Recent Advances in the Study of Human Differences, Part 1 of 3: Gender Differences

Human Diversity:
The Biology of Gender, Race, and Class
by Charles Murray
New York: Grand Central Publishing, 2020

“We are in the midst of a uniquely exciting period of discoveries in genetics and neuroscience (6),” notes Charles Murray near the beginning of his latest book Human Diversity, yet it remains something of a secret. Knowledgeable specialists avoid publicizing the discoveries, frequently claiming to be afraid the information will be misinterpreted and misused (i.e., by “white supremacists” and such). What they are really afraid of is retaliation by an aggressive minority of their colleagues who enforce a scientifically unsupported orthodoxy that Murray sums up in three assertions:

1) Gender is a social construct. Physiological sex differences associated with childbearing have been used to create artificial gender roles that are unjustified by inborn characteristics of personality, abilities, or social behavior.

2) Race is a social construct. The concept of race has arisen from cosmetic differences in appearance that are not accompanied by inborn differences in personality, abilities, or social behavior

3) Class is a function of privilege. People have historically been sorted into classes by political, economic, and cultural institutions that privilege heterosexual white males and oppress everyone else, with genes and human nature playing a trivial role if any. People can be resorted in a socially just way by changing these institutions. (3)

This orthodoxy has been on the defensive for many years now, and Murray is optimistic it will collapse within the coming decade. Plenty of individual believers will remain, but collectively they will lose their ability to enforce their beliefs through intimidation.

Human Diversity is a report on the revolution in our understanding of race, sex and class differences over the last thirty years. The author draws on genetic advances made possible by the sequencing of the human genome and also on neuroscience, but avoids extensive appeals to evolutionary psychology: “I decided that incorporating its insights would make it too easy for critics to attack the explanation and ignore the empirical reality.” (7)

This is part of a strategy “to stick to the low-hanging fruit” of findings “that have broad acceptance within their disciplines,” even if it leaves expert readers “yawning with boredom.” (6) Though soft-spoken by nature, Murray clearly hopes to strike an unanswerable blow against the Lysenkoist mafia whose power he has experienced personally. He conveniently summarizes his basic message in ten propositions for which “the clamor of genuine scientific dispute has abated,” (7) and there is little room left for empirically informed dispute. The first four propositions deal with sex differences, the next three with race, and the last three with class. Each proposition is given a chapter of its own.

The first proposition states that sex differences in personality are consistent worldwide and tend to widen in more gender-egalitarian cultures. Few will be surprised to find the latest studies confirming that women tend toward the warm, sympathetic, accommodating, altruistic and sociable end of the personality scale, with men more inclined to be reserved, utilitarian, unsentimental, dispassionate and solitary. Such differences emerge early in life are found around the world in radically different cultural environments.

A more counterintuitive finding is that such sex differences in personality widen rather than diminish in more egalitarian countries: this was the consistent result of five extensive international studies published between 2001 and 2018. As Murray notes, social constructivists are not the only ones surprised by this: “I know of no ideological perspective that would have predicted greater sex differences in personality in Scandinavia than in Africa or Asia.” He offers the conjecture that stronger enforcement of social norms in more traditional societies may suppress the expression of inborn personality traits, while in the modern West the sexes are “freer to do what comes naturally.” (43)

The second proposition states that “on average, females worldwide have advantages in verbal ability and social cognition while males have advantages in visuospatial abilities and the extremes of mathematical ability.” Social cognition refers to the ability to infer mental states from external clues and predict other people’s intentions and reactions. Women’s superior verbal skills are a consistent finding of international student assessment tests. Women also have better sensory perception and fine motor skills, and are better than men at remembering the minutiae (peripheral detail) of events.

Men are better at remembering the gist, and have markedly superior visuospatial skills. There has also long existed a widespread perception that men are better at math than women. Recent evidence makes some qualification necessary. Within the normal ability range, the male advantage is not statistically significant. It is clearer at the high end, but even here diminished greatly during the 1980s. Among the top one percent of one percent of human mathematical ability, there were 13 boys for every girl in the 1970s; by the early 1990s, the ratio had sunk to 3 to 1, where it has remained stable ever since.

Even where men and women solve problems equally well, they may do so in different ways. For example, women tend to navigate by identifying and remembering landmarks, while men are more likely to construct mental maps. Women more often use verbal forms of logic to solve math problems, whereas men tend to use symbolic or spatial reasoning.

Among the most cherished of feminist beliefs is that female under-representation in STEM fields (science, technology, engineering and math) reflects differences in socialization—differences that would disappear in a gender-neutral society. To test this hypothesis, Murray examines the preferences and choices of a cohort chosen for a Johns Hopkins Study of Mathematically Precocious Youth (SMPY). Focusing on such a sample allows him to ignore sex differences in abilities: all these people were qualified to pursue any undergraduate major they liked.

In the upper-middle-class schools and neighborhoods where most of the SMPY girls grew up, courses were filled with inspirational stories about women scientists, political leaders, artists, and authors. High schools were putting boys and girls in the same gym classes, and high school counselors were urging female students to go into male-dominated careers. When they reached college age in 1982–5, they all knew that the most famous universities in the nation were eager to add them to their student bodies and even more eager for them to populate their majors in science, technology, engineering, and math. On campuses, young women were hearing faculty and their fellow students urging them to forgo marriage and childbearing in favor of a career. (72)

It would not be easy to find a hypothesis which has been given a fairer or larger-scale trial than the explanation of female underrepresentation in STEM fields by sex-specific socialization.

The SMPY women were, indeed, about twice as likely as women in the general population to major in STEM subjects—but so were the men compared to men in the general population, so that the sex ratio was about the same. Twice as many of the women got degrees in the social sciences, business, and the humanities as did the men. Those of the women who did major in STEM subjects inclined more to the life sciences rather than math or the physical sciences.

An important reason for the persistent underrepresentation of women in STEM fields even among the mathematically gifted elite may be that many of these women also enjoyed their sex’s natural advantage in verbal intelligence, giving them “an attractive array of alternatives to STEM” (78)—whereas the men’s intelligence was more likely to skew heavily toward mathematics.

In 2012–13 a team of Vanderbilt psychologists interviewed these SMPY men and women, by then in their late forties, about their work preferences. The women indicated a much greater willingness to consider part-time careers and a greater unwillingness to work more than forty hours a week. They sought flexibility in their work schedule and placed a high value on such things as “having strong friendships.” Murray notes that since these women were in their late forties, their preference for shorter hours and a flexible schedule was not likely to be due to the presence of small children at home.

The men expressed a strong preference for a full-time career with a high salary, and agreed with such statements as “The prospect of receiving criticism from others does not inhibit me from expressing my thoughts’ and “I believe society should invest in my ideas because they are more important than those of other people in my discipline.” They viewed “being able to take risks on my job” as a positive good, and reported that they enjoyed working with computers, tools and machines.

In short, the stated preferences of these highly talented men and women who had come of age at the height of the feminist educational and career revolution were utterly sex-typical. Yet their widely differing preferences “were not accompanied by corresponding sex differences in how they viewed their career accomplishments and close relationships, or in their positive outlook on life,” according to the Vanderbilt researchers. (76) Forcing statistically equal life outcomes on the women in this sample might have been possible under totalitarian conditions, but would almost certainly have left them less happy.

The patterns observed in this cohort of unusually talented men and women holds for people general. Consider, for example, the RIASEC psychological assessment battery widely used for career guidance: of the six dimensions of preferences and abilities it measures, two reveal large and consistent sex differences. Those who score highest on the trait labelled “Realistic” enjoy working with tools, instruments, and mechanical or electrical equipment, as well as activities such as building, repairing machinery, and raising crops or animals. Men are higher on this measure by 84 percent of a standard deviation, indicating a robust average difference. Those who score highest on the trait labeled “Social” enjoy helping, enlightening or serving others through activities such as teaching, counseling, working in service-oriented organizations and engaging in social and political studies. Women are higher on this measure by 68 percent of a standard deviation, also quite robust. And these differences do not just show up in career assessment tests, but are closely mirrored by the actual jobs men and women go on to hold.

All of this evidence goes to confirm an observation made in 1911 by Edward Thorndike, a founder of the discipline of educational psychology, that the greatest cognitive difference between men and women lies “in the relative strength of their interest in things and their mechanisms (stronger in men) and the interest in persons and their feelings (stronger in women).” (19–20) This provided the inspiration for Murray’s third proposition: “on average, women worldwide are more attracted to vocations centered on people and men to vocations centered on things.” He notes that in the late 1980s, observers could have been forgiven for predicting that the career preferences of men and women

would converge within a few decades. From 1970 through the mid-1980s, the percentage of women in Things jobs had risen and the male-female ratio had plunged. If those [trends] had been sustained, the percentages of men and women in Things jobs would have intersected around 2001. But convergence was already slowing by the late 1980s and had effectively stalled by 1990. (87)

For example, between 1971 and 1986, the percentage of women’s bachelor of science degrees in the most things-oriented STEM fields—physics, chemistry, earth sciences, computer sciences, mathematics and engineering—more than doubled, but from a base of only 4 percent to a high of 10 percent. By 1992 it had declined again to 6 percent, where it has remained ever since, give or take a percentage point. The author concludes:

It looks as if women were indeed artificially constrained from moving into a variety of Things occupations as of 1970, that those constraints were largely removed, and that equilibrium was reached around 30 years ago. (88)

The fourth proposition states that “many sex differences in the brain are coordinate with sex differences in personality, abilities and behavior.” As neurobiological researcher Larry Cahill wrote in 2017: “The past 15 to 20 years witnesses an explosion of research documenting sex influences at all levels of brain function. So overpowering is the wave of research that the standard ways of dismissing sex influences have all been swept away.” Some of the most obvious sex differences in temperament are due to sex hormones, of which testosterone and estrogen are the best known (there are many others). Both men and women produce both of these hormones, but men produce much more testosterone and women much more estrogen.

Studies have demonstrated that a single dose of testosterone administered to women

significantly altered connectivity of the network in the brain that underlies the integration and selection of sensory information during empathic behavior. This finding suggests a neural mechanism by which testosterone can impair the recognition of emotions. (100)

The administration of testosterone has also been found to diminish women’s accuracy in inferring mental states, and women with higher natural levels of testosterone have been observed to be less risk-averse than other women. Supplemental testosterone administered to men diminishes their performance on the Cognitive Reflection Test, which measures capacity to override intuitive judgments with deliberated answers. Estrogen administered to men increases their emotional response to watching a distressed person.

Among the most important but less widely known functions of testosterone is to masculinize the fetal brain. Testosterone surges in human males occur twice before birth, during weeks 12-18 and again during weeks 34-41; a third occurs in the first three months after birth. In the absence of these testosterone surges, the brain develops according to the female pattern, which is thus in some sense the “default” type of human brain.

Since this discovery was made in 1959, many experiments have been conducted on nonhuman mammals in which hormones are manipulated during critical periods of prenatal and neonatal development. It has been established that certain regions of the brain have receptors which accept chemical signals from hormones. These signals affect a cell’s anatomical connectivity and neurochemicals, and even whether it survives or not.

Complete androgen insensitivity syndrome (CAIS) is a rare but instructive disorder that affects genetically male humans, i.e., persons with a Y chromosome. Such persons produce normal amounts of testosterone at the proper time—but to no effect, because their androgen receptors do not work. Persons with CAIS are born with externally normal female genitalia, are reared as girls, and are in most respects indistinguishable from girls behaviorally.

A 2017 Swedish study identified many specific ways in which fetuses with a Y chromosome but affected by CAIS develop brains that are a mix of characteristically “male” and “female” patterns. To give just one example: they are characteristically female with regard to hippocampus volume and male with regard to caudate volume. The study concluded that similarities in brain structure between the CAIS women and female controls are due to the CAIS condition, while similarities with male controls were due to the effects of their Y chromosome.

A few defenders of feminist orthodoxy have written books critical of hormone research, and been rewarded with “uniformly and sometimes gushingly enthusiastic… reviews in the mainstream press,” according to Murray. (106) But the best that can be said for their critiques is that they have succeeded in pointing out how some research has fallen short of perfection due to “small samples, inconsistent results, and scarce replications.” (105) But neuroscientists have not put much effort into refuting these books, apart from a few of them “having had scathing things to say in blogs.” One researcher told Murray that “one reason you don’t find many critiques… is that people in the field really don’t care. It’s so evidently nonsense.” (106) In short, empirically oriented scientists live in a largely separate mental world from the armchair theorists of social constructivism.

Among the best attested neurological sex differences is the greater “laterality” of the male brain, meaning that it is “structurally optimized for communicating within hemispheres” (112) as a result of fetal masculinization. The female brain is optimized for communication across hemispheres: the corpus callosum, which connects the two hemispheres is thicker in women, even after controlling for brain size and age. Men primarily use their right hemisphere for spatial tasks and their left hemisphere for verbal tasks, while women use both hemispheres for both.

When women suffer brain damage to the left hemisphere, they are less likely than men to develop language difficulties. Women’s language test scores after brain damage suffer the same effect whether the damage occurred to the left or right hemisphere, whereas men are more affected by damage to the left hemisphere. (110)

A recent study found that males have greater connectivity between the motor and sensory systems, and in systems associated with complex reasoning and control. Females have higher connectivity with the subcortical regions associated with emotion processing. Researchers say these results “suggest a better perception-action coordination in males, and better anticipation and subsequent processing of socially and emotionally relevant cues in females.” (115)

Go to Part 2.

Ucrânia: a instável aliança de nacionalistas com oligarcas judeus

A principal versão da mídia ocidental sobre a situação na Ucrânia “informa” que o “povo ucraniano” libertou-se do malvado e corrupto governo de [Víktor Fédorovych] Yanukóvytch. A participação de nacionalistas na derrubada do governo e a presença deles no novo governo têm sido minimizada. Organizações judaicas e escritores judeus “garantiram” ao The NY Times que não era verdade o que Putin dizia sobre o “incipiente fascismo e o antissemitismo” do novo governo. Eles asseveram que as denúncias de Putin não passam de desavergonhada manobra para dissimular a agressão russa.

O que aconteceu com a inveterada fobia que liberais e judeus sentem por gente branca e nacionalista, como aquela que, por exemplo, cumpriu papel tão proeminente na Revolução da Praça Maidan?

Contestando tudo isso, o LA Times publicou na sua página de opinião artigo de um acadêmico liberal dos mais convencionais, Robert English, diretor da Escola de Relações Internacionais da Universidade do Sul da Califórnia (Ukraine’s threat from within: Neofascists are as much a menace to Ukraine as Putin’s actions in Crimea) [Ucrânia: a ameaça interna: neofascistas são mais perigosos do que Putin na Crimeia]. A proposição básica do Prof. English é que a participação decisiva dos nacionalistas ucranianos no novo governo infunde justificado medo nos etnorrusos da Ucrânia.

A moda agora é falar que o presidente russo, Vladimir Putin, é um paranoico sem contato com a realidade. Mas a denúncia dele contra os “radicais neofascistas” que derrubaram o governo anterior ucraniano e que agora estão nas fileiras do novo governo é digna de crédito. O empoderecimento dos extremistas nacionalistas da Ucrânia não representa ameaça menor para o futuro do país do que as manobras de Putin na Crimeia. Essa gente odienta tem uma ideologia repugnante.

Veja-se o caso do partido Svoboda, que conquistou cinco posições importantes no novo governo, incluindo os cargos de primeiro-ministro, ministro da Defesa e procurador-geral. O Svoboda bate-se pela abolição do estatuto autonômico que protege os russos na Crimeia. Isso inclui degradar o status da língua russa pelo voto no parlamento. Para os milhões de russos étnicos, essas são provocações odiosas e superlativamente estúpidas, em se tratando das medidas iniciais do novo governo no país dividido.

Esses movimentos, mais do que a propaganda russa, suscitam grande inquietação na Crimeia. […]

O Svoboda, o Setor da Direita e outras organizações da extrema-direita […]  compõem-se de legiões de jovens abandidados que exibem símbolos alusivos à suástica. Seus chefes exaltam muitos aspectos do Nazismo e prestam culto à figura de Stepan Bandera, o capitão dos nacionalistas ucranianos na Segunda Guerra Mundial, cujas tropas colaboraram com Hitler e massacraram milhares de poloneses e judeus.

Essa coonestação do passado assusta, mas os planos desses partidos para o futuro assustam ainda mais. Eles defendem abertamente que o ensino da língua russa nas escolas seja proibido, que o direito à cidadania só se reconheça àqueles aprovados em exame de língua e cultura ucranianas, que apenas os ucranianos possam adotar órfãos e que os passaportes identifiquem a etnia de seus titulares: ucraniana, polonesa, russa, judaica ou qualquer outra.

Vemos novamente aí a natureza perversa de muitos nacionalismos europeus. Tom Sunic vinha nos advertindo reiteradamente sobre isso. Os movimentos antirrussos estão especialmente equivocados, dada a enorme superioridade militar russa e o caráter inaceitável, aos olhos da Rússia, da adesão da Ucrânia à OTAN e à União Europeia. Certamente a lembrança do genocídio no período soviético mantém-se muito viva na memória dos nacionalistas ucranianos — o que se compreende, embora os russos possam argumentar que não eram eles os detentores do poder no governo soviético aquando do genocídio, e que os próprios etnorrussos estiveram entre as primeiras vítimas do regime soviético; além disso, como observa Andrew Joyce, os nacionalistas ucranianos sabem muito bem da histórica opressão econômica judaica e do envolvimento judaico no genocídio ucraniano dos anos trintas.

Apesar de todo esse nhenhenhém, o nacionalismo ucraniano, se fosse racional, combateria pela partição do país segundo linhas étnicas, em vez de reclamar soberania em áreas como a Crimeia, atualmente região habitada majoritariamente por etnorrussos; evidentemente os russos não iriam querer fazer parte da União Europeia, que se bate pela dissolução de todas as identidades nacionais.

Continua o Prof. English:

Será tão difícil entender a perplexidade dos russos à vista dos oficiais americanos (como o Sen. John McCain e a subsecretária de Estado, Victoria Nuland) que flertam com extremistas denunciados por antissemitismo, xenofobia e até mesmo neonazismo por numerosas organizações de defesa dos direitos humanos? Eles batem autofotos e distribuem pastéis entre os chefes dos protestos, cujos bangalafumengas distribuem nesse mesmo momento, em plena Praça da Independência, exemplares de Os protocolos dos sábios de Sião: isso não deveria chocar? Se nalguma rara situação alguém mostra preocupação com esses extremistas, o problema é logo minimizado com o chavão de que “Sim, o governo não é perfeito, mas logo os moderados prevalecerão”.

Aparentemente os neoconservadores tais quais McCain e Nuland (bem como a elite ocidental de forma geral) veem a presença dos nacionalistas ucranianos como problema superável, a julgar pela hostilidade deles para com todo nacionalismo (à exceção do nacionalismo judeu em Israel). É claro que eles devem ter se equivocado nesse particular e acabaram abocanhando mais do que podem engolir. Israel Shamir descreve os eventos como “Revolução Parda”. Segundo ele, a Ucrânia “foi tomada por uma coalizão de ucranianos ultranacionalistas e oligarcas judeus (principalmente)”, que enriqueceram pilhando a Ucrânia: “Durante anos, os oligarcas despojaram a Ucrânia, remetendo para bancos ocidentais toda a riqueza que extraíam, o que levou a Ucrânia até a beira do abismo”.

Essa coalizão de nacionalistas com oligarcas parasitários, principalmente judeus, é instável, para dizer o mínimo. O Prof. English erra ao escrever como se os nacionalistas tivessem logrado seus objetivos, sem nunca mencionar que forças muito poderosas alinharam-se contra eles. Durante mais de um século, o principal vetor da rica e poderosa diáspora judia tem estado voltado contra os nacionalismos majoritários locais — daí o forte apoio judeu à União Europeia e às forças imigrantistas de desterritorialização da raça branca nos EE.UU. e por todo o Ocidente.

Em última análise, a Ucrânia não será exceção. Eu prognostico que os oligarcas, principalmente os judeus, e seus aliados ocidentais farão de tudo para marginalizar os nacionalistas e fortalecer suas ligações com o Ocidente. Essa conjugação de forças pró-ocidentais é realmente muito poderosa.

O Prof. English aponta as consequências para os etnorrussos nas antigas repúblicas soviéticas:

Mas a preocupação russa é justificável. Desde o colapso da União Soviética, milhões de etnorrussos ou falantes do russo tiveram cassada sua cidadania nas repúblicas bálticas (onde muitos viveram por gerações). Eles perderam seus empregos e suas casas na Ásia Central. E têm sofrido virulenta discriminação na Geórgia (causa principal da guerra de 2008 com a Rússia, também largamente ignorada no Ocidente).

Tal resultado é lamentável pelos russos desterrados, mas essas situações foram grandemente compensadas pela criação de Estados etnicamente homogêneos nas regiões da antiga União Soviética e alhures na Europa. Como observei em outro trabalho,

ao longo dos últimos 150 anos, a tendência geral na Europa e alhures tem sido a criação de Estados com base na etnia, ou seja, etnoestados. Essa tendência não terminou com o fim da II Guerra Mundial. Na Europa, a Guerra fez-se acompanhar do desterramento e reassentamento de povos — principalmente os alemães — para a criação de Estados etnicamente homogêneos. De fato, o maximante da homogenização na Europa ocorreu nas duas primeiras gerações que se seguiram à II Guerra Mundial.

[O Prof. Jerry Z.] Muller escreve:

Como resultado desse massivo processo de apartismo étnico, o ideal etnonacionalista foi largamente realizado: na maioria dos casos, cada nação europeia tinha o seu próprio Estado, e cada Estado compunha-se quase exclusivamente de uma só nacionalidade étnica. Durante a Guerra Fria, essa regra tinha poucas exceções: a Checoslováquia, a URSS e a Iugoslávia. Mas o destino desses países demonstrou a presente vitalidade do etnonacionalismo.

Essa questão é essencial. Com a recente expansão do império da União Europeia, expandiu-se também a retórica apologética de uma nova idade “pós-nacional”. A essa fase, entretanto, seguiu-se a pasmosa multiplicação de etnoestados por sobre os escombros da Iugoslávia, da antiga URSS e da Checoslováquia (cf.The utter normality of ethnonationalism — except for whites. In: VDARE).

Isso que se passa na Ucrânia é exatamente esse processo de desintegração de um Estado etnicamente heterogêneo para a formação de Estados etnicamente homogêneos. Esse seguimento tem o endosso das forças armadas russas e foi desencadeado pela agressiva intromissão de governos e ongues ocidentais na política ucraniana. Nem os neoconservadores nem a União Europeia desejam a clivagem étnica, mas esse é um desejo que pode não prevalecer, dado que Putin está disposto a garantir os legítimos interesses russos manu militari.

Do ponto de vista de um etnonacionalista universal, como sou eu mesmo, a melhor  solução possível seria a divisão da Ucrânia entre russos e nacionalistas ucranianos, segundo as áreas agora sob controle de uns e outros. Se isso acontecesse, os neoconservadores ficariam furiosos. Culpariam Obama e outros governos ocidentais por não terem sido ainda mais agressivos.

Mas a divisão da Ucrânia separando as regiões russa e ucraniana não teria nada de extraordinário, não seria diferente da partilha da Iugoslávia ou da Checoslováquia. O problema é que as oligarquias ocidentais, sempre ansiosas para prejudicar a Rússia, insistem na narrativa da divisão como completamente ilegítima.

O Prof. English, como o liberal convencional que é, aconselha que, em último caso, os Estados Unidos devam se opor fortemente aos nacionalistas:

Por que não deveríamos aliviar os russos de seus [justificados] medos, denunciando energicamente os etnonacionalistas, abraçando os direitos minoritários como vitais para a estável democracia ucraniana que buscamos promover? Dada a nossa própria hipocrisia — não violar acordos (exceto aquele de não expandir a OTAN para o leste), não invadir países sob belos pretextos (exceto o Iraque) e não apoiar movimentos de minorias separatistas (exceto no Kosovo) — por que não iríamos querer restaurar a credibilidade dos Estados Unidos, atuando de acordo com os nossos princípios neste crítico caso? Em 2012, o parlamento europeu condenou o racismo, o antissemitismo e a xenofobia do Svoboda em nome dos “valores e princípios fundamentais da UE”. Os EUA devem fazer a mesma coisa agora, sem hesitação. Isso não é só a coisa certa a fazer, isso abriria uma porta para o entendimento com a Rússia sobre essa perigosa crise. Nossa omissão   estimula os extremistas dos dois lados.

O Prof. English está de parabéns pela sua resumida lista das hipocrisias ocidentais. Com efeito, por que o apoio a uma Crimeia etnicamente homogênea seria diferente do apoio a um Kosovo etnicamente homogêneo?

Mas ele não precisa ficar preocupado. Evidentemente os EUA não querem realmente a vitória dos nacionalistas ucranianos e moverão céus e terra para derrotá-los, se eventualmente eles consolidarem seu poder no governo. Mas, por enquanto, as oligarquias do Ocidente deleitam-se com a propaganda enganosa da revolução, atribuindo-a aos amantes da liberdade na Ucrânia, ansiosos para pertencer ao melhor dos mundos, o mundo da União Europeia.

Em última análise, a longa campanha ocidental para desestabilizar a Ucrânia por meio do apoio às elites pró-ocidentais é violenta afronta aos legítimos interesses nacionais e étnicos da Rússia. Putin já traçou a sua linha vermelha e pode deslocá-la para abarcar a região leste da Ucrânia, o que aumentaria o perigo para todo o mundo. As oligarquias ocidentais não podem culpar os outros  por isso, porque a culpa é delas.

Fonte: The Occidental Observer. Autor: Kevin MacDonald. Título original: The Unstable Alliance of Nationalists and “Mainly Jewish Oligarchs” in the Ukraine. Data de publicação: 13 de março de 2014. Versão brasilesa: Chauke Stephan Filho.

Corona Conspiracy

You’d be forgiven for thinking that the Corona virus was the deadliest thing to hit the world since Spanish Flu. It was announced on February 12th that the Mobile World Congress in Barcelona has been cancelled due to the supposed epidemic, from which was nobody of European ancestry has died [MWC 2020 Canceled Due To Corona Virus Concerns, RTT News, February 12, 2020]. The World Health Organization has gone so far as to brand Corona “Public Enemy Number One” [WHO brands corona virus ‘public enemy number one’, Voice of the People, February 12, 2020]. This being so, you’d think that the Chinese doctors who discovered and drew attention to this apparently deadly disease would be in line for the Chinese equivalent of the Congressional Medal.

But they’re not. In fact, when Wuhan medic Dr Li Wenliang tried to raise the raise the alarm about the virus he was arrested and severely reprimanded by the police. Tragically, Dr Li has since died of Corona himself. Revelations of what happened have unleashed public fury even in the surveillance dictatorship that is modern China. Beijing has sent officials to Wuhan to find scapegoats in order assuage public anger. But even prominent Chinese academics are publically criticizing government censorship, due to the Corona scandal. The China Human Rights Lawyers Group have demanded, in an open letter, a lifting of censorship and that the day of Dr Li’s death — February 6th — be declared “The People’s Day of Truth.” Prominent Chinese academics have signed this letter [The fallout from the death of a Chinese doctor is turning into a major challenge for Xi Jinping, By James Griffiths, CNN, February 13, 2020].

One might assume that China is a paranoid dictatorship obsessed with control and frightened that any lack of control could result in a challenge to the regime. Dr Li’s behavior highlighted government incompetence — a serious disease outbreak of which they were not aware — so he had to be dealt with. But, of course, there’s another possibility, increasingly discussed online, that would more neatly explain the regime’s overreaction to this conscientious doctor: that the regime manufactured Corona in the first place.

There has been all kinds of speculation over this possibility, with even a Wikipedia page having been created about “Misinformation” regarding Corona, and how each conspiracy theory has been successfully refuted. The problem is that the conspiracy theorists implicitly mentioned by Wikipedia speculate wildly, without providing hard evidence. But it appears that there is evidence for one of the more outlandish theories: that Corona was created as a bioweapon.

It was announced on January 28th that two Chinese nationals, both of them scientists researching HIV, had been charged with serious offences, one of them for stealing 21 vials of biomaterial from Harvard’s Chemistry and Chemical Biology Department and trying to smuggle it out of the US, into China, in a sock. Both were charged that they were acting as agents of a foreign government — the People’s Republic of China — and aiding that foreign government. One of this duo, the sock smuggler Zaosong Zheng, had been arrested in December, but the other, Yanqing Ye, had already managed to flee back to China. Ye, who was allowed to return to China after being interviewed at Boston Airport in December, falsely told officials that she was not working for China’s National University of Defense Technology. She would, obviously, never have been allowed access to such sensitive chemical research if she had told the truth; the truth being that she does research for the Chinese military.

Further charged was Dr Charles Lieber, the head of Chemistry and Chemical Biology Department. It is alleged that Dr Lieber, despite working on a grant which specifically rules out having foreign interests, had, since 2011, been working as a “Strategic Scientist” at Wuhan University of Technology (WUT), in the city where the Corona virus began. According to our government, Lieber was running a “talent program” that “seek(s) to lure Chinese overseas talent and foreign experts to bring their knowledge and experience to China and reward individuals for stealing proprietary information.” It is alleged that, in 2018, Lieber lied to investigators about his involvement in this program [Harvard University Professor and Two Chinese Nationals Charged in Three Separate China Related Cases, Department of Justice, January 28th 2020].

So, we have the head of department working clandestinely for a university in Wuhan — one only a few miles from the epicentre of the outbreak, by the way — as part of program which aims to steal for the Chinese government. And we have two Chinese students, under this head’s ultimate supervision, stealing biochemical material and/or secretly working for the Chinese military. But the plot thickens further. A group of Indian scientists have sequenced the virus (in its animal form) and come to the conclusion that it was deliberately engineered [Uncanny similarity of unique inserts in the 2019-nCoV spike protein to HIV-1 gp120 and Gag, By Prashan Pradhan et al., bioRxiv, 2020].

Now, let’s be a little cautious. This is a pre-publication study and it has not, therefore, been subject to review by other scientists. But assuming it is a competent piece of research, then, taken with the other evidence, it does not look good for the Chinese authorities.

For the conspiratorially-minded, which is a reasonable default state of mind when dealing with a secretive and highly organized dictatorship, it might seem like something is awry. It might seem like the Chinese government has a program of biological warfare and, somehow, one of the weapons it has been working on has escaped, from Wuhan University of Technology, leading to the Corona virus that is causing so much panic. Or from the Wuhan Center for Disease Control (located 300 yards from the fish market where the infections supposedly began). Or from the Wuhan National Biosafety Laboratory.

It might seem like the Chinese authorities realised what had happened and wanted to suppress it, leading them to arrest the dutiful doctor who raised concerns about the outbreak.

It might even seem like the paranoid, tyrannical Chinese government have manufactured a virus for specific use against their own people, as a means of quelling any future rebellion against the regime’s authority.

It might even seem like the fact that the Chinese government are possibly capable of this might foment distrust, beyond China, in the governing elites more generally. This might explain why the British tabloid The Express has reported the “conspiracy theory” in its special “Weird Section,” as if to make light of it and why the leftists of Wikipedia, whose aim to prop up the current anti-White political dispensation, felt the need to create a page on “Misinformation” surrounding Corona.

The Express article quotes various twitter “Conspiracy Theorists” but does not discuss any of the hard evidence for the supposedly wacky theory. And it’s all okay because the article tells us:

Dr David Jacobs, the co-founder of the Coalition of Ontario Doctors in Canada, tweeted: ‘Please stop with the conspiracy theories!’ Furthermore, ‘We’re also battling the trolls and conspiracy theories’ tweeted Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, WHO Director General. ‘The #coronavirus was NOT made in a lab. It is NOT a biological weapon’ [Coronavirus theories: Is coronavirus an experiment gone wrong? Is it a Chinese bioweapon? By Sebastian Kettley, Express, February 12, 2020].

So, it’s all okay then. It’s not as if, as has been noted by communication analyst Francisco Yus, the use of capitalization is associated with expressing strong emotion [Cyberpragmatics: Internet-mediated communication in context, By Francisco Yus, 2011, p.234]. And it’s not as if we would expect people to not feel strong emotions in response to a theory that was ludicrous and which they knew must be without a shred of truth. It’s not as if conflicted feelings over what you want to be true and what you know might be true creates “cognitive dissonance” and, thus, an emotional reaction.

The bioweapon theory, at the very least, deserves to be taken seriously, until it is successfully refuted.

Organizing in the Face of Adversity: Lessons from History, Part 3: Southern Resistance to Racial Integration as Case Study

Go to Part 1.
Go to Part 2.

Now that we have examined our present terrain, we may look to a notorious past campaign of White resistance. Though still afflicted with egalitarian dogma, the most balanced examination of Southern “massive resistance” to the Civil Rights movement that I have thus far encountered is George Lewis’s Massive Resistance.[i] Because history is written by the victors, books about White resistance almost exclusively focus on Black actors and merely caricature, demonize, and marginalize the White advocates involved. Lewis takes them seriously. I recommend it to all White advocates, as we may learn much from the resisters’ successes and ultimate failures.

In 1954, the Supreme Court fundamentally transformed the United States with Brown v. Board of Education. By targeting our children and their education, much of the groundwork for the current regime was laid. The truth of how the ruling was preordained and engineered has been recounted by Jared Taylor. Because Plessy v. Ferguson and the segregation that it underpinned were entirely and indisputably constitutional, Thurgood Marshall of the NAACP (and later, our first of several affirmative action Justices) employed the fraudulent sociology of Kenneth Clark’s laughable, poorly-designed doll studies (and suppressed contradictory evidence) to argue a the theory that Blacks had poor self-esteem because of White racism. Meanwhile, Leftist Justice Felix Frankfurter was involved in backroom collusion with his former clerk, and then-current staffer in the Solicitor General’s office (handling the government’s argument), Philip Elman. This, coupled with the death of Chief Justice Vinson (who was replaced with the robed activist Earl Warren), the heart attack of Justice Jackson (who agreed to the ruling in his weakened health), and the peer pressure applied to Justice Reed, ensured the unanimous ruling. Though ostensibly based on the Fourteenth Amendment[ii] (itself never actually legitimately ratified, and written only to apply to newly emancipated slaves), the decision was reached absent any coherent legal argument.

White Resistance to Civil Rights and Racial Integration. In February 1956, Virginian Senator Harry F. Byrd, Sr. proclaimed that “if we can organize the Southern States for massive resistance to this order, I think that in time the rest of the country will realize that racial integration is not going to be accepted in the South.” He, along with fellow stalwarts Strom Thurmond of South Carolina and Richard Russell of Georgia, drafted the Southern Manifesto, signed by one hundred and one Congressmen, announcing the unified resistance of a Solid South. Prominent political operatives who had been deeply involved in the 1948 Dixiecrat revolt (in which States’ Rights Democrat candidate Strom Thurmond carried four states) helped to organize grassroots supporters into the Citizens’ Councils and other organizations; they quickly developed an extremely sophisticated propaganda dissemination campaign. Literature, radio ads, and television spots were churned out at breakneck pace; we must emulate this propaganda campaign, but it can only be effected if we can raise the requisite funds.

Eight states created special legislative bodies to counteract Brown; the former states of the Confederacy passed 136 different legislative items in under three years. Mississippi Senator James Eastland, Chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, announced that “you are not required to obey any court which passes out such a ruling. In fact, you are obligated to defy it.” North Carolina devolved integration to local option assignment plans to ensure that local school boards would have to be individually challenged, while Virginia proposed state-funded tuition grants for Whites to attend private schools, as well as empowered the legislature to close schools under direct desegregation orders. State legislatures targeted Jewish-funded and -staffed leftist front groups such as the NAACP, exposing their membership rolls to the public until the Supreme Court forbade it in 1958. Arkansas Governor Faubus and South Carolina Governor Hollings demanded that the Kennedy Administration investigate the sources of the protesters. Agitators were blacklisted by local businesses and utilities providers. Leftist sit-in protestors were arrested for criminal trespass and disorderly conduct until 1963, when the Supreme Court inexplicably ruled that sit-in protesters were not trespassers if their target was segregated by ordinance. District Court Judge J. Skelly Wright made legal history by enjoining the entire Louisiana state legislature with a restraining order to prevent them from further pushing back against Brown. By the start of the 1964–5 school year, five states had succeeded in their minimum compliance strategy, with less than one percent of Black students “integrated” into White schools. Successful combinations of grassroots activists and sympathetic local and state officials halted desegregation at several schools. Where desegregation was achieved, such as at the University of Alabama, the victory was often pyrrhic.

Ultimately, though, the enemy won. In 1957, President Eisenhower, in a move uncomfortably redolent of the worst excesses of Reconstruction, federalized the National Guard and ordered a thousand soldiers from the 101st Airborne, along with a phalanx of FBI agents, into Little Rock, Arkansas, to integrate Little Rock Central High School at gunpoint. As Florida Senator George Smathers remarked, “Surely all of us should have learned by this time that neither courts, nor troops, nor decisions, nor force, can make one group of our citizens wish to associate with another.” In the words of LSU professor Peter Carmichael, “Ignoring the primordial fact of White repugnance [at forced integration] and resorting to coercion is the opposite of a solution- it is the generation of more and harder problems.”

In 1961, another showdown occurred at Ole Miss in Oxford, Mississippi; Senator James Eastland noted that the outcome would “determine whether a judicial tyranny as Black and hideous as any in history exists in the US.” Amidst the waving of Confederate flags and the singing of Dixie, Governor Ross Barnett led the Ole Miss-Kentucky halftime crowd in chanting, “I love Mississippi! I love her people! I love her customs!” Unbeknownst to the crowd, Barnett was in backchannel negotiations with Attorney General Robert Kennedy. When Kennedy threatened to reveal their conversations, Barnett backed down after firing this parting shot: “Gentlemen, you are tramping on the sovereignty of this great State and depriving it of every vestige of honor and respect as a member of the union of states. You are destroying the Constitution of this great Nation. May God have mercy on your souls.” The resultant mass violence in Oxford had to be quelled by forces from Memphis.

Even Alabama Governor George C. Wallace (who had declared in his 1963 inaugural address that “in the name of the greatest people that have ever trod the earth, I draw the line in the dust and toss the gauntlet before the feet of tyranny, and I say: Segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever”) stood down from the schoolhouse door that very June.

The indispensably prescient Wallace merits further examination as a clear link between the Old Right and the Dissident Right. A natural populist, Wallace courted the White working-class, North and South, standing for traditionalism, communitarianism, family values, anticommunism, cultural nostalgia, and state sovereignty against the inexorable growth of the federal Leviathan. His national conservative populism, over four presidential campaigns and four terms as Governor, clearly presaged our current movement. Running in the Democrat primary of 1964, he said, “I know I can’t win … [but this will] give me a chance to let the people know … the dangers they face from the encroachments of their own government.” In 1966, he famously and aptly remarked that “there’s not a dime’s worth of difference between the Democrat and Republican parties.” Running under the aegis of the American Independent Party in 1968, his slogan was the beautiful “Stand up for America.” His 1972 Democrat primary campaign was cut short by the bullet of a would-be assassin, paralyzing Wallace from the waist down.

The rhetorical strategy of massive resistance was two-pronged. One prong focused on the White working-class, while the other focused on a more highbrow “respectable” approach. Upton Blevins explained the expected consequences of integration; it would induce our children “at a tender and impressionable age, through close contact, heavy pressure and continuous propaganda to lose all racial pride and restraint, to ignore their parents and to sink in delinquency, degradation, filth, total sin and the early destruction of the White race in the South through the pollution of their blood streams and total mongrelization.” Thomas Waring of the Charleston News and Courier expressed commonly held anxieties over venereal disease, illegitimacy, promiscuity, crime, and the effect of the Black intellectual gap on White students: “Which would you really put first: your theory of racial justice, or justice to your own child?”

Fears of miscegenation and the mainstreaming of Black culture have been utterly validated by our present state of affairs. Many of our public schools have been destroyed. White children now form the minority nationally; those schools which have fallen are often beset with regular violence, ubiquitous truancy, rampant substance abuse and promiscuity, with test scores several years behind grade level. The violence seems likely to accelerate as Whites dwindle. Starting this year, the state of California will no longer suspend disruptive students—overwhelmingly non-White, citing the “school-to-prison pipeline.” Our public-school system routinely graduates students who are functionally illiterate. Children lose their virginity at an earlier age with each passing year. As we slouch toward Idiocracy, up to one-third of the US population cannot name a single branch of the government; only about one-quarter can name all three. The music our children grind to is Black, a debased glorification of dissipation, murder, rape, and deviant sexuality. Many young White women live in degeneracy, dressing like prostitutes, becoming ever-more sexually adventurous, and adopting the Black lexicon of “booties,” “hoes,” and “bitches.” Many young White men embrace Black fashion and drug culture.

The Intellectual Basis of Resistance to Integration. The intellectual approach to forced integration focused on the aforementioned constitutional doctrine of interposition according to which the federal government, particularly the judiciary, was deemed to have encroached upon the sovereignty of the states. This doctrine argued that it was the duty of state to interpose themselves between federal tyranny and their citizens. Seven states drafted resolutions explicitly committing themselves to nullification. Alabama, for example, passed a resolution declaring Brown “null, void, and of no effect. … This State is not bound to abide by them.” The Virginia-based Commission on Constitutional Government flourished, attracting Pennsylvania Republicans W. Stuart Helm and Albert W. Johnson with its constitutional principles. In 1963, the CCG launched a campaign to pass ‘the silent amendments’ via the National Legislative Conference. These amendments would have allowed state legislatures to propose amendments by two-thirds of the states, remove reapportionment from federal jurisdiction, and establish a Super Court” made up of the fifty state Chief Justices, with power to overrule the Supreme Court on constitutional issues. They were supported by fourteen states.

These more highbrow proponents of resistance demonstrated the vitally important task of appealing to the Founders; it is imperative that we continue to expose and talk ceaselessly about the explicit White racial consciousness inseparable from the American Founding. In a recent piece, I argued that “Americans do not have a White racial consciousness because we never needed one.” By this, I did not mean that we have literally never had White racial consciousness, but rather that the ever-present White identity was implicit and taken for granted. It was simply understood that this nation was created of, by, and for Whites. The more that Americans understand this, the more they will become receptive to White advocacy. These appeals to history and the Constitution are crucial; we must be careful not to appear too heavy-handed, while at the same time staying aggressive, assertive, and true to our position. We must refrain from vulgarity and retain the moral high ground, but we must still be wary of abstraction, for men do not love esoteric legal theories. We have to try to strike the proper balance between abstraction and concrete proposals; and we have to adopt a dignified, confident demeanor. Blacks won the high ground of “respectability” by persistently dressing their activists in their Sunday best and affecting a “quiet dignity.”

Whites, who like order and abhor chaos, quickly grew uncomfortable with segregationist violence. When, however, this violence occurred, it was often engineered by the opposition. Birmingham Public Safety Commissioner Bull Connor, Montgomery Police Commissioner L.B. Sullivan, and Dallas County Sheriff Jim Clark were goaded into violence by the leaders of the NAACP, the Congress of Racial Equality, and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), and other activist organizations. The Freedom Rides were planned for the sole purpose of generating violence. After Clark roughly arrested a woman in Selma, the Civil Rights coordinators “went back to the church that night and voted him an honorary member…and from then on they played him just like an expert playing a violin.” As Hosea Williams of SCLC said, “We must pray that we are attacked, for if the sheriff does nothing to stop us, …then we have lost. … We must pray, in God’s name, for the White man to commit violence, and we must not fight back.” Police Chief Laurie Pritchett of Albany, Georgia, studied Gandhian tactics in order to formulate the best strategy for countering ostensibly nonviolent protesters. Understanding that police violence was the key to the success of the enemy, he planned extensively to avoid it; for example, he imprisoned protesters in diffused concentric circles to deny activists and journalists a central focal point.

As Senator Byrd announced, “I deplore the violence which has occurred in [Alabama], but it must be realized that it was deliberately provoked by a mixed group of outsiders who went to Alabama to influence the people for propaganda benefits.” Sensationalized coverage of Southern violence (for a more recent example, see the film Mississippi Burning) was instrumental in the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and 1965 Voting Rights Act. The violence also solidified criticism of resistance from the business community; as one member of the Birmingham Chamber of Commerce remarked, “If we’re going to have good business in Birmingham, we better change our way of living.” One infamous photo from Birmingham, showing a police K9 lunging at a Black protestor, had particular impact; little did the public know, the Black man was carrying a concealed knife. The 1963 Sixteenth Street Baptist Church bombing certainly did not help matters. The 1955 murder of Emmett Till provided an ever-present martyr to worship; as with all martyred Leftists, there is more to the story of the circumstances surrounding Till’s death. The enemy had won the propaganda battle, “casting themselves as non-violent Christians wanting no more than the rights that had been guaranteed to them by the Founding Fathers.” By coopting Christianity and engineering staged set-pieces for national and international media, Leftist operatives won the narrative war.

The Jewish Representative Emanuel Celler (author of the 1965 Hart-Celler Act that completed the Jewish coup and what may be soon regarded as the death warrant of the United States of America) introduced the Civil Rights Act. Virginian Howard Smith bottled up the bill in the House Rules Committee, and Senator Byrd studied arcane rules of procedure to do the same in the Senate. President Johnson gave Byrd “the treatment,” and he relented. Georgian Richard Russell attacked the Communists blatantly involved in the Civil Rights campaign and enlisted the other senior Southern Senators (including South Carolinian Thurmond, who had in 1957 set the still-reigning record for the longest filibuster, speaking for twenty-four hours and eighteen minutes in opposition to a civil rights bill) for a collective filibuster from March 9 to June 10, 1963. North Carolina Senator Sam Ervin proposed a double jeopardy amendment that would have ruled out a second federal trial for those cleared by a state court for the same offense, thus defanging the Act by robbing the federal judiciary of the opportunity to go after segregationists who had been acquitted at home. Ervin’s amendment actually won by a single vote, but the vote was overturned on a technicality.

There was no massive resistance in response to the Civil Rights Act (1964) and the Voting Rights Act (1965). Since, unlike Brown, these were pieces of legislation that had gone through the legislative process, many of the most vociferous segregationists hung up their hats. Many political leaders perceived that resistance was no longer expedient for their careers. No minds or hearts were changed, but the will to overtly resist as they had was finally worn down; resistance was forced to turn from being proactive to reactive, from vanguard to rearguard. Many Southern states enacted complicated vote dilution schemes to blunt Black votes, including the gerrymandering and annexation of electoral wards, along with full-slate and ‘at large’ elections. Explicit calls for enforced segregation morphed into arguments for freedom of association, from communitarian racial ideology to individual liberty. Gradually, racially grounded arguments disappeared from the American political scene. Even in response to the forced busing ushered in by Swann v Charlotte-Mecklenburg County, nothing like massive resistance reared its head. Whites typically reacted quietly and individually, rather than collectively, though parents’ anger was belied by statements such as these: “I served in Korea. I served in Vietnam. I’ll serve in Charlotte if I need to.” There was no response to the 1981 division of the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals into the Eleventh Circuit which further weakened the South,

Though it was united insofar as it was arrayed against a common enemy (akin to the few decades of American “conservative” unity against Communism), massive resistance suffered from disunity and tonal uncertainty. The South was caught in a vise, contending with internal pressure from the business progressives of the Sunbelt of the New South, whose only allegiance was to profit, and overwhelming external pressure from the federal government; resisters could not decide on a unified methodology for achieving their common goals. The Citizens’ Councils and other affiliates were coordinated on the local and state level, but the response was rarely synchronized across state lines. Organizations were only loosely connected under the auspices of a phantom umbrella; this often resulted in something like a boat with each rower paddling in a different direction. Though massive resistance benefitted greatly from the involvement of powerful politicians, those same politicians’ personal ambitions and calculations certainly contributed to the relatively sudden death of resistance. Crucially, unlike during the secession in 1860, the churches afforded no organizational direction to their congregations; the Southern Baptist Convention almost immediately endorsed Brown. The parallel cancers of Zionist and Leftist theology had poisoned nearly every branch of the Christian tree; White advocates should not take this to mean that Christianity is irredeemable. The root is still pure.

My reading of Massive Resistance left me with many questions worth pondering: Was desegregation inevitable? Did our more explicit resistance play into the enemy’s hands, or did we not put up enough of a fight? Did the movement make a mistake by gradually turning aside from racial argumentation? Did the resisters underestimate the power arrayed against them? How do we strike the right balance between telling the unvarnished, brutal truth without alienating potential supporters? In other words, how far will subtlety actually carry us? If a potential supporter would be alienated by what we have to say, do we even want their support? Aren’t they just deadweight? Are we only capable of success at the local and state level, or is a national campaign possible? Why did massive resistance lose its steam? How do we reach wider audiences so that we are not only preaching to the choir? Is money the only solution? How far are we willing to go to fight for our civilization and our people? How much are we willing to sacrifice? How can we overcome insufficient commitment? How do we come to terms with the creeping probability that we may never get a majority of Whites to join us?

There is, of course, another possibility. This is the gnawing fear that perhaps we will not fight, that perhaps there already are not enough of us, that we may in fact lay down our arms as so many of our European brethren have. But what people even deserve to survive who refuse to protect their own children? Maybe there will be no Last Stand. No Thermopylae. No Alamo. No Pickett’s Charge. No Rorke’s Drift. But even in the depths of this despair, we must still gird our loins to fight on. Sisyphus kept pushing, rather than let the boulder crush him. We have rebounded before, though our current crisis may be the worst that the West has ever faced. After the fall of Rome, the West did not die, but rather massively contracted; the Dark Ages were not so dark. As long as we monastically keep the flame and preserve the texts, our civilization will persist, a foundation from which, as Ferdinand Bardamu recently wrote, we “may be able to give future Whites the opportunity to rebuild a society of their very own upon the ashes of post-Western degeneracy.” Where even a few of us remain, so too does the West. But is that the best that we now can hope for?


5 Lewis, George. Massive Resistance (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2006).

6 Berger, Raoul. Government by Judiciary (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1997).

 

Organizing in the Face of Adversity: Lessons from History—Part 2: The Contemporary Environment

Go to Part 1.

We must examine our present state of affairs before we can contemplate organized resistance. The reality is that we no longer live in a free country. We are only free in the sense that we may buy whichever variety of condom that we would like. The truth is available, but only for those who have the time and the motivation to seek it out from underneath the mountain of lies that it is hidden under; as a consequence, and in the absence of funding, essentially only the already converted are exposed to the truth. The general population is bombarded every day with racial propaganda, while nauseatingly horrific anti-White crime goes unreported. The drug-feud murder of Matthew Shepard is turned into a homosexual “hate crime.” George Zimmerman was airbrushed White by CNN, which also took the liberty of doctoring away the head wounds he sustained in Trayvon Martin’s brutal assault. The Martin family’s race hustler legal team recruited an imposter to pose as Trayvon’s girlfriend and fabricate testimony. Prosecutors eagerly went along with the hoaxed evidence so that they could arrest Zimmerman. Black Lives Matter exists mainly to continue producing race hoaxes and demonizing law enforcement; their rallying cry, “hands up, don’t shoot,” is itself a fraud. We have entered a brave new world of media manipulation; the rise of deep fake technology presents us with both a terrifying challenge to overcome and a thrilling opportunity to further discredit Big Journalism.

We have only nominal freedom of speech, as heretics are ostracized as social pariahs, cast into outer darkness. Our enemies at the Anti-Defamation League and the Southern Poverty Law Center, allied with legions of ‘constitutional’ law professors and legal scholars, are campaigning to eliminate even our nominal freedom of speech by creating out of whole cloth the concept of “hate speech.” Many have lost their jobs. Big Tech monopolies like Google and PayPal close accounts without notice. The ruling class is rapidly building a panoptic social credit regime modeled on the Chinese system, with dissidents functionally deprived of all of their rights as public citizens. Growing calls from the largest banks for a cashless society should frighten us all. Goldman Sachs will no longer underwrite Initial Public Offerings if a business is too White.

Even the slightest hint of White identity is hunted down and extinguished before it actualizes into a threat against the egalitarian regime. The US Army and Navy rapidly investigated when cadets were filmed making the ‘OK’ sign. This White Scare, to borrow Jared Taylor’s parlance, is intensifying into a very real danger for all White advocates; indeed, for all Whites. Taylor was banned from traveling to Europe and Greg Johnson was arrested and deported from Norway, solely for their heterodox views. White advocates are hounded from and prevented from participating in public life. The city of Madison, Wisconsin, declared that racism is a “public health crisis,” blaming White racism for the poor health and proclivity for violence of Blacks. That case study in mediocrity, David French, has announced in National Review that “it’s time to declare war on White-nationalist terrorism.”

Broad bipartisan support is growing for “red flag” laws to disarm Whites, who may be reported anonymously for any reason and then stripped of their constitutional rights without recourse. New York’s “criminal justice reform” includes the elimination of bail (replete with paying criminals to return for their court dates), the examination of crime scenes by criminal defendants, and the outing of witnesses to the criminals they are to testify against. Illegal alien criminals routinely get away with murder. The House of Representatives has introduced what might be the most radical piece of legislation in American history, the “New Way Forward Act”, to accelerate and codify this anarcho-tyranny.

Democrat presidential candidates have gone whole hog on all of this. Senators Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders advocate government regulation of all media platforms “to stop the spread of hate,” with Warren going so far as to propose criminalizing the spread of “disinformation.” Former Vice President Joe Biden launched his campaign with a video focused on the Charlottesville hoax and recently announced plans to make Big Tech censor even more, finding the current tyranny woefully inadequate. Senator Cory Booker proposed a separate law enforcement agency for “hate crimes and White supremacist violence.” Mayor (and Episcopal Saint) Pete Buttigieg has said that he supports applying the same strategies used to combat “foreign radicalism,” meaning Islamic jihad, to suppress White nationalism. One must wonder if this includes the Obama Doctrine of murdering American citizens. In a speech last year at the Brookings Institution, Kevin McAleenan of the Department of Homeland Security announced that the agency is prioritizing “racially based violent extremism, particularly White supremacist terrorism.”

An ominous sign of the acceleration of our suppression is the growing push to medicalize “racism,” ably recounted by the eminent Jared Taylor. Much like the Soviet Union institutionalized dissidents by diagnosing them with “sluggish schizophrenia,” those of us who are even accused of straying from the regnant dogma are seen as mentally diseased. There simply must be something wrong with the heterodox; after all, everyone knows that diversity is our greatest strength. Psychiatrists study “intolerant personality disorder” and “pathological bias.” Oxford researchers claim that the blood pressure drug propranolol, which blocks neurons that have to do with threat perception, may pharmacologically “treat” racism and “cure” our intolerance. Neuroscientists have also experimented with magnetically disabling parts of the brain such as the pMFC, which helps to respond to threats, in order to change attitudes regarding faith and immigration.

The first episode of HBO’s Watchmen may provide a look ahead into what lies in store as the White Scare is increasingly militarized. Set in the present day in an alternate America (one whose flag has almost twice as many stars as ours), the Leftist regime of President Robert Redford has instituted sweeping racial “reparations,” authorizing a vast transfer of wealth from White to Black. The events of the episode take place in Tulsa, Oklahoma; the signs of Black power are manifest, from an all-Black production of the musical Oklahoma to a plethora of Black monuments. All of the Blacks we see are upper or middle-class figures of authority. The majority-Black police force (though of course led by enlightened Whites) is forced to wear masks to protect their identities from the violent White resistance organization known as the Seventh Kavalry, or 7K. The group is named for the Seventh Cavalry Regiment slaughtered at Custer’s Last Stand, now memorialized at Little Bighorn Battlefield National Monument, renamed in honor of our soldiers’ butchers by President George H.W. Bush in 1991.

The episode begins with a highly fictionalized account of the 1921 Tulsa race riot, glorying in its depiction of sneering Klansmen as they indiscriminately massacre good, hardworking Blacks. This ham-handed scene is followed up by the present-day murder of a Black police officer by a member of 7K. Upon learning of the killing, “Sister Night,” the empowered Black hero (and our police officer protagonist) speeds down to “Nixonville,” a sad trailer park community that HBO’s writers clearly reveled in portraying. These poor Whites, relegated to heavily-surveilled slums, are caricatured trailer trash. Sister Night gets out of her car, calmly catwalks up to one of the trailers, kicks in the door, and brutally beats the occupant, tossing him in the trunk of her car. At police headquarters, the man is “interrogated.” In order to divine his racist thoughts, the police place the man in a device called “the pod.” In this “pod,” a circular metal room walled with a continuous video screen, a White officer called “Looking Glass” announces that he will be asking the “suspect” some questions.

The man asks for a lawyer, and Looking Glass responds, “Yeah, we don’t really have to do that with terrorists.” He then clicks a remote and the video screens turn on. While Looking Glass asks the man questions (such as, “If I defecated on the American flag, how would that make you feel?,” “Should all Americans pay taxes?,” and whether he believes in false flag conspiracy theories), harsh music blares and images of Americana are shown one after another in rapid succession: cornfields, barns, classic advertisements featuring Whites, the moon landing, cowboys, a merged Gadsden and Confederate flag, Mount Rushmore, American Gothic, George Custer, Rosie the Riveter, a woman with an apple pie, the World Trade Center, White children, and the Statue of Liberty. Interspersed in the Americana are images of a self-immolating monk, Harriet Tubman, a Klan rally, the Negro Baseball League, Blacks graduating from college, Black soldiers, the atomic bomb, and finally the flag of the Third Reich followed by the now-old American flag. Looking Glass was monitoring the man’s eye dilations in response to his “bias questions.” Sister Night then viciously tortures the “terrorist,” his blood and urine commingling in a heavy stream from underneath the door. We need not continue in our examination. The message is clear; White identity is an evil that must be eradicated, and there are no moral compunctions in how that is accomplished. In so doing, however, Watchmen proves our point: American history, along the Americana that materially represents our culture, is White. American identity is necessarily White identity.

Randy Weaver and the Siege at Ruby Ridge: The Past as Future?

The Siege at Ruby Ridge[i] is an instructive example of what we face, all the more so for the fact that it occurred almost thirty years before the fervid witch-trials of the present regime began in earnest. Randy Weaver and his family were Christian fundamentalist White separatists, targeted for destruction because of their beliefs. Randy and his wife, Vicki, moved from their native Iowa to remote Ruby Ridge, Idaho, to live independently off of the land. They simply sought escape from our fallen and degraded society. Randy dabbled in local politics, unsuccessfully running for sheriff in 1988. He was put on the federal radar in 1985 after a vindictive former neighbor wrote letters to multiple federal agencies spuriously alleging that Weaver had made threats against government officials, including President Reagan. The Weavers were interviewed and determined not to pose any threat; no charges were filed. At the 1986 World Congress of Aryan Nations, Weaver was approached by Kenneth Fadeley, a paid-per-conviction ATF informant; in 1989, Fadeley persuaded Weaver to sell him two shotguns. In a brazen case of entrapment, the ATF informant asked Weaver to saw them off and showed him where to shorten the guns. After Fadeley’s cover was blown in 1990, the ATF threatened to charge Weaver for selling the illegal sawed-off shotguns (even though the guns were shortened after the fact at the behest of an informant). Government agents told Weaver to act as their informant in order to make the charges disappear; principled, he refused.

He was loosely acquainted with members of the Aryan Nations, which was the target of prosecutorial obsession (akin to the current White Scare) due to the involvement of a handful of fringe members with The Order, a small, violent White supremacist group.  The leader of The Order, Robert Mathews, was burned alive in his own home by the FBI’s Orwellian Hostage Rescue Team in 1984. Federal agents mistakenly believed that Weaver was much more deeply involved than he actually was, which partially explains their zeal. Ironically, however, the Aryan Nations was already almost entirely compromised, with federal operatives from several different agencies (none of whom communicated with each other) occupying many of the key positions within the organization. To further coerce Weaver into acting as an informant, agents posed as a couple with a broken-down car; when he and Vicki stopped to help them, as kind rural White Americans do, ATF agents swarmed from the car, guns drawn, and violently threw Randy to the ground to place him under arrest. Vicki was pushed face first into the snow. Nearly destitute, the Weavers posted their beloved cabin as bond. Weaver still refused to be an informant.

In 1991, Weaver was officially charged. His court date was set for February 20, but he was notified, not coincidentally, that it was set for March 20. After he failed to appear in court on February 20, the US Attorney’s Office, despite knowing of the erroneously communicated date, sought a grand jury indictment and obtained an arrest warrant. For the next eighteen months, the US Marshals Service spent hundreds of thousands of dollars on a vast surveillance campaign that included psychological profiles, military aerial reconnaissance, a network of spy cameras placed throughout the surrounding woods, and mail interception. The agents even kept a record of the menstrual cycle of Sara Weaver, Randy and Vicki’s sixteen-year-old daughter. A voluntary surrender was negotiated and then rejected by the US Attorney.

On August 21, 1992, the federal hammer fell. Six Marshals, equipped with military camouflage, night-vision goggles, and M16 automatic rifles approached the cabin. The family dog, Striker, was alerted to their presence and started barking. The Weavers’ fourteen-year-old son, Sammy, followed the dog, along with Kevin Harris, a family friend. The firing was initiated when a Marshal killed the Striker to silence him, shooting him in the back with a machinegun. Sammy fired in the direction the shot had come from, and Randy called for Sammy to run back to the house. Sammy yelled, “I’m coming, Dad,” and was shot several times in the back as he ran away into the safety of his father’s arms. Sammy was killed instantly, his back torn to shreds by an agent’s machinegun. A Marshal was killed during the frenzy, and agents blamed Harris. Though Harris had fired back in self-defense, the federal agent was most likely not killed by him, but rather by friendly fire. The FBI’s Hostage Rescue Team was called in.

The cabin, presented in the media as an “armed compound,” was surrounded by hundreds of government agents. Rules of engagement were quickly drafted to authorize deadly force against the Weavers; agents present characterized their orders as “if you see ‘em, shoot ‘em.” On August 22, FBI sniper Lon Horiuchi shot Randy from behind, attempting to sever his spinal cord as he walked to retrieve his son’s dead body; as he staggered back into the cabin, Horiuchi shot Vicki Weaver in the head as she held their ten-month-old baby in her arms. Just like her young son Sammy had been the day before, she was killed instantly, the side of her face blown away. Randy pried their infant, crying “Mama,” out of its mother’s dead arms, and he and his daughter Sara dragged the bloody body of the mother-of-three through the kitchen. Kevin had been hit in his shoulder by the bullet that felled Vicki.

For the following eight days of the siege, as Sara prayed for deliverance and tended to her baby sister, her wounded father, their dying friend, and her ten-year-old sister Rachel, covered in her mother’s blood, the FBI used loudspeakers to taunt the family, saying inhuman things like, “Good morning, Mrs. Weaver! We had pancakes for breakfast. What did you have?,” “Did you sleep well last night, Vicki?,” and, “Behind every strong man there is a good woman. … Can we get some milk for [the baby]?” They named their base “Camp Vicki.” At one point during the siege, a local news crew observed gasoline being loaded onto an FBI helicopter which was then seen circling the Weavers’ cabin; after noticing that it was being videotaped, the helicopter left the area.

Our government engaged in further psychological warfare. The telephone was kept constantly ringing, the loudspeakers always in use, the drone of tanks and helicopters in harsh cacophony. Brilliant spotlights were kept trained in the windows to make night indistinguishable from day. Similar tactics were used during the Siege at Waco[ii], where agents destroyed the water supply, defiled a grave, and employed loudspeakers to blare the sounds of rabbits being slaughtered along with Tibetan chanting and roaring jet planes.

In the aftermath of the siege, Randy was convicted only for his failure to appear in court. Kevin Harris was acquitted of all charges. Weaver received a three-million-dollar settlement, Harris a four-hundred-thousand-dollar settlement. The federal government attempted to destroy all copies of the FBI internal report. Evidence was “misplaced,” withheld, and fabricated. Horiuchi claimed that he could not see through the cabin door, but a sketch he made the day after the murder clearly shows Vicki in the window. This evidence was suppressed by the FBI, purposely mailed to prosecutors two weeks late and fourth class to boot. He pled the Fifth and had his manslaughter charge dismissed due in large part to behind-the-scenes lobbying for blanket immunity by none other than our current Attorney General, William Barr. Horiuchi received no punishment whatsoever and went on to slaughter more innocent civilians at Waco the very next year. The Ruby Ridge Task Force released a heavily-redacted report. The six Marshals who initiated the siege, murdered the Weaver’s dog, and murdered Sammy Weaver received the highest commendations. The Department of Justice declined to prosecute the FBI officials who covered up the tragedy, but one agent was sentenced to eighteen months in prison and a handful of others suspended for a few days. Deputy Director Larry Potts was censured (the same punishment given for misplacing FBI property) and eventually demoted following the massacre at Waco. In 1997, the cabin that the Weavers had poured their hearts and souls into collapsed under the weight of winter snow.

A more recent example of this violent suppression is the 2016 murder of the rancher Robert LaVoy Finicum. Finicum was a spokesman for the Citizens for Constitutional Freedom militia, which occupied the Malheur National Wildlife Refuge in Oregon for forty-one days at the beginning of 2016. The context for the standoff is labyrinthine; the core issue is the decades-long struggle over Western lands between the federal government and environmentalists on one side, and local governments and cattle ranchers on the other. The Bureau of Land Management owns over one-eighth of the landmass of the United States, including a massive majority of the Western states.

The events that led to Finicum’s death can trace their birth to two events. The first was the 2014 Bundy standoff in Nevada, which began when Cliven Bundy’s cattle were determined to threaten the habitat of the desert tortoise. Bundy was then ordered to reduce his cattle population and the extent of their grazing; when he refused and discontinued payment of BLM grazing fees, he quickly became in arrears for over one million dollars. Federal agents began removing hundreds of Bundy’s cattle, killing several. Armed militiamen came to Bundy’s defense, culminating in a tense standoff.

The second event, which most directly precipitated the events of January 2016, was the federal harassment of father and son Dwight and Steven Hammond. The Fish and Wildlife Service had attempted to buy out the Hammonds for years, to no avail, to add their land to the Malheur National Wildlife Refuge. In conjunction with the BLM, the ranchers adjacent to the Hammonds had all been forced out. Grazing permits were revoked, and fees significantly hiked for those remaining. The irrigation system that the ranchers had so painstakingly built was intentionally diverted, destroying once-thriving ranch land. Finally, ostensibly at the behest of environmentalists (despite the fact that the privately-managed land was in fact more biodiverse than the federally-managed land), the Hammonds also had their grazing permits revoked. Their land was fenced, and the process of removing their cattle began. When they set controlled burns, as they always did, they were arrested for the charge of arson on federal land. After one served one year in prison and the other three months, capricious federal prosecutors appealed their sentences to the Leftist Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals. Unsurprisingly, the harsher sentences sought were granted: five years for father and son. Two years later, President Trump pardoned the pair.

Ammon Bundy, son of Cliven, rallied hundreds of patriots (federal informants peppered among them) to the Hammonds’ defense, and they arrived in droves to occupy Malheur. LaVoy Finicum was among them; in his words, “It’s about freedom for all of us, and so I crossed the Rubicon and I came here.” On January 26, Finicum and several militia leaders had been granted a pass to attend a town hall meeting led by the sympathetic sheriff of Grant County. Traveling through Harney County on a remote stretch of Route 395, selected by federal agents for its unreliable cell phone service, Finicum’s convoy was ensnared in a trap set by the FBI. In unlit and unmarked vehicles, government operatives followed Finicum and suddenly turned on their lights, ordering his truck to pull over. He refused, stating his permission to visit the sheriff, and sped away to try to escape. Unbeknownst to him, however, the FBI had set another roadblock ahead, known as a “deadman” block because it presented no opportunity for escape.

Finicum attempted to go around the block, but was stopped by agents and the presence of heavy snowdrifts. A member of the by now all too familiar FBI Hostage Rescue Team fired shots before Finicum had even stopped his truck; one shot pierced the ceiling of the truck, while the trajectory of the other is disputed. Reports vary on whether Finicum was out of the truck or not when the second shot was fired, and whether or not this second shot was fired almost immediately upon exiting. Agents claim that the shot went wild while he had not yet exited the vehicle, while some witnesses report that the shot hit Finicum in his side after he had stepped out. Finicum undisputedly exited the truck with his hands in the air and challenged the agents, “You back down or you kill me now. Go ahead. Put the bullet through me. I don’t care. I’m going to go meet the sheriff. You do as you damned well please.” Agents reportedly saw Finicum reach for his pocket, and he was shot three times in the back. One day short of his fifty-fifth birthday, the father of eleven was killed.

Agents did not attempt to provide Finicum with medical assistance for ten to fifteen minutes. A loaded 9mm handgun was found in his pocket. Those who report that Finicum was hit in the side by the aforementioned second shot claim that it is that which made him twitch to the side, supplying the excuse whereby he was killed; other witnesses report that Finicum was struggling through the snow, and that that is why he appeared to reach for his side. His own statements in the weeks leading up to his killing have led some to postulate that his death was a suicide-by-cop, including, “I have no intention of spending any of my days in a concrete box” and, “I’m not going to end up in prison. I would rather die than be caged. And I’ve lived a good life.”

What is not disputed is that Finicum was a sitting duck, surrounded on all sides by federal agents and Oregon State Troopers. The illustrious FBI Hostage Rescue Team failed to disclose the first two shots fired, saying that they had not fired at all, and agents collected their casings before they could be logged in as evidence. Before the commencement of the operation, the FBI ordered the Oregon State Police to remove their body cameras. Apparently, dashboard cameras were also disabled. After the killing, the FBI refused to submit to a recorded interview, and demanded that the off-the-record interview be conducted with the entire team, rather than one-on-one. Consequently, there is a lack of audio and video evidence; the government did release a heavily edited aerial surveillance video, but it only provoked more questions. The FBI agent who fired the first shot after Finicum left his truck, W. Joseph Astarita, was indicted for obstruction of justice and making false statements, but was acquitted. Astarita and the four other agents who attempted to conceal evidence were not placed on leave during the investigation into their actions. Some reports indicate that authorization for the operation came from executive “national command authority.”

The Finicum affair provides us with yet another example of the disparity between the responses of “our” government to those on the Right and the Left. Leftist violence from Occupy Wall Street to Black Lives Matter and Antifa is met with permissive silence, while patriots merely exercising their constitutional rights are deemed “White supremacists” and “domestic terrorists.” In December 2019, the House of Representatives of the Washington State Legislature labeled State Representative Matthew Shea a terrorist for his support of militiamen like Finicum. Leftist Weather Underground terrorists now rest on laurels in academia. In fact, the son of two of these cop-killers, Chesa Boudin, part of a long line of Leftist legal elite, is now the District Attorney of San Francisco. He is a graduate of Yale Law School; the next time someone refers to that institution’s prestige, just remember the gap-toothed face of Georgia Governor-in-exile Stacey Abrams. Ted Kaczynski’s manifesto, Technological Slavery, is readily available and critically acclaimed, while Anders Breivik’s is available only on dark corners of the Internet. Those who even viewed Brenton Tarrant’s video of the Christchurch shooting have been criminally prosecuted and imprisoned.

Go to Part 3.


3 Walter, Jess. Ruby Ridge (New York: Harper Perennial, 2002).

4 Reavis, Dick J. The Ashes of Waco (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1998).

 

Organizing in the Face of Adversity: Lessons from History—Part One: The Pre-Civil War Theory of States Rights

The most pressing problem that our movement faces is that of organization. It is absolutely imperative that White advocates begin to geographically concentrate and procreate; we must reverse the White fertility crisis. Not only is there physical strength in numbers, but spiritual strength; if we can build continuous communities, the social ostracism that we are tormented with would dissolve away and lose its sting. No longer would we be vulnerable in isolation, ripe for the picking. No longer would we be browbeaten, told that we are the root of all evil. The twin scourges of opioids, responsible for 770,000 deaths in less than a decade, and suicide, up forty percent in seventeen years, might finally subside and fade away. Our enemies know this; Virginia Democrats are in the process of ensuring that no White neighborhoods will be allowed. Gregory Hood’s proposal of a White Tithe could go far in building our capacity to congregate. —

Yet when we contemplate the problem of organization, it can appear insurmountable. For example, as Samuel Francis has pointed out, are we really willing to surrender any of the physical integrity of our country? It seems clear that we already are territorially compromised; California and the Southwest have essentially been subsumed into Aztlan. Ignoring the litany of practical obstacles to the establishment of our ethnostate, we must remember the fate of the Confederate States of America. While we do not desire violence in any form, it certainly seems safe to say that a White ethnostate will not be established without violence, and that even if this were accomplished peacefully, the enemy would not, in fact could not, abide our existence. But how can we even begin to organize in the strength necessary to build physical communities? Our movement should be immune to O’Sullivan’s law: “All organizations that are not actually right-wing will over time become left-wing.” But how can we avoid the inevitable infiltration and entrapment (see the film The Standoff at Sparrow Creek)? I propose no solutions here, but merely hope to inspire practical meditation and discussion.

Not all is dark; we have much to give us hope. Leftism is a castle of sand, a house of cards that must eventually collapse under the inexorably expanding weight of its contradictions with objective reality. Our people are awakening; they are not yet necessarily pro-White, but they are anti-anti-White. As our enemies drop their masks further and further, as their cries grow shriller, and as the consequences of “minority” rule worsen, greater numbers of our people will take their stand. As our forever wars in the Middle East continue, as our military becomes ever more clearly a mercenary force for Israel and international finance, consciousness of the Jewish Question will take deeper root. Each lie that we expose begs the question, “What else have I been lied to about?” The election of President Donald Trump and the spontaneous Trump rally chant of “send her back” are certainly clear expressions of White identity. Yet even in this hope, we must debate the merits and demerits of accelerationism; if we are going to take our stand, shouldn’t it be sooner rather than later, so that there are still enough of us left to claim victory, let alone survive?

I am inclined to the conclusion that 2016 was our last chance at a political solution within the current system. The massive (and unabated) demographic invasion, alongside the many concurrent proposals to expand the electorate and impose majoritarian democracy, make it increasingly unlikely that Whites have a future within the electoral system. If a critical mass of our people comes to believe that the outcomes of elections do not matter, that we are cornered into our final refuge, that there is no hope left within the political system, we can be sure to expect a sharp increase in public violence. In fact, our nation is already on an inexorable path toward increased political violence as the demographic situation deteriorates. However, a variety of peaceful political strategies may still remain for us, not the least of which are devolution and, if need be, secession. Secession, however, must be race-based and enforced. With the right leaders, we may still assert the doctrine of interposition, nullification, and state sovereignty against the tyrannical kritarchy and administrative state that currently reigns in our nation. The doctrine of states’ rights and reserved sovereignty is clearly set forth throughout the entire structure of the Constitution, as well as specifically manifested in the Tenth Amendment, but it is elucidated further in the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions of 1789, written in response to the (eerily reminiscent of the modern American Left) Alien and Sedition Acts.

The Theory of States’ Rights in Antebellum America

The Virginia Resolution, written by James Madison, an author of the Constitution, aptly describes the nature of our constitutional republic: “…the powers of the federal government [result] from the compact, to which the states are parties…[and are] no further valid [than] that they are authorized by the grants enumerated in that compact; and that in case of a deliberate, palpable, and dangerous exercise of other powers, not granted by the said compact, the states who are parties thereto, have the right, and are duty bound, to interpose for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining within their respective limits, the authorities, rights and liberties appertaining to them. …A spirit has…been manifested by the federal government, to enlarge its powers by forced constructions of the constitutional charter which defines them…so as to destroy the meaning and effect, of the particular enumeration…and so as to consolidate the states by degrees, into one sovereignty, the obvious tendency and inevitable consequence of which would be, to transform the present republican system of the United States, into…a monarchy.”

In the Kentucky Resolution, Thomas Jefferson, author of the Declaration of Independence (which was eventually distorted by Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address to announce the American Founding as a singular United States, rather than a compact of plural independent States), carries the doctrine further: “if those who administer the general government be permitted to transgress the limits fixed by that compact, by a total disregard to the special delegations of power therein contained, annihilation of the state governments, and the erection upon their ruins, of a general consolidated government, will be the inevitable consequence. … The several states who formed that instrument, being sovereign and independent, have the unquestionable right to judge of its infraction; and that a nullification, by those sovereignties, of all unauthorized acts done under colour of that instrument, is the rightful remedy.”

South Carolinian Senator John C. Calhoun, however, most fully expounded upon the doctrine. In his second speech on the admission of the state of Michigan in 1837, Calhoun beautifully explains his position, careful to distinguish between nullification and anarchical revolution: “Because I am conservative I am a State rights man. … In the rights of the States are to be found the only effectual means of checking the overaction of this Government; to resist its tendency to concentrate all power here, and to prevent a departure from the constitution; or, in case of one, to restore the Government to its original simplicity and purity. State interposition, or, to express it more fully, the right of a State to interpose her sovereign voice as one of the parties to our constitutional compact, against the encroachments of this Government, is the only means of sufficient potency to effect all this.”[i]

In Calhoun’s 1831 Fort Hill Address, he further clarifies: “The general Government emanated from the people of the several States, forming distinct political communities, and acting in their separate and sovereign capacity, and not from all of the people forming one aggregate political community. … The Constitution of the United States is in fact a compact, to which each State is a party. … The several States or parties have a right to judge of its infractions … . This right of interposition…be it called what it may, State right, veto, nullification, or by any other name, I conceive to be the fundamental principle of our system, resting on facts historically as certain, as our Revolution itself. … Stripped of all its covering, the naked question is, whether ours is a federal or a consolidated government; a constitutional or absolute one; a government resting ultimately on the solid basis of the sovereignty of the States, or on the unrestrained will of a majority; a form of government, as in all other unlimited ones, in which injustice, and violence, and force must finally prevail. Let it never be forgotten that where the majority rules the minority is the subject; and that if we should absurdly attribute to the former, the exclusive right of construing the Constitution, there would be in fact between the sovereign and subject, under such a government, no Constitution.”[ii]

The foundations of our kritarchy were laid in the early days of the Republic. Chief Justice John Marshall established the doctrine of judicial review in his 1803 Marbury v. Madison opinion, declaring that it is for the judiciary “to say what the law is.” Sixteen years later, the Marshall Court abrogated the Tenth Amendment entirely, thereby vitiating state sovereignty, in McCulloch v. Maryland by the oxymoronic creation of “implied enumeration” out of whole cloth. The “Necessary and Proper” Clause of Article I, Section VIII, was interpreted so as to loosely construe the word “necessary” to be expansive, rather than restrictive. The Court took it upon itself to determine what could be treated as the “necessary” means of constitutional execution, ruling that the Constitution was simply an adaptable “framework.”

President Andrew Jackson famously resisted judicial usurpation; in the aftermath of Worcester v. Georgia (wherein Chief Justice Marshall laid the nonsensical foundation of the doctrine of tribal sovereignty, describing Indian tribes as sovereign “nations” free from state criminal jurisdiction), Jackson remarked, “John Marshall has made his decision; now let him enforce it.” Perhaps remembering Alexander Hamilton’s assurance in Federalist 78 that the judiciary was to be the “least dangerous to the political rights of the Constitution,” Jackson further utilized the constitutional fact of state sovereignty and rebutted Marshall’s bastardization of the “Necessary and Proper” Clause in his 1832 veto message, blocking the re-chartering of the second Bank of the United States: “Mere precedent is a dangerous source of authority, and should not be regarded as deciding questions of constitutional power except where the acquiescence of the people and the States can be considered well settled. … The opinion of the judges has no more authority over Congress than the opinion of Congress has over the judges, and on that point the President is independent of both. … Thus may our own powers and the rights of the States, which we cannot directly curtail or invade, be frittered away and extinguished in the use of means employed by us to execute other powers. … There are no necessary evils in government. Its evils only exist in its abuses. … Nor is our Government to be maintained or our Union preserved by invasions of the rights and powers of the several States. In thus attempting to make our General Government strong we make it weak. Its true strength consists in leaving individuals and States as much as possible to themselves—in making itself felt, not in its power, but in its beneficence; not in its control, but in its protection; not in binding the States more closely to the center, but leaving each to move unobstructed in its proper orbit.”

White Activism Short of Secession

In this vein, we can begin to formulate local and state resistance that is short of secession. In a piece in, of all outlets, The Federalist, ‘Bill Kilgore’ proposes exactly that for pro-life resistance to the infanticide that Roe v. Wade unconstitutionally enshrined. In summary, we can simply refuse to obey the capricious dictates of unelected bureaucrats and kritarchs. All that we need to do, provided that we have a unified governor and state legislature, is stop listening to them. They have no enforcement power whatsoever; Leftist-controlled jurisdictions regularly nullify federal law, with drug legalization, immigration, and infringements on the Second Amendment only the most recent examples. It is only when men of the Right pass laws unsatisfactory to the ruling class that the judiciary intervenes. Judicial review is not judicial supremacy; courts may say whatever they wish to, but they cannot act.

By forcing a constitutional crisis on any issue of White identity, we win; either the federal government will stand down or drop the mask to send in troops a la Eisenhower in Little Rock, provoking whatever resistance there would ever be. Moreover, the judiciary has no jurisdiction over political questions. To enshrine this principle further, Congress can strip federal jurisdiction over any category of cases it pleases, leaving them to state courts. The life tenure of judges may also be assailed, as their reign of terror and contravention of the will of the people are certainly not “good behavior.” If we can elect leaders with the requisite will, we can accomplish much; enforcing universal E-Verify, stringent voter identification requirements, taxing remittances, ending public services for illegal aliens, mass deportation, the declaration of English as our official language, prosecuting Leftist “charities” violating our laws, ending affirmative action and diversity quotas, eliminating hate crimes, exercising state legislative control over public school and university curriculums, validating the right of free association, and ending anarcho-tyrannical policies favoring criminals are but a smattering of the possibilities.

Of course, all this is much easier said than done. In Part 2 I discuss some of the obstacles.

Go to Part 2.


1 Wilson, Clyde N. (Ed.). The Essential Calhoun (New Brunswick: Transaction, 2012).

2 Wilson, Clyde N. (Ed.). The Essential Calhoun (New Brunswick: Transaction, 2012).

 

More Deceit and Double-Think from Mark Steyn and Company

Do parallel universes exist where history has taken an entirely different course? It’s been a big unanswered question in physics and philosophy for a long time, but I’ve started to wonder whether the Canadian neo-conservative Mark Steyn holds the key. His writing appears in this universe, but he himself appears to be living some or all of the time in an entirely different universe.

Mark Steyn is an important figure in American conservatism — a regular guest on Tucker Carlson and the favorite stand-in both for Carlson and for Rush Limbaugh. As will be obvious in the following, Steyn represents a segment of Jewry opposed to Muslim immigration (and only Muslim immigration) because of Muslim attitudes on Jews and Israel, while at the same time ignoring the much more powerful mainstream Jewish community that is in large part responsible for importing Muslims.

Another example is Stephen Steinlight, a former ADL operative and now a Fellow at the Center for Immigration Studies. Steinlight opposes Muslim immigration because of his concern with Jewish interests. Steinlight believes that present immigration policy no longer serves Jewish interests because the new immigrants are less likely to be sympathetic to Israel and because they are more likely to view Jews as the wealthiest and most powerful group in the U.S. — and thus a potential enemy — rather than as victims of the Holocaust. His animosity toward the restrictionism of 1924–1965 shines through clearly. This “pause” in immigration is perceived as a moral catastrophe. He describes it as “evil, xenophobic, anti-Semitic,” “vilely discriminatory,” a “vast moral failure,” a “monstrous policy.” Jewish interests are his only consideration, while the vast majority of pre-1965 Americans are described as a “thoughtless mob” because they advocate a complete moratorium on immigration (here, p. v).

One can only hope that Steyn does not inherit Limbaugh’s huge radio audience if, as seems quite possible, Limbaugh is unable to continue due to his cancer diagnosis. Again, like the rest of the mainstream Jewish community, Steyn appears to have no qualms about immigration in general. Africans would be fine. Only Muslim immigration is dubious. Because all that matters is what’s good for the Jews.

Jews as powerless opponents of Muslim immigration

That Steyn is living in an alternate, very Jewish universe can be concluded from his confident false assertions about modern Western history. In one interview from 2015 with the highly irritating “Jewish Mother” Laura Rosen Cohen, he used the seventieth anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz to muse on the mistaken policies of powerful European gentiles:

I think they [i.e., the Euro-goyim] drew the wrong conclusion from “Never Again”. The Jews were sort of peripheral to the meaning of that. I think what “Never Again” means to a Continental European is never again, as they saw it, the nationalism that led to war. So their response to 1939—1945 was to undermine their own nationalism. At the time of the European Constitution, so-called, a decade ago, you had these apparatchiks from the European Commission standing up and warning the Dutch and the French that if they didn’t sign on to this Euro-superstate they would be on the path to Belsen and Auschwitz.

In other words, it’s one or the other. You’ve the European Union or you’ve got ovens. That was the lesson they drew — that nationalism was bad, that nation states were bad, that national identity was bad. And, as part of that, they imported the next generation of anti-Semites to Europe. (Remembrance and Appropriation, 30th January 2020, SteynOnline)

In Mark Steyn’s parallel universe, Jews have stood by helplessly as Euro-goyim have misappropriated the Holocaust and used it as an excuse to “import the next generation of anti-Semites to Europe.” Steyn means that Euro-goyim have imported Muslims, of course, and in his universe Jews are obviously horrified but powerless opponents of Muslim immigration.

In the real universe, on the other hand, Jews are highly enthusiastic supporters of Muslim immigration and passionate believers in a Judeo-Islamic alliance against White Christian hate. Here are a few examples of this Jewish enthusiasm for Muslim immigration and the anti-White alliance Jews believe it will create in the West:

In Mark Steyn’s universe it appears that such headlines don’t exist. No, in the Steyniverse, Jews are “peripheral,” with no say in immigration policy and no political influence. That must be part of why Steyn announced in January 2020 that “I have a semi-official policy of sitting out Holocaust Memorial Day, on the grounds that in Europe formal veneration of dead Jews grows ever more fulsome in direct proportion to formal indifference to living Jews, and the extinguishing of what remains of Jewish life on the Continent.”

The highest decoration in France

That’s in “the Continent” of the Steyniverse, of course. In “the Continent” of this universe, real Jews like Dr Moshe Kantor don’t suffer “formal indifference” but receive the very highest state honours:

Powerless Dr Moshe Kantor is honoured by François Hollande 

Dr. Moshe Kantor, President of the European Jewish Congress (EJC), was awarded the Officier de la Légion d’Honneur (Officer of the Legion of Honour) by the President of France François Hollande [in June 2015]. The award is the highest decoration in France, established by Napoleon Bonaparte. For two centuries, it has been presented on behalf of the Head of State to reward the most deserving citizens in all fields of activity.

The award was bestowed on Dr. Kantor at the Elysée Palace by President Hollande for leading the fight against Antisemitism, racism, intolerance and xenophobia, promoting interfaith relations and a more tolerant Europe in his roles at the European Jewish Congress, the democratically-elected umbrella organization representing European Jewry. President Hollande called Dr. Kantor “a man of peace, a man of culture, a friend, and a friend of France.”

“You are an inspiring person in the Jewish world, a great figure of the Jewish People in Europe, heading a major institution, the European Jewish Congress, which today represents 42 communities,” President Hollande said before bestowing the award. “You and the EJC are promoting Jewish culture, interfaith dialogue and tolerance, fighting Antisemitism and racism and preserving the memory of the Holocaust. Because all of these reasons, all of these values — your fight against Antisemitism and for peace, and for your love of France — we honor you here today.” (Dr. Moshe Kantor Awarded Legion of Honour by President Hollande, European Jewish Congress, 30th June 2015)

In the Steyniverse, Moshe Kantor is presumably an unrecognized and unhonoured nobody. In this universe, he receives “the highest decoration in France,” heads the European Jewish Congress, and runs an Orwellian organization called the European Council on Tolerance and Reconciliation (ECTR) “to monitor tolerance in Europe.” The ECTR, which works hard to crush “xenophobia, antisemitism and racial discrimination,” is a big fan of Muslim immigration but not of free speech. And Moshe Kantor, ignored by important European politicians in the Steyniverse, has their full support in the real universe: the ECTR has recruited the former President of Poland Aleksander Kwaśniewski, the former Prime Minister of Spain José María Aznar, the former Prime Minister of Sweden Göran Persson, the former Speaker of the German Bundestag Rita Süssmuth, and many others.

As I asked in “Moshe Is Monitoring You,” what do European politicians see in this Russian-born billionaire? Mark Steyn sees nothing in Kantor and to the best of my knowledge has never referred to him or his dedicated campaigning for Muslim immigration and against free speech. Like all other Jews in the Steyniverse, Kantor is a nebbish wringing his hands futilely on the margins as he watches goyim make bad decisions that harm Jewish welfare.

A golden scientific opportunity

So come on, physicists and philosophers: what are you waiting for? Mark Steyn appears to hold the key to the question of parallel universes. He should be interviewed closely and, if he gives his permission, become the subject of detailed neurological examination. His writing strongly suggests that he is living in a parallel universe where history has taken an entirely different turn. In his universe, Jews have been powerless bystanders as powerful gentiles have brought Muslims flooding into Europe to be “the next generation of antisemites.” In our universe, by contrast, Jews have overseen and enthusiastically supported the flood, whilst repeatedly hailing Muslims as their “natural allies” against White Christian hate.

But there are two other explanations for Steyn’s writing, of course. He might be living in a parallel mental universe rather than a parallel physical one. That is, he might be crazy or deluded. Or he might simply be a liar whose statements are governed not by any regard for truth or historical accuracy but by the age-old principle of “What’s good for the Jews?” It’s not good for the Jews to admit their central role in the immigration disaster and destruction of Western civilization, so Steyn pretends that they are the victims rather than the villains.

Truth and Integrity or Fame and Success?

I go for the third explanation myself: Mark Steyn is a liar and confidence-trickster operating on the age-old principle of “What’s good for the Jews?” And also on the principle of “What’s good for Mark Steyn?” If he were honest about the Jewish role, he would lose his exalted position among so-called “conservative” pundits. The Jewish writer Larry Auster never had that exalted position precisely because he wasn’t dishonest. Auster admitted the Jewish role in immigration and multiculturalism, and was a severe critic of Steyn’s defeatism, shape-shifting and trickery. Auster chose truth and integrity over success and fame. Steyn has chosen the reverse. So has his side-kick Laura Rosen Cohen, the “Jewish Mother” who contributes a regular commentary to Steyn’s website and who seems determined to embody as strongly as possible the traits identified by Kevin MacDonald as central to Jewish activism — she is aggressive, psychologically intense and highly ethnocentric.

And when I say “ethnocentric,” I mean it. There is one consistently funny thing amid Cohen’s constant failed attempts to be amusing: the way she keeps a special section devoted to “Israel and the Jews,” despite often devoting half or more of the other sections to Jewish topics. And she’s always ready with a would-be amusing put-down for those obsessive and evil anti-Semites who dare to suggest that Jews have any negative influence on the world:

The next round [of Jewish festivities] is not until December, so the plan is to lose the Rosh Hashanah and Sukkot weight in advance of the Chanukah latke and jelly donut season — and well before Passover when, let’s be honest, those delicious and tender gentile children baked into the matzos can really pack on the pounds! (Putting the Infidel in Infidelity (Laura’s Links), 24th October 2019, SteynOnline)

Cohen is referring to the infamous “Blood Libel,” the hate-filled Christian conspiracy theory that Jews kidnapped, tortured and murdered gentile children to use their blood in ritual meals. That’s the sort of ridiculous thing that anti-Semites believe, you see (and I too dismissed the “Blood Libel” as baseless until I read Ron Unz’s fascinating review of work on medieval Jewish occultism by the Israeli-Jewish scholar Dr Ariel Toaff). But as we’ll see below, Cohen herself sometimes echoes fundamental “anti-Semitic” ideas.

“Disgusting, Jew-hating France”

Most of the time, however, she imitates Mark Steyn by either living in a parallel universe or being entirely unconcerned with the truth. In January this year she said “France is a disgusting, Jew-hating, sharia hell hole,”  because the Muslim murderer of an elderly Jewish woman was found insane rather than guilty of murder. Contra Cohen, Jews have enormous power in France and were central to the creation of its ever-growing Muslim population, which inflicts murder, rape and economic parasitism mainly on Whites, not on Jews. As we saw above, France gave Dr Moshe Kantor its “highest decoration.” Other members of the small Jewish minority occupy the highest positions in government, media and academia. If France is a “Jew-hating” nation, it’s difficult to imagine what a “Jew-loving” nation would look like.

But Laura Rosen Cohen doesn’t lie only about France. In November 2019 she was “Kvellin’ Around The Christmas Tree” and commenting that “German Chancellor Angela Merkel goes to Auschwitz probably to get more ideas about how to ruin her country with anti-Semitic poison.” Contra Cohen, Angela Merkel opened Germany’s borders to Muslims in 2015 with the full support of Jews in Germany, which is why she was given the highest of honours by the World Jewish Congress in 2019:

World Jewish Congress President Ronald S. Lauder on 28 October honored Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany Angela Merkel with the 2019 WJC Theodor Herzl Award, which recognizes outstanding individuals who work to promote Herzl’s ideals for a safer, more tolerant world for the Jewish people. The award ceremony was held at the Jewish community center in Munich, co-hosted by President of the Jewish Community of Munich and Upper Bavaria & WJC Commissioner for Holocaust Memory Dr. Charlotte Knobloch.

Thanking WJC President Lauder, Chancellor Merkel expressed her heartfelt gratitude for the honor of being chosen as the recipient of this award, saying: “It is humbling for me that I, as a German chancellor, can receive the Theodor Herzl Award today. Jewish life in Germany must be supported — and protected.” (WJC honors German Chancellor Angela Merkel with 2019 WJC Theodor Herzl Award, October 2019)

The righteous shiksa: Angela Merkel is honoured by the World Jewish Congress

Laura Rosen Cohen pretends that Merkel is trying to “ruin her country with anti-Semitic poison,” but the World Jewish Congress knows the truth: Merkel is promoting Theodor Herzl’s “ideals for a safer, more tolerant world for the Jewish people.” When White Christian nations are atomized by Muslim immigration, Jews feel a sense both of relief and of revenge, as I pointed out in “Roche’s Revenge,” a discussion of the highly Islamophilic Jewish immigration minister Barbara Roche.

Immigration-fans Emma Lazarus and Israel Zangwill

But that’s the reality of Jewish behaviour and Laura Rosen Cohen prefers to avoid discussing that. In January 2020 she was kvetching that “Best and brightest immigrant to America from Albania (‘ISIS wannabe’) has his own version of the American dream: beheading infidels with chainsaws. How lovely and patriotic. You know the schmaltzy poem on the statue right, give us your poor, your expert headchoppers, etc.” But who wrote the “schmaltzy poem” attached to the Statue of Liberty? Why, it was the ethnocentric Jewish poet Emma Lazarus (1849-87), who joined the ethnocentric Jewish playwright Israel Zangwill (1864-1926) in the highly successful Jewish campaign to falsely portray America as a “nation of immigrants” and a “melting pot” for all creeds and colors.

“Columbia’s Unwelcome Guests”: a non-schmaltzy view of immigration by the American cartoonist Frank Beard (1842–1905)

“The Stranger at Our Gate”: another non-schmaltzy view of immigration by Frank Beard

But let’s give Laura Rosen Cohen her due. She does very occasionally admit some of the truth about Jewish behaviour. After CNN reported that “The ‘OK’ hand gesture is now a hate symbol, according to a new report by the Anti-Defamation League [ADL],” Cohen commented: “My Idiot People. I just can’t. Nutcases. You are nutcases, ADL OK?? OK????”

I beg to differ. The ADL are not “nutcases.” Instead, they are very successful and ruthless defenders and extenders of Jewish power. And that, of course, includes welcoming Muslims as “natural allies.” When Donald Trump proposed a “Muslim registry” in 2016, the ADL chief Jonathan Greenblatt announced: “If one day Muslim Americans will be forced to register their identities, then that is the day that this proud Jew will register as a Muslim.”

Not a nutcase: ruthless Jewish supremacist Jonathan Greenblatt of the ADL

Cohen was also wrong when Jewish Democrats in America claimed that in November 2019 “Donald Trump is the biggest threat to American Jews.” She responded with “Stupid Jews gotta keep on stupiding.

Again, no, it’s not stupidity: it’s standard Jewish hostility towards any politician whose rhetoric (if not his actions) promised to defend White interests rather than harm White interests. Cohen plugged the “stupid line” again in December 2019:


President Worst Hitler Ever appears at Israeli-American event, gets completely and utterly love-bombed by Jews, kibbitzes around the whole night, hugs disabled Israeli performers from the Shalva band, has a grand, festive and meaningful Chanukah party at the White House, signs an Executive Order protecting Jewish students from rabid anti-Semitism… and still gets savaged by idiot lefty Jews who just cannot stop stupiding. (A Nickel in the Change Purse, 17th December 2019, SteynOnline)

In fact, “lefty Jews” can’t stop being hostile to White interests and to a president who might potentially advance them. They’re not being stupid: they’re being Jewish. Mark Steyn and Laura Rosen Cohen don’t want to admit this, because the truth is “not good for Jews.” When Steyn quoted from his interview with Cohen in January this year, there was earnest discussion among members of the Mark Steyn fan-club about the causes of anti-Semitism (“Why so often has it been the Jews on the receiving end?”).

Easy to understand, impossible to accept

Of course, no-one suggested that Jews might bear any responsibility for creating anti-Semitism. But someone did say that Jews will always rise again, thanks to their “love of life.” Steyn and Cohen prove that love of lying is also central to Jewish culture. Indeed, the two loves are intimately related. Deceit and manipulation are central aspects of biology precisely because they promote survival. But Jewish lies promote Jewish survival and success at the expense of Whites. And so anyone interested in White survival should find Jewish lies both easy to understand and impossible to accept.