Avoiding Nationalist-on-Nationalist violence: Electoral Politics vs. Cultural Metapolitics

White Nationalist websites appear to be abuzz with conflict these days. Occidental Dissent has a list, amusing or depressing depending on your mindset, of “beefs” between White Nationalists. The movement seems so fractious and sectarian at times it rather recalls the far-leftists inimitably parodied by Monty Python.

I am now involved in this as Ted Sallis has written a critical article that, while not explicitly mentioning me, I am quite sure is referring to my comments on the French National Front (FN). Personally, I welcome frank debate and criticism, and in any case I’m relatively new to the nationalist scene so I don’t claim to lecture anyone.

But these apparently obscure debates and petty conflicts on websites with, let’s face it, limited reach raise an important issue: What should be the relationship between White Nationalists, which for now are largely limited to at best metapolitical groupuscules, and necessarily more moderate nationalist parties with mass voter appeal or which are even in power?

The issue is of the distinction between the political and the metapolitical in a particular régime. That régime today is characterized by two things: absolute liberal/antinational cultural hegemony and mass electoral politics. That means every nationalist party has a choice: either to contest the culture (in which case it will be boycotted/demonized by media) in the hopes of changing that culture or to respect the culture’s taboos (by engaging in self-censorship and crypsis) in the hopes of gaining political power. Read more

Frank Salter on Race and Nation in Australia

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Frank Salter has published a collection of essays titled The War on Human Nature in Australia’s Political Culture, reviewed favorably by John Derbyshire at Vdare.com. It consists of six essays, five of which previously appeared in Quadrant, an Australian political magazine. Below is an essay I wrote on two of the three essays that deal with the national question when they originally appeared. (Derbyshire labels these three essays “the real meat of the book.”)  Derbyshire notes the following about the Salter’s essay on libertarian immigration enthusiasts which hadn’t appeared when I wrote my commentary:

Salter tosses and gores Australia’s little—but influential and dismayingly respectable—clique of open-borders libertarians, using arguments that will be familiar to VDARE.com readers. He rounds off the essay with some blunt facts.

The only population difference between the immigration levels adopted by succeeding governments over recent decades and open borders is the date at which the country becomes overcrowded. In addition ethnic stratification is growing. Most Aboriginal Australians remain an economic underclass and some immigrant communities show high levels of long-term unemployment. Anglo Australians, still about 70 percent of the population, are presently being displaced disproportionately in the professions and in senior managerial positions by Asian immigrants and their children.

The solution, he believes, is to break the stranglehold of ideology on university departments of humanities and social sciences.

Lots of luck with that.

My essay, originally posted on January 24, 2013:

Readers of TOO are familiar with Dr. Frank Salter’s work on ethnic genetic interests and his critique of multiculturalism. Now he has a series of articles in Quadrant exploring the decline of biological perspectives in the social sciences and concluding with two articles dealing with race and nation.  These articles are brilliant analyses of the plight of White majorities in all Western countries as they attempt to cope with displacement-level immigration and with sweeping changes in national identity and culture. Salter’s analysis focuses mainly on Australia, but it’s clear that his analysis applies to all Western countries. His attempt is not to chart the causes of this sea change, but to describe the changes by presenting a realistic analysis in terms of ethnic interests of all groups, including Whites, and emphasizing the costs to the White majority. Although Salter does not mention Jewish issues, his analysis is entirely compatible with the decisive role of the Jewish left in Australia specifically and in the wider culture of the West. For an in-depth analysis of the Jewish role in promoting non-White immigration and multiculturalism in Australia, see Brenton Sanderson‘s important essay, “The War on White Australia: A Case Study in the Culture of Critique.”

In “The War on Human Nature, III: Race and Nation in the Media” Salter notes that in the course of the twentieth century, the left shifted from attempting to improve the lives of people within particular societies to an internationalist focus. “From before the Bolshevik coup of 1917, cosmopolitans have fought against beliefs that would bolster Western identity and confidence.” He emphasizes the role of Franz Boas in altering the landscape of the social sciences in opposition to Darwinism and biology. (Boas is discussed in The Culture of Critique as motivated by his Jewish identity and antipathy to the people and culture of the  West.) The long-term result has been the dominance of “intolerant utopianism of multiculturalism, revolutionary levels of immigration, and censorship of free speech on the subject.”

As an evolutionist, Salter is aware that the policy of non-White immigration has huge genetic costs to the host population. What is remarkable is that this assault  “is occurring at the invitation of Western elites, often contrary to public opinion. The process is epochal whether viewed through zoological, national or democratic eyes.” He is well aware that ethnic consciousness should be seen as normal for all peoples, not just the peoples who are now inundating Western societies. “Not only racism but pro-social values of ethnic and national community have an innate basis. And if minority ethnic consciousness is normal, so is the majority equivalent.” Read more

Cleon Peterson’s Dystopian (Anti-White?) Future

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“Glory”

It’s well known that the art world has been a fiefdom of the left for over a century, so finding art that speaks to the issues facing White America seems unlikely at best. It’s obvious enough that Cleon Peterson‘s paintings depict a world of savage violence and depravity:

Artslant 

In Cleon Peterson’s End of Days, … Peterson’s world of depravity does not simply crash and burn: it reverses polarity, inherited not by the meek but by the vengeful and merciless. Whatever days have ended, they have been succeeded by a new age of barbarism, with clear winners and losers. The triumphant take no trophies, apart from the occasional severed head, but the defeated have clearly lost more than their viscera – they have lost all semblance of control, dignity, strength and, most of all, hope.

But not all is lost, nor is it over. If that sounds like the good news, well, it’s not. The scenes of brutality are depicted in medias res, after the first blows were struck, in most cases not quite lethally. As the victims live to suffer, their tormenters seem to revel in that persistence. In fact, the tormenters, which Peterson calls the “shadows,” appear to derive their strength from their subversion.  …

Many of those scenes have featured characters with physical appearances largely undifferentiated from one another, suggesting a classless unsympathetic society, yet in this new body of work Peterson incorporates “shadow” figures and a new dichotomous order. There are haves and have-nots, but amid the havoc it’s hard to decide who’s who.

Cleon Peterson

Cleon Peterson

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Defying the Budapest Ban: The Rebel vs the Dissident

 Despite the ban by the Hungarian government, the NPI conference did take place in Budapest on October 5, albeit in a truncated version but with an air of rebellion and emotional intensity. A day earlier, despite the arrest of the NPI Chairman Mr. Richard Spencer, despite constant police surveillance of all NPI guests, and despite the fact that there were only two official speakers, the conference turned out to be a surprising success.  The distinct possibility of a police crackdown on the venue did not prevent more than 70 people from attending the dinner and listen to the speeches delivered by Jared Taylor and myself.  Two journalists, one from the BBC, the other from the German daily Die Welt, covered the event and interviewed the speakers (BBC. Die Welte).

The genesis, the unfolding, and the subsequent end of the NPI event in Budapest, including the earlier arrest of  Richard Spencer, have been more or less  objectively  reported  by friendly  websites.  What lessons can we now draw? Here are some eclectic remarks and tentative suggestions,  from the lexical, legal, philosophical and sociobiological perspective. Read more

Sándor Petőfi: “The Magyar Noble,” Original and Updated in Light of the NPI Suppression in Budapest

THE MAGYAR NOBLE.
A MAGYAR NEMES.

The sword which once my fathers bore,
Hangs on the wall and gleams no more,
Rust covers it instead of gore.
I am a Magyar noble.

I never work and never will,
The thought of labor makes me ill.
Peasant, ‘t is thou the earth must till.
I am a Magyar noble.

Peasant, make good the road, I say,
Thy horse doth draw the load that way,
But go afoot I never may.
I am a Magyar noble.

Wherefore should I for science care?
The sages always paupers were.
I never read or write, I swear!
I am a Magyar noble.

One talent I possess complete,
Herein with me none can compete:
I excellently drink and eat.
I am a Magyar noble.

I never pay my tax when due,
Wealth have I, but not much, ‘t is true.
How much owe I? Ask but the jew.
I am a Magyar noble.

The country’s cares are naught to me.
I heed not all its misery.
Soon they will pass by fate’s decree.
I am a Magyar noble.

My ancient rights and home decay,
And when I’ve smoked my life away,
Angels shall bear me up one day.
I am a Magyar noble.

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