”, a qual se enriquece pela diversidade de seus grupos constituintes, cuja totalidade é tão maior do que as suas partes. […]

Por isso é que esta época do ano [dezembro], tão especial para cristãos como também para judeus, enseja o momento ideal da celebração desta noite — porque a importância da Unidade na Diversidade está no próprio coração de nossos valores enquanto sociedade. Ela determina o que é o nosso país e quem somos nós.

A conexão entre a Coroa e nossa Comunidade Judia é alguma coisa especial e preciosa. Tenho mesmo razões particulares e pessoais para dizer isso, pois calaram fundo em mim, desde garoto ainda, as comemorações alusivas à minha Família nos cultos semanais que se realizam há séculos nas sinagogas britânicas. E enquanto vocês se recordam da minha Família, nós nos lembramos de vocês e os enaltecemos. […]

Ainda que de forma pouco equivalente, venho tentando retribuir por vários meios os benefícios que nos dão a comunidade judia. Eu compareço a encontros da Kindertransport Association ou recepciono esses eventos, o que também faço pelos sobreviventes do Holocausto e pela National Holocaust Memorial Day Trust — de que sou patrocinador. Eu colaborei para a construção do Centro Comunitário Judaico em Cracóvia, onde fui privilegiado pelo ato que me foi concedido de afixar uma mezuzá numa porta). E quando me foi oferecido o título de patrono da World Jewish Relief, aceitei imediatamente.

Se me permitem dizê-lo, Senhoras e Senhores, vejo isso tudo como retribuição mínima da minha parte, um verdadeiro contracâmbio a todas as bênçãos imensas trazidas pelo povo judeu a esta terra e, de fato, a toda a humanidade. Nas escrituras hebraicas, pelas quais recebemos muitos dos fundamentos éticos de nossa sociedade, está escrito, lá no Livro do Deuteronômio, esta edificante exortação: “Escolha a vida!”.

Senhoras e Senhores, a comunidade judia do Reino Unido tem cumprido esse mandamento divino de inúmeras maneiras, e nossa sociedade enriqueceu-se imensuravelmente em consequência disso. Hoje temos a oportunidade de dar graças pela amizade que forjamos e pelos valores que compartilhamos. (Prince Charles praises ‘special and precious’ connection between Jewish community and the Crown, The Jewish Chronicle, 6th December 2019 / 8th Kislev 5780)

Unidade na diversidade: os horrores da Divisão Índia em 1947

O príncipe Charles não é apenas um idiota: ele é um ignorante ou está cego e não quer ver. Por isso nada tem de surpreendente que os judeus usem a expressão pejorativa goyishe kop — “gói tonto” — significando gente como Charles, que se apresenta diante deles para declamar seu besteirol. O bonito lema “Unidade na diversidade!” poderia ter sua fonte de inspiração nas páginas de 1984. Aparentemente Charles nunca teve a oportunidade de perguntar a seu amado tio Lord Mountbatten sobre a “unidade na diversidade” observada na Índia britânica em 1947, quando Mountbatten era o vice-rei. Centenas de milhares morreram nas “revoltas comunitárias” de hinduístas, muçulmanos e siques. Muitos também morreram quando Bangladexe conquistou sua independência do Paquistão em 1971. Bengaleses e paquistaneses eram maometanos, mas suas diferenças raciais e culturais bastaram para criar a “unidade na diversidade”, isto é, a guerra, os massacres, a prática organizada do estupro. Embora não haja guerra e massacres (por enquanto), o estupro organizado é marca proeminente da Inglaterra atual. Esta forma de violência manifesta as bênçãos da diversidade que devemos à imigração paquistanesa.

A vingança judaica contra os monarcas do gentio

O próprio Lord Mountbatten serviu de exemplo da “Unidade na diversidade” quando foi abatido num atentado à bomba do Exército Republicano Irlandês (IRA) em 1979. Pois é… A relativamente branda diversidade religiosa e racial do arquipélago Britânico tem custado a vida de muita gente desde há muitos séculos. Por exemplo, Oliver Cromwell cobriu a Irlanda com um tapete de cadáveres católicos no século XVII, mas tal coisa não deve surpreender, atendendo que a revolução republicana de Cromwell fora financiada por banqueiros judeus de Amesterdã. Os judeus odeiam a Igreja Católica e as instituições católicas tradicionais, como a monarquia (tirante os casos de reis-lacaios como Charles). Talvez se explique por esse ódio a execução de Charles I em 1649. Terá sido vingança, resposta dada ao Édito de Expulsão dos Judeus, de 1290, sob Eduardo I.

Eu recomendo ao príncipe Charles que leia o conto fascinante de M.R. James (1862–1936) intitulado The Uncommon Prayer-Book, que trata da deposição de Charles. O príncipe deve aprender alguma coisa sobre a história da Inglaterra e do nefasto papel que nela tiveram os judeus (cf. my discussion). Ser-lhe-ia também proveitoso o estudo do protagonismo judaico na chacina da família imperial russa, os Romanovs, em 1918. Aos judeus não agrada nenhum tipo de monarquia ou aristocracia, a não ser quando o monarca ou aristocrata, por sua dupla condição de imbecilidade e servilismo, possa lhes ser útil.

Com efeito, os judeus têm estabelecido alianças com as elites de não judeus ao longo da história, o que segue acontecendo no presente, e as figuras de Boris Johnson e príncipe Charles são prova disso. Em consequência, outros segmentos da população, traídos, caem na exploração — agora, principalmente, a classe trabalhadora.

Charles poderia ter alguma noção da profundidade de sua estupidez se prestasse mais atenção ao Jewish Chronicle. Suas bajulatórias palavras ao dizer “esta época do ano, tão especial para cristãos e judeus” provam que o príncipe acreditou na mistificação dos judeus para apresentar a Chanucá como se fosse uma importante comemoração judia.

O medonho dezembro

Não é! Trata-se, antes, de festa menor na cultura judaica, mais usada para obscurecer o Natal. Isso o próprio Jonathan Freedland, uma figura altamente etnocêntrica, admitiu no Jewish Chronicle, no mesmo mês do discurso sicofântico do príncipe Charles: “A ocasião de uma eleição pré-natalina não deveria perturbar muito os leitores do JC. As férias não fazem de dezembro o mês mais atribulado dos judeus. Mesmo assim, a perspectiva de uma eleição no mês em que peças de teatro cristãs são encenadas e comidas natalinas são servidas, isso, eu suponho, vai fazer que os judeus sintam um tipo de medo bem próprio deles: o medo dezembrino”.

Freedland fala de “medo” porque ele pensa que tanto um governo trabalhista sob Jeremy Corbyn quanto Boris Johnson com o seu “Brexit” na marra seriam desfavoráveis aos judeus. E o que mais importa na brava Inglaterra nova senão o bem-estar dos judeus? Entretanto, Corbyn foi de longe a maior ameaça, como Freedland ressaltou: “Atentem para o fato de que o Partido Trabalhista de Corbyn tornou-se o primeiro partido do Reino Unido desde o BNP a ser investigado por racismo […]”. A investigação no Partido Trabalhista, conduzida pela Comissão de Direitos Humanos e Igualdade (EHRC), dá mais um exemplo de como a mídia dominante na Grã-Bretanha se recusa a fazer algumas perguntinhas muito interessantes sobre o poder judaico.

O controle judeu

Afinal, não por acaso a EHRC é dirigida por dois judeus: a advogada Rebecca Hilsenrath e o ativista homossexual de direitos humanos David Isaacs. Seria possível que o judaísmo desses dois viesse a influenciar a investigação e suas conclusões? O que é isso?!? Claro que não! Ninguém pode se esquecer de que os judeus são santos exclusivamente devotados ao filantropismo, não tendo nenhum interesse de causa própria (ainda mais em se tratando da demonização do Partido Trabalhista). Mas essa questão nem foi tocada, quando a EHRC foi citada durante a campanha eleitoral. O máximo que a esquerda pôde fazer foi demandar um inquérito similar quanto à islamofobia no Partido Conservador. Mas os tories e seus seguidores nutrem forte cepticismo em relação à validade do conceito de “Islamofobia”. Como o suposto conservador Charles Moore escreveu no The Spectator: “O termo ‘Islamofobia’ deve ser absolutamente refutado. Ao contrário de “Antissemitismo”, trata-se de um conceito falacioso”.

A carinha bolchevique de Rebecca Hilsenrath

Moore é outro príncipe Charles que deveria prestar mais atenção na mídia onde suas próprias palavras são publicadas. The Spectator defendeu firmemente o suposto filósofo Roger Scruton contra acusações de intolerância no começo de 2019. Scruton sofreu a falsa acusação de islamofobia e antissemitismo, mas é claro que esses são dois “conceitos falaciosos”. Uma deputada judia chamada Luciana Berger acusou Scruton de antissemitismo sem nenhuma objeção da parte de outros judeus, e a intervenção do Conselho de Deputados Judeus parece ter sido decisiva para encerrar a participação de Scruton no governo. Scruton acabou sendo readmitido, mas nem ele nem ninguém de seus apoiadores iria depois questionar as injustas acusações de antissemitismo. Afinal, se o fizessem, teriam de admitir a verdade sobre os judeus, mas não estão preparados para isso. Ao contrário, eles se prestam a ser o gói tonto dos judeus, ano sim, ano não, e o poder judaico na brava e nova Inglaterra segue sem exame, sem questionamento, sem desafio. Mas não aqui, no The Occidental Observer, o Covil do Ódio.

Algumas boas razões para otimismo

Não obstante, existem boas razões para o otimismo. Se me fosse dito, no começo de 2019, que milhões de eleitores trabalhistas iriam, finalmente, abandonar o partido que os abandonara desde há muito, eu não acreditaria. Mas tal é exatamente o que se passou, quando sólidas regiões trabalhistas, como Bolsover, Darlington, Sedgefield, Stockton South e Wrexham entregaram-se aos tories nas eleições gerais. Certamente o Partido Conservador não dá a mínima para os seus novos eleitores mas, quando estes forem desapontados, o que será inevitável, começarão a entender quão corrupta e antidemocrática é na verdade a política da brava Inglaterra nova. E eles poderão começar a ganhar consciência do papel central dos judeus nisso tudo.

E se me fosse dito, no começo de 2019, que a expressão “Deep State” e o nome Jeffrey Epstein estariam em toda a mídia americana, eu também não acreditaria. Mas, outra vez, isso aconteceu. As coisas estão seguindo a direção certa. O protagonismo central dos judeus no ativismo antibranco e na corrupção política vai ficando óbvio para cada vez mais pessoas, de forma lenta mas segura. E da compreensão virá a ação.

Fonte: The Occidental Observer. Autor: Tobias Langdon. Título original: Unexamined, Unquestioned, Unchallenged: Jewish Power in Brave New Britain. Data de publicação: 21 de dezembro de 2019. Versão brasilesa: Chauke Stephan Filho.

COMUNISMO JUDEU: O MENTIROSO DESMENTIDO

A Specter Haunting Europe: The Myth of Judeo-Bolshevism
Paul Hanebrink
Harvard University Press, 2018

As discussões e a literatura da historiografia judaica no atual meio acadêmico do estabilismo exigem extraordinária coreografia. Basicamente, trata-se de uma dança de bastante correria para cá e para lá. Os dançarinos revelam muito jogo de cintura pela gateza com que se esquivam dos fatos, como também muita cara de pau pela naturalidade com que inventam histórias. Todo o mundo sabe que suas imaginosas narrativas são falsas, ainda assim eles não se cansam de repetir essas patranhas da forma mais desavergonhada. O que primeiramente chamou a minha atenção foi o livro de Paul Hanebrink A specter haunting Europe: the myth of judeo-bolshevism, exaltado na recente crítica laudatória de Christopher Browning “The fake threat of jewish communism” [A falsa ameaça do comunismo judaico] no The New York Review of Books. Browning é um historiador do estabilismo de muito préstimo para os judeus pela assistência advocatícia que lhes dá (vende, na verdade — e a bom preço). Browning recebeu 30 mil dólares de Deborah Lipstadt para testemunhar contra David Irving. Ele também costuma depor animadamente contra ex-soldados europeus em julgamentos de crimes de guerra. Embora seu mais notável trabalho,  Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland (1992), contenha a tese pouco notável de que a guerra transforma homens comuns em assassinos, a dedicação de Browning em favor da narrativa dos judeus fez dele o guru da vitimologia judia. Tendo recebido prêmios e recursos de organizações como a Yad Vashem e a USC Shoah Foundation Center, além de muito incenso nos meios de comunicação e universidades do sistema, Browning segue assim galgando posições na sua carreira de arrivista. Ele agora, evidentemente, decidiu favorecer Paul Hanebrink com o toque mágico de sua mão. Neste ensaio, eu quero abordar a crítica de Browning e o texto de Hanebrink enquanto exercícios na produção de histórias fraudulentas.

O título que Browning deu a sua resenha [A falsa ameaça do comunismo judaico] deteve a minha atenção. Na hora, eu nem acreditei, eu pensei: “Será que esse cara tem a coragem de defender uma tese dessas? Será que ele pensa que pode ‘desmentir’ o que é a realidade do comunismo judeu?”. Tamanha façanha exigiria, com certeza, bastante chutzpah [descaramento], mas desde o começo da resenha ficava claro que o texto seria evasivo, que evitaria tratar do tema com franqueza. Como afirma Browning no primeiro parágrafo, “Hanebrink não pretende repetir o que ele considera um erro do Entreguerras — a inútil tentativa de contestar um mito de forma racional, com base em fatos históricos e dados estatísticos”. O que há de interessante nesse vulgar subterfúgio é a confissão mais ou menos explícita desses dois historiadores (“magistrais”) de que eles não têm elementos suficientes para desfazer o “mito” que desafiam. Considerar a apresentação de fatos como “tentativa inútil” mostra a inconsistência intelectual deles, a fraqueza de sua argumentação.

Entretanto, a questão central disso tudo tem a ver com o padrão estrutural da historiografia judia: evitar os fatos ou, quando impossível, minimizar sua importância, e desviar a discussão para abstrações e sofismas. Numa página do manual da ADL, Browning reconhece e lamenta timidamente que “há um pouco de verdade no estereótipo do bolchevismo judeu”, mas insiste, com relação ao comunismo, que “o judeu, como ‘a face da revolução’, é só uma noção culturalmente construída”. Chegamos assim à situação familiar em que fatos não importam e tudo o que desagrada os judeus é olimpicamente declarado reles “constructo”.

 

O texto de Browning é um amontoado de chavões e trai a pesada influência que ele sofreu de um colega dele, o grande filossemita que foi Gavin Langmuir (1924-2005), no que se refere à interpretação do antissemitismo. Eu estudei detidamente os trabalhos de Langmuir quatro anos atrás, quando então escrevi o seguinte:

Langmuir seguiu o modelo do que escrevem os próprios judeus. Isso significa, essencialmente, que ele absolve as populações judias medievais de qualquer responsabilidade pelas reações negativas das populações cristãs anfitriônias; isso significa, também, que ele atribui às sociedades cristãs ou ocidentais um estado psicopatológico arraigado nelas de forma profunda, tendo por sintomas a fantasia, a repressão, o sadismo. A despeito de sua proficiência em história jurídica medieval ser realmente limitada, Langmuir dispôs-se levianamente a fazer grandes pronunciamentos sobre a natureza e as origens dos sentimentos antijudaicos na Europa e ao longo do curso dos séculos. Seus trabalhos, com poucas e miseráveis evidências de leitura mais ampla, retratam o antissemitismo como “basicamente um fenômeno ocidental”.[1] Arrogante, ele se atribui a proeza de haver “definido a cristandade e categorizado suas manifestações, inclusive o catolicismo, de forma objetiva”.[2] Ele faz em seus livros a desconcertante confissão de que “Não irá discutir as atitudes dos pagãos para com os judeus na Antiguidade”.[3] Falando com desfaçatez das teorias racionais de conflito intergrupal baseadas em interesse como metodologia para a compreensão do antagonismo entre judeus e não judeus, ele diz de tais teorias que “são esforços equivocados de teóricos raciais pseudocientíficos”; e mais: afirma que tentativas de explicar o antissemitismo levando em conta o “senso comum” terminam em “desastre”.[4] Na opinião dele, ao contrário, “tanto em sua origem quanto nas suas mais recentes e horríveis manifestações […] o antissemitismo  resultaria da hostilidade dos não judeus, da irracionalidade do pensamento dos não judeus sobre os judeus”.[5]

Browning subscreve totalmente a linha de pensamento de Langmuir, chegando a comentar o texto de Hanebrink da forma seguinte:

O judeu da Idade Média, um infiel, veio a ser o judeu do século XX, um subversivo político. O judeu emancipado, dada a sua maior visibilidade enquanto beneficiário da moderna economia industrial e comercial na altura do final do século XIX, deu azo a que a noção da usura judia fosse substituída por aqueloutra da rapacidade do capitalismo judeu, e após 1914 a imagem do judeu como ameaça econômica revestiu-se de cores mais fortes, ante as acusações de que o judeu lucrava com a guerra e com o mercado negro. O judeu tido em conta de forânea grei exclusivista na cristandade medieval foi facilmente transformado em inassimilável minoria considerada ameaça alogênica interna.

O que há de comum a Langmuir e a Browning é a tentativa de criar uma conexão psicológica e cultural entre as atitudes antijudaicas na Idade Média e a situação atual, estabelecendo analogia entre o presente e o passado. Assim, o antijudaísmo hodierno, segundo declaram esses dois historiadores, explica-se por sua irracional origem religiosa. E nessas declarações esses senhores se valem de descritores abracadabrantes, palavras de que fazem uso abusivo para como que encantar e persuadir os leitores, fazendo-os adotar certos pontos de vista. Deve-se notar a insistência de Browning na suposta condição do judeu como dissidente espiritual e sua clara evasão do fenômeno muito real da agiotagem judia, a qual Browning reduz a reles “noção” preconceituosa. A concorrência econômica do judeu na Modernidade não é levada a sério, mas considerada apenas como “imagem” irracional; e a exploração da guerra como meio de enriquecimento, simples “acusação”. Fica-se assim, então: o coitado do judeu, pacato e inocente, é vítima de gente invejosa, preconceituosa, que o ataca com acusações caluniosas. Esse tipo de enfoque, na sociologia e na psicologia, é coisa típica de Freud e da Escola de Francforte; na historiografia, é coisa típica de Langmuir.

Tais alegações em favor dos judeus, como os sofismas de Langmuir, resultam de grande fraude ou de forte dissonância cognitiva, senão de ambas. O número de trabalhos tratando das atividades de judeus no mercado negro é espantoso. Sabemos por publicação de história da Universidade de Stanford, por exemplo, que em 1941, em certa região da França, 90% daqueles que traficavam no mercado negro eram judeus. [6] Da mesma forma, o livro de Mark Roodhouse publicado pela Oxford intitulado Black Market Britain: 1939–1955, registra que os judeus eram a grande maioria daqueles processados por contrabando na Londres dos anos quarentas.[7] O maior contrabandista de comida na Inglaterra, durante a II Guerra, foi o judeu Sidney Seymour, nascido Skylinsky, que transformou sua sinagoga num depósito clandestino para abastecer o mercado negro, recebendo a mais pesada pena por violação da legislação de comércio de alimentos.[8] Esses são apenas dois exemplos tomados aleatoriamente da crônica histórica, mas a questão é que, para Browning como para Langmuir, trata-se apenas de “acusação” irracional, fatos “fúteis” sem nenhuma importância.

Browning segue com sua sediça explicação sobre a ascendência judia na esquerda:

Mesmo antes da crise de 1918 – 1919, quando muitos europeus viveram a experiência da derrota e da revolução, os judeus só estavam super-representados em partidos liberais e socialistas em virtude de que não eram bem recebidos em partidos conservadores e católicos. A tendência de estigmatizar qualquer movimento político à esquerda dos conservadores como coisa de judeu já era evidente em 1912. Neste ano, os católicos, os liberal-democratas e os social-democratas obtiveram vitória eleitoral na Alemanha. Os vencedores formariam a “Coligação de Weimar” em 1919, em grande parte responsável pela elaboração da Constituição de Weimar, tão vilipendiada pelos conservadores, que chamaram aquela eleição de 1912 de “a eleição dos judeus”. [grifo nosso]

De novo, depara-se-nos artifício bastante manjado: quando os judeus não têm como negar um fato (sua super-representação em partidos liberais e socialistas), nem podem fazê-lo parecer de menor importância, então eles tratam de explicá-lo por suposto efeito de preconceito (os judeus seriam rejeitados em outros partidos). O problema com essas referências históricas pontuais, como muitas vezes tenho explicado, é o que chamei de “cronologia recortada” — algo bastante comum em toda a historiografia judaica e filossemítica sobre o antissemitismo. Quando confrontado a algum fato constrangedor e inevitável concernente ao seu comportamento (esquerdismo, agiotagem, negociatas financiais, pornografia etc.), o judeu ou seu aliado ou lacaio apela a ideia de que tudo tem causa no preconceito antissemita e a partir daí os acusadores são criminalizados, e os criminosos, inocentados. Os judeus estão na esquerda? Ah! Deve ser porque eles não são aceitos na direita. O problema fica mais complicado quando se questiona a razão da exclusão ou o porquê de o judeu ser visto como antagonista social ou cultural. Aqui, ainda se fala de “preconceitos irracionais”. Entretanto, caso se insista na questão, à luz de mais aprofundado contexto histórico, o  questionador não recebe resposta, nenhum fato, só retórica vazia e olhares perdidos.

Sob o peso de suas próprias contradições, Browning afunda em evasivas e manobras logomáquicas. As dúvidas multiplicam-se aos olhos de qualquer leitor. Os judeus estavam ou não estavam super-representados nos partidos comunistas? Se estavam, por que a ideia do esquerdismo judeu seria um mito? E se faltam fatos para derrubar o “mito”, como ele poderia cair tendo contra si a mera sofistaria acadêmica do tal “construto cultural”? Conforme Browning segue na sua fuga para a frente, a confusão só aumenta. Confira:

Desde o princípio da I Guerra Mundial, a Rússia czarista tratava os seus súditos judeus como gente indigna de confiança e potencialmente desleal. Seu exército evacuou à força meio milhão de judeus, ou um milhão, das zonas de combate. Essas operações do exército russo estimulavam o êxodo de muitos outros judeus das regiões orientais do Império Austro-Húngaro para Viena e Budapeste, cidades supostamente mais seguras. A Revolução Russa rebentou entre temores quanto à lealdade dos judeus e quando seguiam sendo expulsos, o que fez mais intensos aqueles temores. O “pânico” por causa do judeo-bolchevismo, argumenta Hanebrink, “encontrou terreno fértil, preparado no tempo da guerra pela paranoia sobre a lealdade do judeu”.

Eis aí mais um excelente exemplo de “explicação” por meio de cronologia truncada. Browning indica que preocupações concernentes ao esquerdismo judeu decorriam de “paranoia”, de desconfiança na lealdade judia, mas ele não fala do contexto dessa “paranoia”, ele não leva em conta nada da situação histórica do período anterior a 1914. Qualquer um, ainda que pouco conhecesse da literatura, desde que fosse pessoa honesta em suas conclusões, iria reconhecer que a judiaria russa radicalizada era uma bomba-relógio de contador sonoro (bip… bip… bip…) preparada para explodir a barragem do ódio judeu acumulado contra a Rússia, e essa acerba hostilidade antirrussa era compartilhada e apoiada raivosamente por judeus de outras partes do mundo. Marsha Rozenblit and Jonathan Karp observaram no seu World War I and the Jews (2017) que os judeus da Europa tinham esse grande conflito na conta de “guerra sagrada contra o inimigo bárbaro, maligno, rapinante, o inimigo da liberdade e da cultura, o inimigo tradicional dos judeus, um Amaleque moderno ansioso para atrocidar judeus na Rússia e na Galícia ocupada”.[9] Rozenblit e Karp escrevem que “principalmente para os judeus, a destruição desse inimigo era de máxima importância”.[10] Tudo isso corresponde perfeitamente com a explicação de Kevin MacDonald sobre o esquerdismo judeu. Este, segundo MacDonald, tem por base a autoconceituação do judeu como vítima, a extrema hostilidade dos judeus para com as estruturas de poder dos não judeus, a utilidade do esquerdismo como excelente ferramenta de poder para a derrubada das elites tradicionais e para a consolidação dos próprios judeus na posição superior de um poder hostil. Browning não fala de nada disso. Conforme Browning, a elite russa só considerava os judeus como potencialmente perigosos por uma questão de “paranoia”.

Nesta altura, eu deixei temporariamente Browning de lado e busquei encontrar o texto de Hanebrink. Para além do conteúdo, a mais óbvia depreciação de um trabalho desse tipo decorre de sua flagrante falta de originalidade. A monografia de Hanebrink consiste, essencialmente, num quase total plágio de um autor chamado André Gerrits, da Universidade de Leida,[11] que escreveu The Myth of Jewish Communism: A Historical Interpretation (2011), livro que é uma desgraceira só. O coitado do Gerrits não mereceu nem uma notinha de rodapé do malandro Hanebrink, que mexeu os pauzinhos na sempre filossemítica Universidade de Harvard, mobilizando os seus amigos judeus pela publicação do livro. No conselho editorial de Harvard, os judeus são mais de 40%. Desse jeitinho, Hanebrink conseguiu o que queria, até porque a venda do livro dependia menos de seu fraudulento conteúdo do que da lábia dos experimentados técnicos em mercatagem de Harvard. Para turvar ainda mais as águas, todo o variado contorcionismo lógico do próprio Browning segue o exemplo de inconfiáveis resenhistas judeus do trabalho de Gerrits como, por exemplo, um tal de Eliezer Ben-Rafael, da Universidade de Telavive. Ben-Rafael diz que o “mito do comunismo judeu” é mesmo um “mito” e que as histórias de Gerrits sobre o comunismo judeu e os comunistas judeus são “fascinantes”. O professor de Telavive faz ainda a vulgar afirmação de que o mito do comunismo judeu é só a combinação de dois preconceitos: o antissemitismo e o anticomunismo. Não obstante, Ben-Rafael fala do vínculo do “mito” com a realidade, dizendo que “muitos judeus tinham participação proeminente na agitiprope comunista não apenas na Rússia, mas também na Hungria e na Bavária (Revoluções de 1917), como ainda, depois da II Guerra, na Checoslováquia, na Romênia, na Lituânia, na Polônia e na Bulgária”. [12] Então, ficamos assim, caro leitor: os judeus não tinham nada a ver com o movimento revolucionário comunista, mas predominaram entre os seus maiores agitadores e propagandistas em vários países ao longo de décadas. Entendeu?

O texto de Paul Hanebrink é ativismo político tanto quanto corrupção historiográfica. Assim como  muitos outros autores filossemíticos, Hanebrink inventa a história de que a sua história não é só história mas, também, “advertência”. Como tal, o livro não começa com a I Guerra Mundial ou com os judeus na Rússia czarista, mas com Charlottesville. Hanebrink mostra-se preocupado com o conceito de comunismo judeu, porque acredita que ele não desapareceu e que ressurge agora não só na extrema direita, mas também no principalismo. Hanebrink não está sozinho. O historiador judeo-britânico Mark Mazower saudou o livro de Hanebrink em novembro de 2018, escrevendo no  Financial Times: “O livro de Paul Hanebrink é oportuno lembrete principalmente para os políticos republicanos quanto à tradição intelectual que favorecem ao se juntarem à coligação transatlântica de teóricos da conspiração que alegremente demoniza George Soros”. Dias antes, outra elogiosa resenha apareceu no New York Times, escrita pelo acadêmico judeu Samuel Moyn. Intitulada “The Alt-Right’s Favorite Meme is 100 Years Old”, o texto de Moyn argumentava que “Nada seria mais parecido com o disseminado discurso acerca do marxismo cultural do que uma versão do mito do comunismo judeu adaptada aos tempos atuais”. Em 16 de fevereiro de 2019, a [Editora] Jacobin publicou pequeno mas empolado trabalho de um casal de esquerdistas suecos intitulado “The Return of Judeo-Bolshevism.” O livro foi recebido de braços abertos pelos acadêmicos judeus e outros marxistas da mídia digital. Também mereceu acolhimento entusiástico do Britain’s Socialist Workers Party, organização remanescente do antigo Partido Comunista Britânico. O fato de o trabalho ser uma mão na roda para judeus e comunistas não deveria, em princípio, colocá-lo sob suspeita quanto à sua objetividade na análise do judeo-bolchevismo. Ocorre que num campo onde grassa o ativismo político, esse é um sinal de perigo que nos deve deixar alerta.

O aumento do apologismo relativo ao comunismo judeu não decorre de nenhum acaso. Verifica-se claramente que os judeus sentem-se perturbados pelo crescimento exponencial da discussão sobre o marxismo cultural nos últimos dez anos. O “marxismo cultural” não passa de um rótulo diferente para o “judeo-bolchevismo” ou “comunismo judeu”. Nenhum curioso precisará estudar por muito tempo o marxismo cultural para descobrir por trás dele o comunismo judeu em mil e um fatos. A discussão do marxismo cultural e a consciência que se tem dele estão em expansão. Quando figuras como Tucker Carlson e (por mais que eu não goste dele) Jordan Peterson discutem esse fenômeno, milhões assomam a patamares mais altos de conhecimento, de onde avistam paisagens históricas que a censura antes toldava ou distorcia, como a Escola de Francforte, os Massacres de Bela Kun, o Holodomor… Nem todo o mundo chegará a esse nível mais elevado de percepção, mas muitos consegui-lo-ão, e isso faz que aqueles empenhados no controle das narrativas percam o sono. Dessa forma, fica claramente entendida a razão de o estabilismo colocar a sua máquina em movimento, produzindo material destinado a distanciar os judeus do marxismo, e especialmente de qualquer ideia de que haja fortes vínculos históricos entre ambos.

Na introdução de seu livro, Hanebrink ataca os nacionalistas dos Estados Unidos e da Europa, pelas acusações que fazem aos “comunistas judeus” de promoverem a homossexualidade e o multiculturalismo em seus países. Ora, os judeus ocupam explicitamente a posição de capitães da indústria dos migrantes e refugiados e escrevem abertamente sobre o destacado papel que desempenham à frente das campanhas de promoção do homossexualismo. Muito recentemente, aliás, quando o cabecilha de um agrupamento de antifas de Washington (DC) foi desmascarado pelo Daily Caller, não houve muita surpresa no fato de que se tratava do judeu Joseph Alcoff. A mãe desse sujeito é a ativista acadêmica Linda Alcoff, que milita na área de “estudos” que os racistas antibrancos chamam de “Problemas da Branquitude”. Certa feita essa “professora” escreveu texto intitulado “A questão branca”, mas depois apagou tudo (o feio trabalho de Linda está salvo aqui). O seu filho fanático e doente mental Joseph Alcoff foi preso poucas semanas atrás, depois de atacar um casal de militonautas latinos. Durante a agressão, o judeu gritava “Nazistas!” e “Supremacistas brancos!”.

O fato de muita gente estar hoje preocupada com o comunismo judeu por causa do que fazem judeus comunistas como Alcoff, buscando cumprir sua agenda, não consta em nenhuma das “ponderações” de Hanebrink. Ao contrário, o comunismo judeu é apresentado como se fora, mais ou menos, uma embustice do passado e do presente. O problema com a tese de Hanebrink é que não há prova dela em nenhum lugar, nem sequer uma tentativa de prova. Não obstante, o seu autor vangloria-se de haver vencido o “mito” do comunismo judeu. Na página 5, Hanebrink escreve o seguinte:

Acadêmicos, políticos progressistas e membros da comunidade judaica têm impugnado inúmeras vezes a alegação de que “os judeus são responsáveis pelo comunismo”. De forma convincente e com autoridade, eles mostraram que o mito do comunismo judeu não passa de constructo ideológico.

Mas Hanebrink não refere nenhum texto com essas tais “impugnações” tão ubíquas, convincentes e autorizadas. Por quê? Porque isso não existe! O verdadeiro mito é o mito que diz que “o mito do comunismo judeu foi refutado”. E nessa falsa conclusão Hanebrink baseia todo o seu trabalho. Na mesma página 5, o malandro continua: “Em vista de toda essa história, o objetivo do estudo do judeo-bolchevismo não deve ser o de determinar quão verdadeiro ele é”. Inacreditável! O cara teve a coragem de escrever isso! Eu precisei ler umas três vezes essas palavras para confiar em meus olhos. E a editora universitária responsável pela publicação de uma coisa dessas goza a reputação de figurar entre as melhores do mundo, o que também é espantoso.

Assim como Browning, Hanebrink não se dá muito bem com estatísticas, ele tem medo delas. Ele fica nervoso ao ter que admitir a super-representação de judeus no Partido Comunista Polonês, que podia chegar a 40%. Então ele produz a pérola de que estatística é coisa aborrecida, estéril, e tergiversa, mudando de assunto. Curiosamente e por causa disso, Hanebrink sempre usa palavras como super-representação ou sobrerrepresentação entre aspas. Ele parece achar que as aspas possam mudar a realidade dos números, que possam alterar os dados estatísticos mostrando a sobrerrepresentação de judeus em movimentos de subversão, posições sociais privilegiadas e negócios fraudulentos. A situação fica ainda mais feia quando ele tenta combater a ideia do comunismo judeu argumentando, de forma pedante, que “metade dos dirigentes mencheviques era de judeus em 1917”, o que não terá dado muita consolação ao czar. A análise de Hanebrink tem ainda o triste problema de ser superficial. Por exemplo, ele escreve que “todos os judeus que abraçavam o comunismo rompiam com o meio social de seus avós”. Ora, tal afirmação não corresponde aos dados estatísticos. Os números dizem que eram criados novos círculos judeus ligados ao comunismo. Como [Kevin] MacDonald mostra, a identidade judia permanecia forte entre os comunistas judeus e outras cepas de esquerdistas. Topando com sobrerrepresentações de judeus aqui e ali, nisto e naquilo, Hanebrink saiu-se com esta outra pérola: “Salvo raras exceções, as generalizações não servem para nada”. É, né? Ah, tá.

Não há nenhuma discussão sobre a etnicidade judia em nenhuma parte do texto, e nisso reside uma das mais negativas manobras do autor ou, na perspectiva dele, uma das mais positivas, como assim a apresenta, o que nada tem de surpreendente. Já bem no começo de seu livro (p.5), Hanebrink diz que a consideração da etnicidade judia entre os comunistas “requer dos historiadores que imponham rígidas categorias étnicas em homens e mulheres cujo autoconceito sempre foi mais complexo e multifacetado”. Não, não é verdade. A maioria dos historiadores que estudam o judaísmo sabe das várias formas de “ser judeu” que não decorrem de nenhuma categorização inadequada, senão que da simples observação do comportamento, da filiação e associação étnicas. Hanebrink esconde-se na correção política, aí buscando um tipo de pretexto multiculturalista para não tratar do tópico explosivo da etnicidade judia no comunismo, questão que deveria estar no coração de qualquer tese versando acerca do judeo-bolchevismo. “Eu não quero rotular essas pessoas”, diz Hanebrink, omitindo o motivo disso. A verdade é que, se Hanebrink rotulasse “essas pessoas”, sua tese estaria condenada pelos judeus, que ainda poderiam sujeitar o seu autor à “crucificação”.

Outro ótimo exemplo das distorções no texto de Hanebrink está na discussão que faz de Bela Kun. Hanebrink alega (p. 25) que não existe “absolutamente nada de relevante” na formação judaica de Kun, mas em outra passagem (p. 16) nota que, dos 47 comissários do povo reunidos por Kun no regime soviético húngaro de 1919, trinta eram seus patrícios judeus. Percebendo claramente que à sua argumentação faltava poder de convencimento, Hanebrink volta a tergiversar, saindo-se com a seguinte declaração: “A verdadeira compreensão das esperanças, dos medos, das motivações de qualquer revolucionário judeu na sua irredutível complexidade é tarefa que, em última análise, cabe mais propriamente a um biógrafo” (p. 25). Eis aí outra capitulação do autor na questão da identidade étnica judia — tema de que Hanebrink não trata por despreparo e má vontade. Sua relutância chega a transpor as raias do ridículo. Tome-se o exemplo da seguinte passagem (p. 25):

Esses homens e mulheres foram atraídos para o bolchevismo pelas mesmas razões pelas quais tantos outros judeus no Império Russo e na Europa toda aderiram ao sionismo ou ao nacionalismo assimilacionista. Eles buscavam escapar das limitações das comunidades tradicionais, abraçar as oportunidades sociais e culturais que lhes oferecia a modernidade, eles queriam, enfim, fazer parte do movimento histórico.

Simplesmente, espantoso! Como é que um cara metido a ser um acadêmico sério dá para discutir o apoio ao sionismo sem mencionar a identidade judia, a etnicidade judia, a percepção dos interesses judeus?! Na curiosa leitura de Hanebrink, os judeus esposaram o sionismo para que fossem “parte do movimento da história”. Isso põe em evidência o fracasso total do livro em abordar a questão da identidade judia de forma minimamente crítica.

Ligada a essa desarrazoada interpretação está a insistência de Hanebrink em limitar ao máximo a extensão do conceito de judeo-bolchevismo, para excluir os judeus de tal conceito. Foi por isso que ele disse que metade dos chefes mencheviques compunha-se de judeus, com isso pretendendo argumentar contra a ideia do judeo-bolchevismo, pois os mencheviques e os bolcheviques eram ferozes rivais. Essa minúcia da história sobre a composição judaica da direção dos mencheviquistas é questiúncula de que alguém trataria só por pedantismo e mistificação. Esse alguém, no caso, é Hanebrink. Ao referir os judeus menchevistas, Hanebrink ocupa-se da árvore para ocultar a floresta. Hanebrink, certamente, não iria ignorar que a expressão “Judeo-bolchevismo” era uma palavra-ônibus onde cabiam todas as variantes da subversão esquerdista judia, especialmente o comunismo judeu como um todo. A floresta que esse autor pretende manter obscura é a massiva participação judia no bolcheviquismo e a ascensão dos judeus à condição de elite hostil após o sucesso da Revolução Bolchevista. Hanebrink define o judeo-bolchevique (p. 8) como “fanático etnoideológico, um transgressor destrutivo empenhado em mobilizar os judeus locais e outros grupos descontentes para subverter a ordem social e moral”. Uma excelente definição, só que nela cabem os mencheviques judeus, os socialistas judeus, os progressistas e quejandos. Em suma, a verdade é que os judeus postavam-se como firmes defensores e partidários do comunismo durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial, no maximante da propaganda contra o judeo-bolchevismo. Essa não é  uma opinião controversa, trata-se antes de fato revelado pelo historiador judeu Dov Levin no seu Baltic Jews Under the Soviets, 1940–1946 (1994), como também em The Lesser of Two Evils: Eastern European Jewry Under Soviet Rule, 1939–1941 (1995), e ainda por outros historiadores numa série de trabalhos acadêmicos. Com efeito, os judeus dominaram os governos comunistas por toda a Europa Oriental depois da Segunda Guerra Mundial.

Talvez, a única coisa de algum valor no livro esteja no Capítulo 6, dizendo respeito à mudança da compreensão ocidental do judeo-bolchevismo para a metáfora de civilização “judaico-cristã”. Esta é, na opinião de Hanebrink, desta vez correta, um moderno constructo sociológico com a finalidade principal de fazer brilhar na cabeça dos judeus americanos a “aura da universalidade” (p. 224), promovendo-se a imagem pró-sionista de suposta “comunidade transatlântica de valores”, unida para dar combate ao islamismo (p. 281). Isso aí é parte de transformação maior havida no século XX, quando a Questão Judaica desapareceu do discurso dominante no Ocidente para dar lugar à “Questão da branquitude” e, mais recentemente, à “Questão do Islamismo”. Considero esse desenvolvimento um dos mais cruciais do século XX, o qual reclama ainda maior explicação, documentação e análise. Escusado será dizer que Hanebrink não nos oferece nada disso, mas me repugna tanto a terminologia de uma fictícia civilização judaico-cristã e essa falseta completa de haver interesses comuns judaico-cristãos, que qualquer referência negativa a toda essa patranha tem a minha aprovação. Assim dou pequenina recompensa ao autor de um trabalho que, em tudo o mais, é realmente horrível.

Em última análise, o livro de Paul Hanebrink em comento, A Specter Haunting Europe, é extremamente estranho, ainda assim representa tipicamente a literatura contemporânea sobre a história judia. Ele promete muito, mas não entrega quase nada. Suas omissões são notáveis; sua insinceridade, profunda; seu filossemitismo, enjoativo. Curiosamente, não há no texto nenhuma expressão de segurança intelectual da parte de seu autor. Presumidamente não sendo um judeu, Hanebrink sabe muito bem, com certeza, que o seu texto não passa de chocante apologia dos judeus. As razões pelas quais um acadêmico branco chega ao ponto de produzir uma coisa dessas não são de difícil dedução. Como no caso de Christopher Browning, tais serviços são fortemente incentivados por tentadora recompensa. A despeito da falta de originalidade, da estreiteza da base factual e da fraqueza da análise, Hanebrink, professor associado de História da Universidade Rutgers, escreveu um livro publicado por prestigiada editora acadêmica (talvez a mais prestigiada de todas), pelo que mereceu os maiores louvores de grandes órgãos da mídia dominante. A mensagem desses nossos comissários soviéticos tardios é a seguinte: “Vendam-se a nós pelo preço da fama!”. Christopher Browning e Paul Hanebrink não resistiram Eles aceitaram a proposta indecente.


[1] LANGMUIR, Gavin. History, religion and antisemitism. Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990. p.15.

[2] Ibid, 13.

[3] Ibid, 275.

[4] Ibid, 19 & 67.

[5] Ibid, 265.

[6] MURRAS, Michael. Vichy France and the jews. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1981. p. 183.

[7] ROODHOUSE, Mark. Black market Britain, 1939-1955.Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013. p. 159.

[8] Ibid, p. 234.

[9] ROZENBLIT, Marsha; KARP, Jonathan. World War I and the jews: conflict and transformation in Europe, the Middle East and America. New York: Berghahn. p. 36.

[10] Ibid, p.37.

[11] GERRITS, André. The myth of jewish communism: a historical interpretation. Brussels: PIE Peter Lang, 2009.

[12] BEN-RAFAEL, Eliezer. André Gerrits. The myth of jewish communism: a historical interpretation. International Sociology Review of Books, v. 26, n. 2, p. 260-263.

___________________

Fonte: The Occidental Observer. Autor: Andrew Joyce. Título original: Lying about judeo-bolshevism. Data de publicação: 2 de março de 2019. Versão brasilesa: Chauke Stephan Filho.

 

For White Boys Contemplating Our Dark Future

“Even Satan presents himself as an angel of the Light.” — 2 Corinthians 11: 14

I was born in the last years of the segregated South, and I remember both the period before integration and the period afterward.  I was born to a father who was an electrical engineer, and a mother who was a waitress, and we had a comfortable, placid life until my father sustained severe brain damage in a car accident, requiring that he be retrained as a barber.  That was was around the time when my mother had to begin waiting on tables, to keep our finances afloat, and things became hardscrabble.  Looking back, I can see now that we lived in what many people would consider poverty.  My mother had seven children, too many even for those times, and the financial and psychological stress became more than she could handle.  She buried herself in Christian fundamentalism, seeking solace, but instead became more unstable and volatile.  In time, she began to suffer from extreme religious delusions, believing Jesus had returned to the earth and could be sought out if a sufficient effort was made.  Our home became increasingly violent, dysfunctional and broken, until it disintegrated midstream in our childhoods.  My father went to his parents’ home, where he died in a dark back bedroom, whimpering about his undying love for my mother.  For her part, my mother wandered away, stark raving mad, to search for her Messiah in unlikely places, and in the intervening four decades I have had no contact with her.

My parents’ ancestors had not had easier paths, even though their people were all from once prominent and wealthy Southern families.  Their families had obeyed the law in owning slaves, but had never abused their servants; instead they had considered them to be extended family members.  While I’m sure horror stories existed, I believe my own family’s lore recounting symbiotic and amiable relationships generally reflected the norm of those times.  In any event, both families had ended up landless and scattered as a result of Mr. Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation.  No one has ever talked about reparations for what many of them suffered:   bankruptcies, suicides, malnutrition, rooming house lodgings in their dotages, and early deaths.  Generations later, some of my ancestors were still living in shantytowns, occasionally being rousted out of their squatter villages by the police or military.

Out of these origins, we watched with familiar misgivings as soldiers with bayonets integrated public schools during the Civil Rights Era.  I remember that the school hallways soon stank from the odor of our fear, as our new peers pummeled, kicked and stomped their way into our hearts.  The Media invariably portrayed timid Black children entering schools through crowds of jeering and aggressive Whites, but our experience was somewhat the opposite:   we accommodated our government’s directives warily but meekly, and still got our asses handed to us.  Prior to integration, there had been order, discipline, optimism and a sense of community.  Afterward, we occupied institutions that were intimidating jungles, so much so that the frequent physical and sexual assaults that we experienced were usually not even reported.  We had been told what side history was on, and we were loath to disagree by making complaints.

Long before there were terms like “Media bias,” or “virtue-signaling,” or “Libtards,” we learned their meaning.  During the urban riots of 1968, a liberal teacher decorated our classroom’s bulletin boards with photos of Black rioters shot dead on the sidewalks by the police in Detroit and Watts.

“This will cause them to attack us more in the hallways,” a few of us pleaded.

The teacher was nonplussed by our comment.  “We have to demonstrate that we’re on the side of the civil rights movement” he responded with bewilderment.  “You must think of the greater good of our society, and make an effort to be team players.”

In my mind, this response was irresponsible gibberish, unconnected to the realities of the school hallways we were required to navigate. Yet, throughout my life, in response to my reservations in similar situations, the respondents have always deferred to God, morality, or the greater good.  And none of the answers I have received have been logical or sufficient.

I tried to play the game.  I tried to believe I would be treated fairly in the newly emerging integrated and “Diverse” America.  I soon realized this society will ultimately exclude the melanin-deficient, despite their delusions about having a place in this country’s future.  I had new lessons to learn, and after college I joined a federal agency, one divided into agents and support personnel.  The agents held a large majority of the higher-grade positions, and to achieve upward mobility it was clear that one should attempt to become an agent.  I applied to get into the agent training program, and was repeatedly turned down for admission.  It did not matter that I had two advanced degrees, one of which specialized in our agency’s mission.  It did not matter that I had known poverty via the misfortunes of a brain damaged father and a mother who was a violent lunatic.  There were no slots on the application to present that information, and, while I was shut out of the academy, it was common knowledge that others walking in off the street received preferences based on race and ethnicity.  “This is a non-issue,” I was told, in response to my complaints.  “Most of the applicants hired to be agents are still white.”  I appealed to my work colleagues, and quickly discovered that Whites who succeeded in getting admitted to the academy were indifferent to those of us who got left behind; they simply concluded that we must be deficient in some manner and thus worthy of our designation as lesser mortals.

It did not help to point out other corruptions in the selection process:   the family members of agency officials were admitted into the academy in statistically impossible numbers, and the children of slain agents were simply waved in if they met the minimum admission requirements.  Someone’s father catching a bullet did not seem to create more merit than my father having scraped his head down a highway; sometimes a death is a vastly more merciful fate than the fate of those who go on living.  Be that as it may, for fifteen years of doing the agency’s skut work, I received the same consideration as any external applicant doing similar office work elsewhere, and the rationale for this was, ironically, stated to be “the necessity for all applicants to be treated equally.”  The problem with the rationale presented was that I could not expect the same reciprocity from other employers if I sought to be hired by them — they would be loyal to their own employees in ways that mine had not been to me.  Between the racial preferences and the partial nullification of my labor investment, I’d received a double whammy.

No one gave a hoot about any of this.  I filed grievances, and quickly discovered that the grievance process was intended to channel and smother dissent, not to deliver justice or meaningful redress.  There was also an Ombudsman, whose position was ostensibly intended to help mediate grievances like my own.  This possibility for recourse looked promising, until it was discovered that her husband’s job consisted of maintaining the agency’s Affirmative Action statistics and monitoring the success of the agency’s Diversity Programs.  I sued, and a judge ordered the head of our Legal Counsel Division to attend a mediation meeting to seek a resolution for my suit.  The gentleman declined to put in an appearance, and instead sent an Assistant U.S. Attorney, who was openly hostile toward me.  She stated that I would be offered career counseling, absolutely nothing else, and proceeded to deride me in my presence with descriptive terms like “snob,” “elitist,” and “malcontent.”

“Appeal their decision,” a petite and usually passive coworker urged when I phoned her with my results.  “Don’t be afraid of them.  They’re not competent enough to be scary.”

My coworker was wrong.  They were plenty scary, and I was aware that the agency had unlimited time, personnel, and tax money to fight my lawsuit in the courts.  I was also aware that there were few other venues for the airing of my grievance — no lawyer would even touch it — and that most of the people similarly victimized are not even fully aware of their plight, inasmuch as diligent efforts are made to keep the discrimination covert.  What I had experienced was not today’s often-imagined “systemic discrimination” allegedly directed at non-Whites, but instead the real McCoy — a de facto discrimination against Whites that is now codified, institutionalized and commonplace.  It is discrimination sanctioned and promoted by our government, academia, the media, and the private sector, and there are no advocacy groups for its victims, no support groups for its survivors, and no films or books created to pull heartstrings over their suffering.  The victims, if they are perceived at all, are looked upon as being inconsequential damage, unworthy of acknowledgement because they had their injuries coming.  For its part, my agency, and countless others like it, generally grind up their victims as invisibly as possible, ruthlessly, silently, insidiously, without genuine compassion or interest, licensed to do damage by goals they believe to be noble.   I had even at one point done a Freedom of Information Act request to obtain statistics for the racial preferences, and the agency had released printouts of numbers that no one could decipher.  When asked for an interpretation, the bureaucrats simply ignored me.

I had spent ten years jogging down icy highways in February, to meet the academy’s physical requirements.  I had specifically obtained a second advanced degree because it was in our agency’s field of expertise.  None of it mattered one iota.  “You are being treated fairly,” I was told firmly.  “No one is mistreating you.”  That was no doubt their opinion, but I left the mediation meeting feeling thoroughly violated.

My unit supervisor was a pleasant Black man, and I was later told to meet with him for my lawsuit’s reward, the career counseling.  He waited until the last day of the deadline for providing the counseling, and then called me into his office and turned on his computer.  For an hour and a half, he read the agency’s job postings to me, the job vacancies listed on the agency’s website.  When he was done, he gave me a sincere pat on the arm and uttered familiar words:  “Go back to work now, and try to be a team player.”  One of his White underlings was far less diplomatic.  “We are trying to be tolerant of you,” he said.  “We know it is important to keep our friends close, and our enemies closer.”  This same gentleman, during a previous time of friction, had once reassured me that he had been taught how to kill adversaries within five seconds with merely a pencil.

My Black boss, not long after my career counseling, brought into our career ladder two semi-illiterate Black janitors, and hired them to do the same work I was performing.  The career ladder brought them inevitably up the rungs until they were one grade level below my own.  I remained one grade level above them only because I was their supervisor, and I spent my last years at the agency laboriously correcting the work that they could only go through the motions of performing.

Things got even more gruesome.  I never saw another promotion in the agency, during the remainder of my tenure.  Meanwhile, the Black agents in our agency had previously had a discrimination lawsuit against it.  Most of these people were mediocrities who had achieved their positions only through the racial preferences dispensed to them, but, not satisfied with that largesse, they had then become disgruntled when their advancement through the management ranks was slow.  They had sued, received financial settlements, and, as part of the settlements, the agency had agreed to reeducate all of its managers through diversity training seminars.

In the seminars we were taught that Affirmative Action preferences were necessary in order for America to keep pace with its rapidly changing demographics.  White Americans would soon be a minority, and the emerging America would contain a new but historically disadvantaged non-White majority.  White America had debts to pay, for its mistreatment of non-Whites, and it should pay its debts in a good-natured manner.   In the meanwhile, our democratic principles of government, we were told, along with consumerism and good will and the English language were destined to keep the country glued together.

In these seminars, we were told not to pose questions or to contradict the speakers.  “If you have questions or comments,” the facilitators said, “you may approach the stage with them only when the seminar is concluded.”  It was in this milieu that I first began to have epiphanies that when they keep telling you to be a team player, it means you’re about to get raped.  It was in this milieu that I had the epiphany that when they keep telling you to get on the right side of history, it means eventually they’re going to get around to killing you.  First they destroy books, careers, icons, statues, graves, and memorials.  Emboldened by their success, they will inevitably move on to their actual targets.  You, in the flesh.  The intial request is an appeal for access to institutions.  The subsequent request is a demand for dominant power in the institutions.  The final request is for us to be complicit in making ourselves irrelevant and extinct, in a country that our ancestors explicitly built for themselves and their descendants.  Indeed, the New America gives every indication of gleefully capitalizing on the founding stock’s own democratic principles, documents and institutions, to achieve that end.

In the seminars, listening to their sophistry, I found myself brimming with many questions I had been directed not to articulate.   If all cultures, groups, and nations are to be respected and accommodated, why was my own being so visibly assaulted and dissolved through social engineering and mass immigration?  Why was our demographic and political displacement described as something desirable, when no non-Western nation or people would interpret it in such a manner?  If previous discrimination against minorities was so damnable, how was justice achieved by routinely penalizing Whites through Affirmative Action discrimination?  Did this not merely redirect the discrimination against a new group of innocents?  Why should we be expected to cheerfully fund and facilitate our own society’s reinvention through social and governmental policies?  Why are we forbidden even to describe our displacement and replacement with those same terms — when they accurately describe what is being done to us?   Most of all:   How did it become completely impermissible for anyone to ask these questions?

Once again, I noticed an absence of meaningful redress.  Once again, I found there are no avenues for meaningful dissent; there can be no meaningful dissent when there are no venues in which it can be heard.  To pose objections in spite of this reality is to be designated as a braying jackass in a wilderness, even worse, it is to be designated as morally suspect, as being illogical, indeed, as being evil.  Once again, we are to be the dehumanized collateral damage of the “arc of moral justice,” and our moral worth depends on the extent to which we submit to that condition silently and willingly.  Our own group’s need for self-perpetuation, for self-determination, for equality under the law — these things have all been rendered irrelevant, meaningless, in a society in which all things are now politicized and polarized.

Yet, to reiterate, America’s founding documents and founding institutions were created to first benefit the descendants of the European founding stock.  They clearly proclaimed that they existed for the benefit of the founders’ progeny.  It is thus folly to contend that they were intended to be tools for the dissolution of the nation-state created by those ancestors, and for four centuries America, with the exception of eight states in the South, was largely an ethnostate with an identifiable and relatively homogeneous culture and people.   All of that is now being destroyed in the name of an ill-defined largesse or the purely mercenary desire to import cheap labor, consumers, or votes.  The resulting metamorphosis will achieve the destruction of all that is familiar to us in the span of a single human lifetime, a lifetime of a mere seventy years, spanning from the gutting of our immigration laws in 1965 to the year 2035, the earliest date at which Whites are predicted to become a minority in the U.S.  And the year 2035 is tomorrow — an eyeblink away.  The currently emerging American society will be characterized by the end goal of many of the forces arrayed against us; we will evolve into a society characterized by one-party rule — by the Democratic Party, a political entity that is increasingly anti-status quo, anti-White, and radically socialist in its leanings.

Reacting to this with a shrug is the purest kind of madness.  Acquiescing to it is collaboration with a fate that will strip us of the right of self-determination, because other groups vote in blocs and we will, quite simply, be outnumbered and outvoted.  It is collaboration with the dispossession of our culture and our history, because both will be inevitably pushed into America’s margins.  It portends the confiscation of our wealth, because our wealth will need to be taxed away from us to subsidize the poverty of the incoming hordes.  Most importantly, all of this will dispossess us of our future as a people, because we will have become the Boers of North America and our future will be determined by others.  If the histories of the Tutsis of Rwanda, the Uyghurs of China, and the Christian Armenians of Turkey are indicators of the dark proclivities of human nature — as indeed they are — it may ultimately cost many of us the greatest price of all.

Are these notions beyond the pale for contemplation?  I think not.  We live in a time in which many nations guarantee their citizens’ rights in their constitutions, yet those rights are routinely disregarded.  We live in an era that is characterized, like all of the human history that preceded it, by purges and genocides, an era in which billions of humans are entirely content to live under the tyrannies of Communism, radical Islam, or authoritarianism.  These are the dark and dangerous waters into which our politicians cheerfully plan to cast us adrift on a raft built from blind faith, a hodgepodge raft constructed from scraps of the ideologies promoting globalism, universalism, racial egalitarianism, reverse racism, and other “isms.”  It will be a vessel unfit for any approaching storm, a craft that will easily upend in a vast and tumultuous human sea, and one where there is every reason to believe that our adventure will finalize with our disappearance.

In response to this predicament, for the largest part, our own countrymen are fat and comfortable and happy.  They are far too relaxed and stupid to entertain any notions involving fear, and the cynic in me no longer believes that what remains of America can be saved without upheaval, radicalism, and violence.  While I would never advocate violence, nor will I condemn it, not while my country is being gleefully and unnecessarily butchered all around me.  And in the face of today’s unrelenting turmoil, there have been, of late, clarion truisms that keep ringing in my mind.  One is the statement of Mr. Trump, on January 6, 2021, that “If you don’t fight like hell for your country, you’re not going to have one.”  Another sadly resonating truism is the one allegedly made by the Capitol Breach rioter Riley June Williams, a seven-word sentence that sums up our predicament: “There are no longer any political solutions.”  An even more disturbing insight that keeps entering my consciousness is one attributed to the writer Guillaume Faye:  “When you are forced to choose between violence and extinction, regrettably, the only correct moral choice is violence.”

How sad, even to have been placed in the position to need to contemplate such thoughts.  This is the corner into which our idiot leaders have now painted us, and most of us will no doubt live to see the fruits of their folly.  I am aging fast, and I may be spared such a fate; even so, I know where my ghost will abide when its time comes.  I will be at the running track at my agency’s academy, the academy where I never got admitted.  I will be running in the brutal cold of February, running as I used to run, groaning to push forward with a clenched jaw into the wind.  I will be catapulting around the track, believing against all of the available evidence that this country still has a future for my children, believing in a future in which an uncorrupted justice will yet prevail.

Believing anyway.

Jews and Competitive Victimhood

Despite being the wealthiest, most politically well-connected and influential group in Western nations, Jews have assiduously (and successfully) cultivated the notion they have always been, and remain, a cruelly-persecuted victim group deserving of everyone’s profound sympathy. The “Holocaust” narrative has, of course, been central to this endeavor. The entire social and political order of the contemporary West — based on the alleged virtues of racial diversity and multiculturalism — has been erected on the moral foundations of “the Holocaust.” White people cannot be recognized as a group with interests because “never again.” Western nations have a moral obligation to accept unlimited non-White immigration because “never again.” Whites should meekly accept their deliberate displacement (and ultimate extinction) because “never again.”

Numerous studies have demonstrated the power that can accrue to individuals and groups who successfully cultivate their status as victims and underdogs. Social psychologists have labelled the tendency to see one’s group as having suffered more than an outgroup as “competitive victimhood.” While conflicting groups have engaged in competitive victimhood for centuries, this is largely a modern phenomenon that should be understood against the backdrop of contemporary culture. Friedrich Nietzsche remains the first and best theorist of competitive victimhood, proposing that historical developments in Western culture, ranging from Christianity to the Enlightenment, led to a reversal of values where old notions of “might makes right” were transformed. Today, our knee-jerk reaction to powerful groups is to assume they are immoral and corrupt, while members of victimized groups are assumed to be innocent and morally superior.

Activist Jews are acutely aware of the power of competitive victimhood in contemporary culture, and much of the research into the subject has been carried out in Israel. A study by Schnabel and colleagues found that groups are motivated to engage in competitive victimhood for two reasons: the need for moral identity and the need for social power.

With regards to the first motivation, people generally associate victimization with innocence. Therefore, if one’s ingroup ‘wins’ the victim status, it means that it is also perceived as moral. With regards to the second motivation, people generally view victims as entitled for compensation. Therefore, if one’s ingroup ‘wins’ the victim status, it means that it is entitled to various resources such as policies to empower it or higher budgets. Groups struggle over both power (budgets, influence, etc.) and moral identity (i.e., group members typically see themselves as ‘the good guys’ and members of the other group as ‘the bad guys’). This struggle makes them engage in competitive victimhood.[1]

These studies, often framed around the difficulties presented to Israel by the victim status of the Palestinians, shed light on the psychological motivations behind attempts to gain acknowledgement that one’s ingroup has been subjected to more injustice than an adversarial social group. The findings show that desire for power plays a key role, and that victimhood experiences (real, perceived or fabricated) have far-reaching consequences for the relations between groups, and “especially in contexts where material and social resources are scarce, group members actively attempt to affirm that one’s own group has been victimized more than the other.”[2]

Given the group evolutionary stakes involved, it’s unsurprising that discourse in many countries is often characterized by competitive victimhood—of different social groups competing over who suffers more. Young and Sullivan note that competitive victimhood is an adaptive behavior through which “groups can unilaterally achieve greater group cohesiveness, provide justification for violence performed in the past, reduce feelings of responsibility for harm doing, increase perceived control through the elicitation of social guilt from the outgroup, and elicit support from third parties.”[3]

The political and economic (and therefore biological) benefits derived from competitive victimhood account for the ubiquity of Jewish victim narratives in contemporary Western culture, and why Jewish historiography is replete with exaggerated accounts of historical calamities, persecution, exile, deportations, and pogroms. According to the standard Jewish account, the biblical Pharaoh, Amalek, and Haman of Persia all attempted to annihilate the Jews, followed by a long sequence of enemies, massacres, deportations, inquisitions, and pogroms. Through this lachrymose Jewish victimhood prism, “the Holocaust” is just the latest in this series of recurring victimizations.

Competitive victimhood is built into the liturgical fabric of Judaism through observances like the fast day of Tisha B’Av (the tenth day of the Hebrew month of Av, usually in the middle of August) when Jews reflect on the history of Jewish trauma from the destruction of the First and Second Temples to the medieval expulsions, the Spanish Inquisition, through to “the Holocaust.” One Jewish source notes how “references to the Holocaust, Nazis, Hitler, WWII, Germany etc. seep into the conversation amongst Jews, regardless of age, religious observance, or political affiliation.” Ashkenazi Jews in particular “continue to internalize and carry the trauma of the Holocaust in a way that shapes how we think and behave as Jews in America (and maybe throughout the rest of the world).” Carrying such feelings while comprising an ethnic ruling elite means Jews often feel “both entitlement and victimhood at the same time” which “can become unsettling and paradoxical.”

Jewish activist organizations protest enforcement of the southern border in the U.S. during Tisha B’Av in 2019

This Jewish victimhood mentality is nourished by socialization processes that teach Jews “that victimhood has potential gains, and that aggressiveness can be legitimate and just if one party has suffered from its adversary.”[4] In Israel, victimhood-oriented socialization begins as early as kindergarten and Israeli children are taught that Israelis suffer more than Palestinians, and that they have to protect themselves and fight for their very existence.[5] Research has found the presence of the Holocaust in Israeli school curricula, cultural products, and political discourse has increased, rather than decreased over the years, and that Israelis are increasingly more preoccupied with the Holocaust, constantly dwell on it, and fear that it will “happen again.”[6] One study, moreover, found that:

Jewish Israelis tend to harbor a “perpetual victimhood” representation of their history, as a group that has suffered persecution, discrimination, and threats of annihilation throughout generations, culminating in the Holocaust. Today the presence of the Holocaust in Israel is pervasive, and most Jewish Israelis acknowledge the Holocaust as part of their collective identity and have internalized this victimization as a core feature of their Israeli identity. Thus, Jewish Israelis are raised in a culture that emphasizes the continuity between past suffering and present suffering.[7]

Studies have found that a focus on an ingroup’s victimization (real or perceived) reduces sympathy toward the adversary allegedly responsible for this victimization, as well as toward unrelated adversaries.[8] A group completely preoccupied with its own suffering can develop an “egotism of victimhood” where members are unable to see things from the perspective of the rival group, are unable or unwilling to empathize with the suffering of the rival group, and are unwilling to accept any responsibility for harm inflicted by their own group. Researchers questioned Israeli Jews about their memory of the conflict with the Arabs, from its inception to the present, and found their “consciousness is characterized by a sense of victimization, a siege mentality, blind patriotism, belligerence, self-righteousness, dehumanization of the Palestinians and insensitivity to their suffering.”[9] They found a close connection between that collective memory and the memory of “past persecution of Jews” and the Holocaust. That is, the more deeply Israeli Jews have internalized a narrative of historic Jewish persecution, the less sympathy they have for Palestinians. It was this victimhood lens that led Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin, on the eve of Israel’s 1982 invasion of Lebanon, to declare “The alternative to this is Treblinka.’”

Jewish Indifference to Harming Whites

The harm done to White group interests by Jewish activism in the post-World War II era has been enormous. Jews have used their domination of the commanding heights of Western societies to effectively sabotage the successful biological and cultural reproduction of White people, whom they regard, based on their ethnocentric and jaundiced reading of history, as their foremost ethnic adversaries. This sabotage takes many forms, including: lobbying for mass non-White immigration into Western countries; the entrenchment of multiculturalism and diversity as central and unchallengeable pillars of social policy; the hypersexualization of popular culture and championing of sexual and gender non-conformity; the deplatforming and censoring of all dissident opinion; and, lately, the diffusion and mainstreaming of Critical Race Theory through all sections of society, and the designation of any  pro-White advocacy as a form of terrorism. The net result of these policies has been the rapid demographic and cultural decline of White people in countries they founded and dominated for hundreds (and sometimes thousands) of years.

All of these policies, so zealously supported by Jewish activist organizations, and reinforced by the Jewish-dominated education and media sectors, have their ultimate conceptual basis in the Jewish intellectual movements chronicled by Kevin MacDonald in Culture of Critique. These movements were preoccupied with undermining the evolutionarily-adaptive precepts and practices that had historically dominated Western societies, with the implicit objective being to render White Europeans less effective competitors to Jews for access to resources and reproductive success.

Boasian anthropology, for example, overturned established notions regarding the importance of racial differences, and the need to maintain immigration restrictions and instill a strong racial identity in White children (and a strong aversion to miscegenation) as part of their socialization. The ideas of Boasian anthropology were infused (through the determined efforts of Ashley Montagu) into the 1950 UNESCO Statement on Race (which contributed to the 1954 U.S. Supreme Court desegregation decision in Brown v. Board of Education in Topeka).[10] This Statement (and later UN statements based on it) was described by Robert Wald Sussman (The Myth of Race: The Troubling Persistence of an Unscientific Idea, Harvard University Press, 2014, 207), as “the triumph of Boasian anthropology on a world-historical scale.”[11] This is because of its role in providing an intellectual justification for pressuring the United States, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand to abandon their policies favoring their founding racial stock and ending racial restrictions on immigration.

Reporting on the UNESCO Statement on Race in 1950

Equally damaging to White interests was the assault on the family from the 1960s onwards—part of a great cultural shift from the affirmation to the repudiation of inherited values. The familial, religious and ethnic ties of White people were presented as an oppressive burden imposed by the past—a way in which parents encumber their offspring with an inheritance of dysfunctional norms. Frankfurt School intellectuals insisted the traditional European family structure was pathogenic and a breeding ground “for the production of ‘authoritarian personalities’ who are inclined to submit to dominant authorities, however irrational.” This view echoed Jewish post-Freudian intellectual Wilhelm Reich, who insisted the authoritarian family is of critical importance for the authoritarian state because the family “becomes the factory in which the state’s structure and ideology are molded.”[12] Crucial for Reich was the repression of childhood sexuality, which, in his view, created children who are docile, fearful of authority, and in general anxious and submissive. Reich claimed the role of traditional “repressive” Western sexual morality was “to produce acquiescent subjects who, despite distress and humiliation, are adjusted to the authoritarian order.” Herbert Marcuse agreed, insisting that the “liberation of sexuality and the creation of non-hierarchical democratic structures in the family, workplace and society at large would create personalities resistant to fascism.”[13]

Such ideas motivated the Jewish hypersexualization of Western culture from the 1960s onwards—which led to a revolution in Western sexual mores, family structure and child-rearing practices that have had dire consequences for White group interests. Kevin MacDonald notes that: “Applied to gentile culture, the subversive program of psychoanalysis would have the expected effect of resulting in less-competitive children; in the long term, gentile culture would be increasingly characterized by low-investment parenting, and… there is evidence that the sexual revolution inaugurated, or at least greatly facilitated, by psychoanalysis has indeed had this effect.”[14]

While denouncing the traditional White family as proto-fascistic, Frankfurt School intellectuals also championed radical individualism as the quintessence of psychological health for White people. The “sane” individual was promoted as someone who had broken free from the pathogenic norms of Western culture, and realized his or her human potential without relying on membership in collectivist groups. Jewish Frankfurt School theorist Erich Fromm argued, for instance, in his book The Sane Society (1956) that: “Mental health is characterized by the ability to love and create, by the emergence from incestuous ties to clan and soil, by a sense of identity based on one’s experience of self as the subject and agent of one’s powers, by the grasp of reality inside and outside of ourselves, that is, by the development of objectivity and reason.”[15] The embrace of radical individualism by White people, promoted by the likes of Fromm, was, not surprisingly, conducive (through inhibiting anti-Semitism) to the continuation of Judaism as a cohesive group.

Ethnic Defense or Attack?

Jews, to the extent they admit their involvement in these and other damaging intellectual movements and social policies shaped by them, often portray them as a necessary ethnic “defense” against anti-Semitism. Jewish movie director Jill Soloway claimed, for instance, that Hollywood’s Jews were “recreating culture to defend ourselves post-Holocaust.” From the perspective of White people, however, this “defense” is an incredibly aggressive ethnic attack that threatens our very biological survival in the long term. Research has found that aggressiveness toward outgroups is more likely to be considered legitimate and fair if one’s ingroup is believed to have suffered. For instance, Jewish Canadians who were reminded of the Holocaust accepted less collective guilt for Jews’ harmful actions toward Palestinians than those not reminded of it.[16]

Individuals who identify more strongly with their ingroup engage ever more fiercely in competitive victimhood. As Jews are an extremely ethnocentric group, it is unsurprising that they are particularly prone to engage in competitive victimhood. This behavior is also self-reinforcing in offering psychological payoffs: safe explanations about who is responsible for inter-group conflict and clear boundaries between good and evil.[17] Moreover:

Perceiving one’s own group as the primary victim of the conflict can reduce feelings of guilt that arise when people witness misdeeds perpetrated by ingroup members. By the same token, it may help to rationalize and legitimize acts of revenge against rivals, especially in the post-conflict era. Finally, portraying one’s own group as the “real” victim of the conflict may also serve material purposes, as it frames the group the worthy recipient of sympathy and assistance. Thus, encouraging the perception of one’s own group as the victim may enhance the possibility of receiving moral and practical support from the international community. For all these reasons, it is no wonder that each of the parties involved in a conflict makes great efforts to persuade themselves, rivals, and third parties that their suffering has been the greatest.

 A strong sense of collective victimhood (such as that possessed by Jews) is associated with a low willingness to forgive and an increased desire for revenge. The research shows that people with heightened victimhood express “an increased desire for revenge rather than mere avoidance, and actually were more likely to behave in a revengeful manner.” Such individuals and groups “tend to see their use of violence and aggression as more moral and justified, while seeing the use of violence of the outgroup as unjustified and morally wrong.”[18]

Activist Jews well know the policies they espouse for Western societies harm the group interests of White populations (that’s the whole point). Thus, while the stated mission of the Australian Anti-Defamation Commission (ADC) is to make Australia a “better place” by “promoting tolerance, justice and multiculturalism,” when it comes to the conflict between the Israelis and Palestinians this supposed commitment to “inclusion,” “diversity” and “multiculturalism” suddenly gives way to hardnosed biological realism. The problem with Israel adopting the diverse, multicultural approach to nation-building so zealously advocated by the ADC for Australia (and the entire West) is that while it may sound “simple and fair,” it is actually “code for the destruction of Israel and its replacement with a majority Palestinian state.” The ADC insists “It is naïve and dangerous to believe such a situation will not occur if Israel is taken over by a growing Palestinian population.”

This rank hypocrisy (and barely-concealed malice) is standard across the gamut of Jewish activist organizations in the West. While promoting pluralism and diversity and encouraging the dissolution of the racial and ethnic identification of White people, Jews endeavor to maintain precisely the kind of intense group solidarity they decry as immoral in Whites. They have initiated and led movements that discredit the traditional foundations of Western society: patriotism, the Christian basis for morality, social homogeneity, and sexual restraint. At the same time, within their own communities and in Israel, they have supported the very institutions they attack in Western societies.

Competitive Victimhood through the Construction of Culture

In their quest to outcompete their ethnic adversaries (i.e., White people), diasporic Jews have poured enormous energy into competitive victimhood. Jewish historian Peter Novick has described how today’s culture of “the Holocaust” emerged as part of the collective Jewish response to the Eichmann trial in 1961–62, the Six-Day War in the Middle East in 1967, and, in particular, the Yom Kippur War in 1973. While the foundation was laid at Nuremberg in 1946, it was with these later events, and the anxieties they engendered among Jews throughout the world, that “there emerged in American culture a distinct thing called ‘the Holocaust’—an event in its own right,” and with it a term that entered the English language as a description of all manner of horrors. From that time on, he notes, “the Holocaust” has become “ever more central in American public discourse—particularly, of course, among Jews, but also in the culture at large” and has since “attained transcendent status as the bearer of eternal truths or lessons that could be derived from contemplating it.”[19]

Throughout the West, the proliferating “Holocaust” memorials and museums are lavishly funded by taxpayers, and study of “the Holocaust” in schools is mandated by law in many jurisdictions. As well as serving to morally disarm Whites concerned about their own immigrant-led displacement, the culture of “the Holocaust” is a key part of Jewish efforts to prevent intermarriage in the diaspora. Eric Goldstein, for instance, notes how “Jews discuss, read about, and memorialize the Holocaust with zeal as a means of keeping their sense of difference from non-Jews alive.”[20] “The Holocaust” has become, in the words of Nicholas Kollerstrom, “an ersatz substitute for genuine metaphysical knowledge,” with Auschwitz now serving as the spiritual center of a new religion and a place of awed pilgrimage for millions of penitent Europeans. The narrative has also unleashed an endless flow of money from Germany to Israel and to compensate more “Holocaust” survivors than there were ever Jews in countries under German control.[21]

Novick made the point that that the ubiquity and metaphysical pre-eminence of the Holocaust in Western culture is not a spontaneous phenomenon but the result of highly focused, well-funded efforts of Jewish organizations and individual Jews with access to the major media:

We are not just “the people of the book,” but the people of the Hollywood film and the television miniseries, of the magazine article and the newspaper column, of the comic book and the academic symposium. When a high level of concern with the Holocaust became widespread in American Jewry, it was, given the important role that Jews play in American media and opinion-making elites, not only natural, but virtually inevitable that it would spread throughout the culture at large.[22]

Establishing and maintaining the narrative of pre-eminent Jewish victimhood is supremely important for the cadres of Jewish “diversity” activists and propagandists throughout the West, given the status of the Holocaust as the moral and rhetorical foundation of today’s White displacement agenda. Invocation of this narrative is reflexively used to stifle opposition to the Jewish diaspora strategies of mass non-White immigration and multiculturalism.

Suppressing Counter-narratives

The flipside of this constant invocation of the Holocaust as a testament to unsurpassed Jewish victimhood are efforts to suppress discussion of the unsavory Jewish role in the Bolshevik Revolution and communism. This is because free discussion of the Jewish role in communist crimes undermines Jewish pretentions to moral authority grounded in their self-designated status as history’s preeminent victims. For Jewish academic Daniel Goldhagen, for example, any claim Jews were responsible for the Bolshevik Revolution and its predations is morally reprehensible because “If you associate Jews with communism, or worse, hold communism to be a Jewish invention and weapon, every time the theme, let alone the threat, of communism, Marxism, revolution, or the Soviet Union comes up, it also conjures, reinforces, even deepens thinking prejudicially about Jews and the animus against Jews in one’s country.”[23] It is therefore imperative the topic remain taboo and discussion of it suppressed—regardless of how many historians (Jewish and non-Jewish) confirm the decisive role Jews played in providing the ideological basis for, and the establishment, governance and administration of, the former communist dictatorships of Central and Eastern Europe.

Jewish competitive victimhood accounts for the fact that, since 1945, over 150 feature films have been made about “the Holocaust” while the number of films that have been made about the genocide of millions of Eastern Europeans can be counted on one hand—and none have been produced by Hollywood. Those Jewish intellectuals who are willing to admit the obvious—that Jews played a large (probably decisive) role in the Bolshevik Revolution and its bloody aftermath—rationalize this by claiming this involvement was an understandable response to tsarist “anti-Semitism” and “pogroms.” Andrew Joyce has explored how Jewish historians and activists have systematically distorted and weaponized the history of “pogroms” in the former Russian Empire.

Uncritically drawing on this bogus narrative, establishment historians typically ascribe the pogroms to irrational manifestations of hate against Jews, tsarist malevolence, the pathological jealousy and primitive barbarity of the Russian mob, and the “blood libel.” The real underlying causes of peasant uprisings against Jews, such as the Jewish monopolization of entire industries (including the sale of liquor to peasants on credit), predatory moneylending, and radical political agitation, are completely ignored, despite tsarist authorities having repeatedly expressed alarm over how “Jews were exploiting the unsophisticated and ignorant rural inhabitants, reducing them to a Jewish serfdom.”[24] Initiatives to move Jews into less socially damaging economic niches, through extending educational opportunities and drafting Jews into the army, were ineffective in altering this basic pattern. With this in mind, the revolutionary anarchist Mikhail Bakunin concluded that Jews were “an exploiting sect, a blood-sucking people, a unique, devouring parasite tightly and intimately organized … cutting across all the differences in political opinion.”[25]

Rather than seeing Jewish communist militants as willing agents of ethnically-motivated oppression and mass murder, Jewish intellectuals, like the authors of the book Revolutionary Yiddishland Alain Brossat and Sylvie Klingberg, attempt to depict them as noble victims who tragically “linked their fate to the grand narrative of working-class emancipation, fraternity between peoples, socialist egalitarianism,” and that the militancy of Jewish communists “was always messianic, optimistic, oriented to the Good—a fundamental and irreducible difference from that of the fascists with which some people have been tempted to compare it, on the pretext that one ‘militant ideal’ is equivalent to any other.”[26] In other words, millions may have died due to the actions of Jewish communist militants, but their hearts were pure. Kevin MacDonald notes how Jewish involvement with Bolshevism “is perhaps the most egregious example of Jewish moral particularism in all of history. The horrific consequences of Bolshevism for millions of non-Jewish Soviet citizens do not seem to have been an issue for Jewish leftists—a pattern that continues into the present.”[27]

Jewish Competitive Victimhood on Behalf of Non-Whites

Jewish activists not only engage in competitive victimhood on behalf of their ingroup (while suppressing all counter-narratives), but wage competitive victimhood on behalf of other non-White groups (except, of course, for the Palestinians and other groups opposed to Israel). This is plainly motivated by the desire to harm White interests. Through founding and promoting intellectual movements like Critical Race Theory, funding anti-White activism, and deploying anti-White media narratives, Jews stoke non-White grievance and physically endanger White people.

An instructive example of Jews engaging in competitive victimhood on behalf of non-Whites concerns Australia’s Aborigines. Jewish intellectual activists Tony Barta and Colin Tatz, for example, originated the “genocide charge” against White Australians, and have largely succeeded in ensuring that “genocide is now in the vocabulary of Australian politics.” Barta insists that “all white people in Australia” are implicated in a “relationship of genocide” with Aborigines even if they (or their ancestors) lacked any such intention, had only benevolent interactions with Aborigines, or no contact with Aborigines at all. When colonial, and later state and federal governments implemented policies designed to protect Aboriginal people, “genocide” was, for Barta, still “inherent in the very nature of the society.” He advocates this be the “credo taught to every generation of schoolchildren—the key recognition of Australia as a nation founded on genocide.”[28]

Jewish intellectual activist Colin Tatz

Barta’s activism inspired Colin Tatz who, embracing and weaponizing the bogus notion of the “Stolen Generations,” claimed that as a result of “the public’s first knowledge of the wholesale removal of Aboriginal children, the dreaded ‘g’ word is firmly with us,” affirming that the “purpose of my university and public courses” is “to keep it here.”[29] The Sydney Jewish Museum is proudly playing its part in training Australian teachers “not only about the Holocaust” but also about “the Australian genocide.” Inevitably, Barta and Tatz liken rejection of, or even ambivalence toward, their assertion that “Australia is a nation built on genocide” to “Holocaust denial.” In deploying the “genocide” charge against White Australians, they seek to exert the same kind of psychological leverage used to such devastating effect against Germans, who, as Tatz notes, are “weighed down by the Schuldfrage (guilt question)” to such an extent that “guilt, remorse, shame permeate today’s Germany.”[30]

Jewish activists like Barta and Tatz have dedicated their professional lives to ensuring an analogous guilt permeates and becomes indissolubly linked with White Australian identity. In keeping with the exigencies of competitive victimhood, they are, however, careful to not thereby detract from the pre-eminence of the Holocaust.[31] One Jewish source notes how “painful memories of the Holocaust still resonate and make us sensitive to comparisons,” emphasizing the supreme importance of ensuring that “recognising the genocide of the Aboriginal inhabitants of Australia does not diminish the horror of the Holocaust.” To mitigate this danger, Tatz insists that, in discussing other putative genocides, scholars have a moral obligation to never “ignore, or evade, the lessons and legacies of the Holocaust in pursuit of other case histories.” The Holocaust must forever remain “the paradigm case, the one more analysed, studied, dissected, filmed, dramatized than all other cases put together.” It must endure as “the yardstick by which we measure many things” and be the highest point on “a ‘Richter Scale’ that can help us to locate the intensity, immensity of a case so that we don’t equate all genocides.”[32] This statement is the embodiment of competitive victimhood.

Conclusion

“Competitive victimhood” is a useful intellectual framework for conceptualizing a key strand of Jewish ethnic activism and can be viewed as an important aspect of Judaism as a group evolutionary strategy. This strategy is multipronged: promote Jews as the world’s foremost victims (despite their status as an ethnic ruling class in Western societies); aggressively suppress all narratives that challenge this status (particularly those that accurately represent Jews as victimizers); and, finally, engage in competitive victimhood on behalf of non-White groups against Whites—while simultaneously seeking to deny the latter any positive collective identity. This multi-layered strategy ultimately conduces to the same overriding goal: to deprive White people of moral authority, confidence, political power, economic resources and reproductive opportunities. While many Jews regard this as a necessary ethnic defense, from the perspective of White people this an aggressive (and intensifying) attack that threatens our long-term survival as a people.

Brenton Sanderson is the author of Battle Lines: Essays on Western Culture, Jewish Influence and Anti-Semitism, available here and here.


[1] Eric W, Dolan, “Study finds the need for power predicts engaging in competitive victimhood,” PsyPost, February 6, 2021. https://www.psypost.org/2021/02/study-finds-the-need-for-power-predicts-engaging-in-competitive-victimhood-59552

[2] Luca Andrighetto, “The victim wars: How competitive victimhood stymies reconciliation between conflicting groups,” The Inquisitive Mind, Issue 5, 2012.  https://www.in-mind.org/article/the-victim-wars-how-competitive-victimhood-stymies-reconciliation-between-conflicting-groups

[3] Isaac F. Young & Daniel Sullivan, “Competitive victimhood: a review of the theoretical and empirical literature,” Current Opinion in Psychology, 11, 2016, 31.

[4] M. Nasie, A.H. Diamond & D. Bar-Tal, “Young children in intractable conflict: The Israeli case,” Personality and Social Psychology Review, 20, 2016, 365-92.

[5] Ibid.

[6] Y. Klar, N. Schori-Eyal, N. & Y. Klar, “The ‘never again’ State of Israel: The emergence of the Holocaust as a core feature of Israeli identity and its four incongruent voices,” Journal of Social Issues, 69, 2013, 125-43.

[7] Johanna Ray Vollhardt, The Social Psychology of Collective Victimhood (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020) 372.

[8] See: S. Cehajic & R. Brown, “Not in my name: A social psychological study of antecedents and consequences of acknowledgement of ingroup atrocities,” Genocide Studies and Prevention, 3, 2008, 195-211 and M.J. Wohl & N.R. Branscombe, “Remembering historical victimization: Collective guilt for current ingroup transgressions,” Journal or Personality and Social Psychology,” 94, 2008, 988-1006.

[9] D. Bar-Tal, L. Chernyak-Hai, N. Schori & A Gundar, “A sense of self-perceived collective victimhood in intractable conflicts,” International Review of the Red Cross, 91, 2009, 229.

[10] Anthony Q. Hazard, Postwar Anti-Racism: The United States, UNESCO, and “Race,”1945-1968 (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2012), 38.

[11] Robert Wald Sussman, The Myth of Race: The Troubling Persistence of an Unscientific Idea (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 2014), 207.

[12] Wilhelm Reich, The Mass Psychology of Fascism (London: Penguin, 1970) 64.

[13] Douglas Kellner, Herbert Marcuse and the Crisis of Marxism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984) 111.

[14] Kevin MacDonald, The Culture of Critique: An Evolutionary Analysis of Jewish Involvement in Twentieth‑Century Intellectual and Political Movements, (Westport, CT: Praeger, Revised Paperback edition, 2001), 151.

[15] Erich Fromm, The Sane Society (London & New York: Routledge, 1956/1991), 67.

[16] M.J. Wohl & N.R. Branscombe, “Remembering historical victimization: Collective guilt for current ingroup transgressions,” Journal or Personality and Social Psychology,” 94, 2008,

[17] M. Noor, N. Schnabel, S. Halabi & A. Nadler, “When suffering begets suffering: The psychology of competitive victimhood between adversarial groups in violent conflicts,” Personality and Social Psychology Review, 16,  2012, 351-74.

[18] Ibid.

[19] Peter Novick, The Holocaust and Collective Memory (London: Bloomsbury, 2000), 144.

[20] Eric L. Goldstein, The Price of Whiteness: Jews, Race, and American Identity (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2008), 211.

[21] Nicholas Kollerstrom, Breaking the Spell: The Holocaust, Myth & Reality (Uckfield: Castle Hill, 2014), 133.

[22] Novick, The Holocaust and Collective Memory, 12.

[23] Daniel Jonah Goldhagen, The Devil That Never Dies (New York NY; Little, Brown & Co., 2013), 291; 126.

[24] John Klier, Russians, Jews, and the Pogroms of 1881-2 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 5.

[25] Robert Wistrich, From Ambivalence to Betrayal: the Left, the Jews and Israel (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2012), 186.

[26] Alain Brossat & Sylvie Klingberg, Revolutionary Yiddishland: A History of Jewish Radicalism (London; Verso, 2016), 56.

[27] MacDonald, Culture of Critique, xl.

[28] Tony Barta, “Realities, Surrealities and the Membrane of Innocence,” In: Genocide Perspectives: A Global Crime, Australian Voices, Ed. Nikki Marczak & Kirril Shields (Sydney: UTS ePress, 2017), 174.

[29] Colin Tatz, With Intent to Destroy: Reflecting on Genocide (London; Verso, 2003), xvi.

[30] Colin Tatz, Australia’s Unthinkable Genocide (Xlibris; 2017), 3009.

[31] Tatz, With Intent to Destroy, xiii.

[32] Colin Tatz, Human Rights and Human Wrongs: A Life Confronting Racism (Clayton, Victoria; Monash University Publishing, 2015), 261.