The Trump Impeachment: A Clash Between America’s Competing Elites?

Previously posted at Vdare.com.

Is the Trump impeachment a Jewish coup? It’s a dangerous question even to ask. The Christian news outlet  TruNews was labeled an anti-Semitic conspiracy-theory website and banned by a Jewish-dominated company—YouTube—for saying so. [2 Jewish Congress members want White House to shun news outlet that called Trump impeachment effort ‘Jew Coup’Jewish Telegraphic Agency, December 10, 2019] (Subsequently, TruNews has been deplatformed by PayPal for asserting that Jeffrey Epstein was running a Mossad honeypot operation designed to blackmail leading U.S. political figures).

But undeniably, Jews have taken very prominent, very public roles in impeachment. Most prominent are the two congressmen who conducted the House hearings: Adam Schiff, Chair of the House Intelligence Committee, and Jerry Nadler, Chair of the House Judiciary Committee. Both Schiff and Nadler were named as prosecutors in the Senate trial, with Schiff designated as lead prosecutor.

Both of the Democrats’ counsels at the House hearings were Jews: Norm Eisen for the Judiciary Committee and Daniel Goldman for the Intelligence Committee. Several of the most prominent witnesses called by the Democrats were also Jews, including Alexander Vindman and Gordon Sondland.

Strikingly, all three of the legal scholars called by Nadler’s committee—Noah Feldman of Harvard, Michael Gerhardt of the University of North Carolina, and Pamela Karlan of Stanford University—were Jews, with a strong Jewish identity. [The Tell: Three of the impeachment witness lawyers were Jewish, and it matters, By Ron Kampeas, Jewish Telegraphic Agency,  December 6, 2019]   Gerhardt is a Fellow at the Katz Center for Advanced Jewish Studies, University of Pennsylvania and has given several lectures on Judaism the law (e.g., “Jewish Lives and the American Constitution: Selected Stories,” Bar Ilan University Law School). Karlan is a self-described example of “snarky, bisexual, Jewish women,” and Feldman is Director of the Julis-Rabinowitz Program on Jewish and Israeli Law at Harvard.

In effect, impeachment is a project of the numerically-dominant Jewish Democrat-voting Left, with the Jewish counsels for the Democrats questioning Jewish witnesses in House committees headed by Jewish representatives, and covered with breathless enthusiasm by Jewish-owned media outlets like MSNBC, CNN, and The New York Times.

The only surprise: that the Jewish role has been so public. In times past, Jews in many walks of life used WASP-sounding names to lessen public perceptions of their Jewishness, and non-Jews were often recruited to serve as window dressing in what were in fact Jewish-dominated movements, most notably the radical Left in pre-1960s America.

I believe this new blatant approach is a marker of Jewish power in 2020 America: Jews now feel confident enough that they can safely participate in such displays, knowing that their role will never be noted in public debate.

Indeed, it’s quite possible that the average white American watching the hearings genuinely sees the Jewish principals as nothing more than garden-variety white folks—they often seem to have no “Jewdar” at all.

This is no accident, since the percentage of Americans who think “the movie and television industries are pretty much run by Jews,” in 2008 was 22%, compared to ~50% in 1964—despite Jewish dominance remaining obvious to anyone who bothers to seriously inquire. Being afraid to notice ethnic realities, or having been brainwashed into not noticing them, are major factors in the power of what has to be described as America’s new, Jewish-dominated, elite.

Donald Trump ran on a platform guaranteed to arouse the hatred of this elite. His immigration-related proposals and comments (e.g., “Paris is no longer Paris,” “When Mexico sends its people, they’re not sending their best”) and his advocacy of a non-interventionist foreign policy were red flags to an Establishment bent on massive immigration and endless wars in the Middle East to protect Israel. His victory was a hostile takeover of the Presidency, opposed by the entire spectrum of elite political opinion, from the far Left to the neoconservative “Right,” and including Conservatism, Inc. cheap-labor lobbyists like Paul Ryan.

Trump’s platform was populist to the core—it was essentially an end-run around elite opinion. And American Jewish intellectuals have long shown their hostility toward populism, as I noted in Chapter 5 of my The Culture of Critique.

But the Trump phenomenon went beyond its rational content, It was an implicitly White revolt, motivated by fears about what being a white minority in a majority black and brown America would mean for the future— entirely reasonable concerns.

However, Trump’s implicit white appeal worked both ways—it inspired both support and also opposition, above all among Jews.

In interesting contrast to their fellow Americans of similar socioeconomic status, some 70–80 percent of U.S. Jews vote Democrat. But even so their visceral animosity toward Trump during the 2016 campaign was extraordinary (see my VDARE.com five-part series titled “Jewish Fear and Loathing of Donald Trump”).

So it’s no surprise that Trump’s actual election was greeted with quite unprecedented anguish and frustration. The Washington Post headlined The Campaign to Impeach President Trump Has Begun the day of Trump’s inauguration. [By Matea Gold, January 17, 2017] (But in fact—incredibly—it dates back to even before his nomination).

I believe the present political crisis should be seen as a struggle between our new, Jewish-dominated elite, stemming from the 1880–1920 First Great Wave of immigration, and the traditional white Christian majority of America, significantly derived from pre-Revolutionary colonial stock but augmented by subsequent white Christian immigration. This new elite, while influential prior to World War II, had increasing influence throughout the 1950s—typically seen as a rather placid decade of peace and prosperity, but in reality, a decade of intense Kulturkampf roiling just below the surface but bursting out periodically, most spectacularly with the controversies surrounding Sen. Joseph McCarthy.

The nascent elite defeated Sen. McCarthy, despite subsequent evidence that he was substantially right. Of course, it is simply a fact that the individuals caught up in the McCarthy accusations were disproportionately Jewish. McCarthy’s crusade may be regarded as the last gasp of traditional America. So the possible resurrection of traditional America under a populist President Trump was seen by our new elite as a catastrophe.

The new elite really came to power in the Counter-Culture Revolution of the 1960s, the decade that saw the enactment of the 1965 Immigration Act, opening up immigration to all the peoples of the world, and the Civil Rights Movement, which has now morphed into what amounts to anti-white identity politics.

I was on the Left during the 1960s. I’ve often said that if someone had asked me what America would look like in 50 years, I would have said it would be fairer, but I would not have envisioned the demographic transformation. Nor would I have anticipated the mushrooming of anti-white hate that has emerged in the elite media and academic world (see my Individualism and the Western Liberal Tradition for a summary, pp. 446–448).

I have documented that this new elite is fundamentally Jewish, in the sense Jews have constituted its indispensable core. It has promoted attitudes on immigration, multiculturalism, foreign policy affecting Israel, and non-white and gender-based identity politics that have now reached unchallengeable consensus among elites in the U.S. and throughout the West. But they were prevalent in the mainstream Jewish community since well prior to the 1960s, contrasting strongly with the rest pre-1960s America.

For example, the organized Jewish community has promoted the interests of Israel since 1948, overcoming opposition of the former WASP foreign-policy Establishment that had dominated the U.S. State Department.

Even more importantly, the Jewish community has been actively involved in opposing immigration restriction since the late nineteenth century and in promoting the ideology that America is a “Proposition nation’ open to all the world’s peoples.

As Professor Otis Graham commented on the Anti-Defamation League’s getting John F. Kennedy to put his name on a pro-immigration book in 1958 ghosted by one of its operatives:

The ADL, part of a Jewish coalition whose agenda included opening wider the American gates so that increasing U.S. ethnic heterogeneity would reduce the chances of a populist mass movement embracing anti-Semitism, had made a golden alliance. A Vast Social Experiment: The Immigration Act of 1965, NPG, October 30, 2005

Thus, despite the high-flown rhetoric, increasing immigration was really all about ethnic defense—by reducing the demographic, political, and cultural power of European-Americans (see also Chapter 7 of my Culture of Critique), as reflected in the attitudes of Jewish leaders going back to the 1920s.

Jewish organizations are now deeply involved in punishing people who dissent on immigration and other favored issues, as indicated by the example of TruNews [Inside the War to Take Away Our Free Speech, by Eric Striker, Unz.com, January 21, 2020]  This looks like a switch, but free speech is not at all a Jewish value, quite absent from traditional Jewish communities. And in the contemporary world, Jewish organizations, such as the ADL, and organizations with prominent Jewish funding and staff, such as the SPLC, have uniformly supported “Hate Crime” legislation throughout the West. Jewish groups in Europe have long advocated criminal penalties for “hate speech” and criticism of Israel, and they have succeeded in getting them enacted in the UK, Germany, France, and elsewhere.

In the U.S., these organizations have taken a lead role in getting dissidents de-platformed from social media and financial institutions, forming partnerships with Facebook, Google, Twitter and Microsoft to combat “cyberhate,” including pressuring You Tube to remove accounts associated with the Alt Right. They have also been prominently involved in doxing dissidents, often resulting in loss of livelihood. Just recently, ADL head Jonathan Greenblatt testified in Congress that the social media companies were not doing enough to combat “hate speech,” and asked that Congress step in to rectify the problem—a clear violation of the First Amendment.

Jewish lobbyists even persuaded President Trump (who contrary to their fears seems to have a policy of appeasement, for example by recognizing Jerusalem as Israel’s capital) to sign an executive order that effectively penalizes speech critical of Israel at universities. The Foundation for Individual Rights in Education commented that

While the order is couched in language intended to paper over the readily evident threat to expressive rights, its ambiguous directive and fundamental reliance on the [International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance] definition of anti-Semitism and its examples will cause institutions to investigate and censor protected speech on their campuses. … [C]olleges and universities will rush to punish student and faculty speakers in an attempt to avoid federal investigation and enforcement.

UPDATED: FIRE statement regarding executive order on campus anti-Semitism, December 10, 2019

Of course, university administrators are highly experienced in suppressing free speech even from mainstream conservatives, having acquiesced repeatedly to hecklers’ vetoes and physical harassment by campus leftists.

In fact, Trump’s EO includes language that might be construed as targeting an article such as this one, because it might be said to contain “stereotypical allegations about Jews as such or the power of Jews as a collective — such as, especially but not exclusively … Jews controlling the media, economy, government or other societal institutions” as set forth in the IHRA definition.

As always, truth would not be a defense.

This new elite saw itself on the verge of complete victory in 2016.  If Hillary had won, it would have been business as usual on all fronts, from foreign policy in the Middle East and toward Russia, to an immigration surge (as attempted during the Obama presidency), Amnesty for illegals, removing penalties for illegal entry and promoting multiculturalism, to knock out the white majority.

There would have been increased pressure for European-style legislation penalizing speech related to immigration and diversity, which would have been upheld by a Supreme Court refashioned with more justices like Elena Kagan, who has already signaled willingness to rein in the First Amendment on speech related to diversity issues.

As Angelo Codevilla has written (without acknowledging the Jewish dimension):

Were any Democrat to win [in 2020], we can be certain that the demands on us [Deplorables] would escalate, and the government’s choke hold on education, speech, religion, medicine, law, and all manner of administration would tighten further.

A Deplorable Strategy Beyond 2020, American Greatness, December 2, 2019

To be sure, Trump’s election has not resulted in his promised policies being enacted. Middle Eastern wars continue, reflecting the priorities of major Jewish donors Sheldon AdelsonBernard Marcus, and Paul Singer who have collectively contributed north of $250M to Trump re-election. On immigration, there have been some improvements at the southern border and on enforcement, but promises to end Birthright Citizenship via executive order (of course it will be litigated, but so what?) and lower legal immigration (which should have been attempted when the GOP had control of both houses of Congress) have not been fulfilled. The U.S. is still on schedule to have a white minority in the near future.

So, given Trump’s lack of success in effecting fundamental change, why Schiff et al. expending so much energy in an impeachment scenario that has, by all accounts, no chance of actually removing Trump?

Because they can’t help themselves. I suggest that that the “visceral animosity” that I noted above is motivated by the parallels between Trump’s white working-class base and working-class support for National Socialism in 1930s Germany. This phenomenon was traumatic for Jewish intellectuals, who at the time were deeply immersed in classical class-struggle Marxism. It was of critical importance in motivating the shift pioneered by Frankfurt School toward conceptualizing Jewish interests in terms of race—that the real problem Jews faced was white ethnocentrism, the latter solvable only by propaganda efforts aimed at vilifying white racial identity (which soon became mainstream in the educational efforts of the Jewish activist community) and by importing non-whites in order to diminish white political power.

And, as always, this Jewish effort to nip Trump-style populism in the bud has been carried out with the great psychological intensity that is a general trait of Jewish activism. My observation is that among Jews there is a critical mass that is intensely committed to Jewish causes—a sort of 24/7, “pull out all the stops” commitment that produces instant, massive responses on Jewish issues. Jewish activism has a relentless, never-say-die quality. This intensity goes hand in hand with the “slippery slope” style of arguing: even the most trivial manifestation of anti-Jewish attitudes or behavior is seen as inevitably leading to mass murder of Jews if allowed to continue. (I discuss this at greater length in Understanding Jewish Influence I: Background Traits For Jewish Activism, The Occidental Quarterly, Summer 2003, pp 24-26.)

As Peter Novick described this attitude in  The Holocaust in American Life

There is no such thing as overreaction to an anti-Semitic incident, no such thing as exaggerating the omnipresent danger. Anyone who scoffed at the idea that there were dangerous portents in American society hadn’t learned ‘the lesson of the Holocaust.’

In the case of impeachment, this psychological intensity is motivated by the fear that Trump could be reelected and be in a much better position to effect fundamental change. Indeed, Adam Schiff made exactly that point during his remarks during the Senate trial. [ Schiff Tells Senators They Must Not Allow Trump to Run for Re-Election , CNSNEWS, January 24, 2020]

So is this a Jewish coup? Of course, such a claim needs qualification. The Democratic Party may have “tipped” demographically, but it still contains plenty of white gentiles. And there are Jews who are vigorously defending Trump, such as Jay Sekulow, who is on Trump’s personal legal team, and Stephen Miller, who remains a shining star in the administration’s efforts on immigration. Plus there are Jewish Trump donors noted above, although their driving interest in creating bipartisan support for Israel is typically combined with moving the GOP to the left on social issues, including immigration.

But yes, it is a Jewish coup. Indeed, the entire post-1965 regime should be regarded as a Jewish coup motivated by fear and loathing of the people and culture of pre-1965 white America.

 

Humbug, Hypocrisy, and the Dismantling of White Western Identity

None of my best friends are Jewish, but two of my favourite authors are. One of those favourite writers is Larry Auster (1949–2013) from New York, who wrote some of the best and clearest analysis of liberalism and the American immigration disaster. Although he often criticized Jews for their central role in both, he also condemned Kevin MacDonald’s ideas as extremist and unacceptable. At the end of his life, however, he pretty much admitted that MacDonald was right.

“Read off the result in prejudons”

The other of those favourite writers of mine is Michael Wharton (né Michael Nathan) (1913–2006) from the Yorkshire town of Bradford, who wrote the satirical and whimsical “Peter Simple” column in the Daily Telegraph for many years. As he himself often acknowledged, his work owed much to the surreal genius of the Catholic Beachcomber, but he had his own gift for capturing the absurdities of leftism in memorable characters and imagery. One of Simple’s greatest satirical inventions was first unveiled as early as the 1970s and was used regularly until his death in 2006:

THE Macpherson Report’s definition of a “racist incident” as “any incident perceived to be racist by the victim or any other person” is causing immense trouble and confusion for all concerned. Yet there is a simple answer. As I have pointed out before, the Racial Prejudometer was originally developed by the West Midland firm of Ethnicaids for use by the race relations industry, but is now available to everybody (ask your nearest race relations stockist).

Inexpensive and handy for pocket or handbag, you simply point it at any person (including yourself) you suspect of “racism”, press the easy-to-find “action” button and read off the result in prejudons, the internationally recognised scientific unit of racial prejudice. (The Peter Simple Column, The Daily Telegraph, 13th April 2001)

It takes a truly gifted writer to say so much in so few words: Simple was satirizing “the race relations industry” (a phrase he also invented), the uncritical adulation of science, the leftist pretence that racism and “hate” can be objectively defined and measured, and more besides. But note particularly the phrase “internationally recognised,” which Simple knew to be a sure sign of leftist cant and humbug. Nonsense remains nonsense, no matter how widely it is “recognised.”

Adopt the definition, already!

Peter Simple first pointed that out decades ago, but his satire has never gone out of date. In the 21st century, nonsense is still being promoted on the ground that it is “internationally recognised.” Simple must have chuckled to himself in Satirists’ Heaven when he read this self-important and self-righteous announcement from the Jewish Board of Deputies:

Board of Deputies applauds King’s College London for adopting internationally recognised definition of antisemitism

Board of Deputies President Elect Marie van der Zyl has applauded King’s College London for adopting the internationally recognised IHRA [International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance] definition of antisemitism.

Marie said: “This is the right move by King’s College London. Together with our Jewish communal colleagues we have been in an ongoing dialogue with Professor Byrne to address some of the issues facing Jewish students at his and other London universities. We are pleased that the university has joined the many bodies that have already adopted the definition, including the UK Government, the Scottish and Welsh Governments, the National Union of Students, and hundreds of local councils.

“The IHRA Definition makes it easier for authorities to identify and understand the nature of contemporary antisemitism. If universities are serious about addressing antisemitism and making Jews feel welcome at their institution, they should follow KCL’s example and adopt the definition.” (Board of Deputies applauds King’s College London for adopting internationally recognised definition of antisemitism, The Board of Deputies website, 30th May 2018)

The phrase “internationally recognised” is still a sure sign of cant and humbug. And sure enough, the IHRA’s definition of “anti-Semitism” is ludicrously vague and elastic:

Antisemitism is a certain perception of Jews, which may be expressed as hatred toward Jews. Rhetorical and physical manifestations of antisemitism are directed toward Jewish or non-Jewish individuals and/or their property, toward Jewish community institutions and religious facilities. (What is Antisemitism?, The Campaign Against Antisemitism)

The definition is plainly designed to end free speech about Jewish misbehaviour and to prevent any challenge to Jewish power. It’s accompanied by a list of examples of anti-Semitism in action. Here is one of the examples:

Accusing Jewish citizens of being more loyal to Israel, or to the alleged priorities of Jews worldwide, than to the interests of their own nations. (What is Antisemitism?)

Well, if that is an example of anti-Semitism, it’s clear that Jews themselves are often highly anti-Semitic. For example, here are two posters that recently appeared in New York and London to celebrate a happy event in ultra-Orthodox Jewish life:

One Nation in New York: Agudath Israel celebrates a Talmudic milestone at the MetLife stadium

One Nation in London: Agudath Israel celebrates a Talmudic milestone at Wembley Arena

Note the slogan “One Nation. One Siyum.” A siyum is a complete communal reading of the Talmud, the strange, anti-Christian and anti-gentile scripture that is now central to Judaism (and that makes Judaism, in effect, younger than Christianity — the Talmud was composed in Palestine and Babylonia centuries after the death of Christ).

Murder of a poet

But what is the “One Nation” that has just completed “One Siyum”? Plainly, the nation can’t be the United States or the United Kingdom. Those are two separate countries whose inhabitants have mostly never even heard of the Talmud. And the same slogan is being used in both New York and London. No, “One Nation” obviously refers to ultra-Orthodox Jews living on opposite sides of the Atlantic. They don’t regard themselves as American or British, but as Jewish in both race and religion. The organization behind the Siyum celebrations, in which tens of thousands of ultra-Orthodox Jews packed stadiums in New York and London, is called Agudath Israel, which means “Union of Israel,” that is, union of the geographically dispersed Jewish people, wherever they happen to be in the world. Agudath Israel was founded in 1912, long before the founding of the physical state of Israel in 1948. At first the organization opposed Zionist attempts to create a literal homeland for the Jewish people, believing that Jews should wait for “divine intervention.”

Indeed, its opposition was too effective for the liking of some Zionists. In 1924 the militant and often murderous Zionist organization Haganah (the forerunner of the Israel Defense Forces or IDF) assassinated one of Agudath Israel’s most eloquent spokesmen, the Dutch-born poet Jacob Israël de Haan. Since then Agudath Israel has become “non-Zionist, rather than anti-Zionist,” and it has actually spawned an ultra-Orthodox political party in Israel called Agudat Yisrael. The party is small, never winning more than a handful of seats, but Israel’s system of proportional representation has allowed it to tip the balance of power and wield far greater influence than any equivalent parties in America or Britain.

A Jewish supremacist party

And equivalent parties in America or Britain would inevitably be called “far right” and condemned with labels like “racist,” “sexist,” “homophobic,” and “extremist.” Agudat Yisrael would accept all those labels with pride: it is a Jewish supremacist party upholding traditional Jewish values. It does not believe in welcoming non-Jewish refugees into Israel, permitting women to pursue careers outside the home, or celebrating homosexuals and their fascinating microbiological experiments. Agudat Yisrael and similar parties also represent Israel’s political future, thanks to much higher birth-rates among strongly religious Jews than among secular and liberal Jews.

The same discrepancy in birth-rates exists among Jews in America and Britain. That’s why Agudath Israel was able to fill stadiums in two major Western cities with enthusiastic young Talmudic scholars. And although it used a blatantly anti-Semitic slogan to promote its Siyum celebration, it didn’t need to worry about being prosecuted for hate. Plainly Agudath Israel is far “more loyal to the priorities of Jews worldwide” than to the nations of America and Britain. Indeed, it isn’t loyal to America or Britain at all. But Agudath Israel is a Jewish organization and Jews can state the truth about Jewish behaviour when it suits them. Goys can’t state the truth or they will be expelled from respectable society.

Inbreeding and ethnocentrism

And why should Agudath Israel be loyal to America or Britain? Its ideology is far more realistic and historically grounded than the race-blind universalism that currently governs the political and cultural mainstream in Western countries. I say “countries” advisedly, because they’re not true nations any more. But when Agudath Israel refers to ultra-Orthodox Ashkenazi Jews as “One Nation,” it’s using the word with perfect accuracy. “Nation” ultimately derives from the Latin verb nasci, meaning “to be born.” Ultra-Orthodox Ashkenazim, whether they live in New York or London, are bonded by blood, language and religion, and therefore form a true nation. Indeed, Ashkenazim are highly inbred by gentile standards and seem to have gone through a genetic bottleneck of around 350 ancestors sometime during the Middle Ages.

This inbreeding has undoubtedly contributed to the ethnocentrism of Ashkenazi Jews, who are bitterly accused of racism and prejudice by Mizrahic and Ethiopian Jews in Israel. But Ashkenazi Jews have cleverly projected their own ethnocentrism and ethnic nepotism onto White gentiles as part of the culture of critique. For example, in Britain the Equalities and Human Rights Commission (EHRC) is headed by two ethnocentric Jews: the lawyer Rebecca Hilsenrath and the homosexual-rights activist David Isaacs. Ms Hilsenrath has told the Jewish Chronicle that her well-paid role of hunting down White racism and xenophobia constitutes “the best job in the world.”

The Fine Line

The academic Sarah Fine is another Jewish woman who surely derives great satisfaction from her well-paid job attacking the White British. As the new decade began, the Jewish Chronicle was delighted with Fine’s answer to the vexed question of “Who decides who is British?” It’s certainly not the White British, whose racism, xenophobia and “lazy assumptions” make them entirely unfit for such important decisions. Instead, it’s Jews guided by the sacred Jewish value of “Welcoming the Stranger”:

Jewniversity: Sarah Fine

Who decides who is British? In the latest in David Edmonds’ series on Jewish academics he meets an academic whose focus is national identity

I usually ask the subjects of this column – “is there any link between your academic area and your ethnicity and cultural background?”. “No”, is the occasional curt response.

But Sarah Fine’s work focuses on issues of national identity, discrimination, immigration and minority rights. So, in her case, the connection with her Jewish upbringing is obvious.

Almost everyone reading this column will have parents, grandparents or great grandparents who arrived in this country from elsewhere. Had they not moved country, you, dear reader, would not exist. But would it have been within Britain’s right to deny your ancestors entry? Would it have been acceptable to turn grandfather Sholem away?

To most people, that might seem a silly question. The Brexit vote revealed how strongly many Brits feel about this. Of course, a state should be allowed to set immigration controls, to determine the criteria for entry, to police borders. That’s a fundamental right of every state. Surely?

Dr Fine, who teaches at King’s College London, wants to interrogate this lazy assumption.

On what grounds does the state claim this exclusionary right? Various arguments are offered. One is that the state has the right to defend itself — indeed, providing security is the state’s most basic function. Well, fair enough. That might give it a reason to exclude outsiders who are convicted murderers or ISIS fighters. But grandfather Sholem posed no danger to individuals or to the state.

But the state has always claimed the right to control its borders — doesn’t that, in and of itself, demonstrate its exclusionary right? Not really. Some states in the past (and a few still today) claimed the right to deny exit (think of the USSR) — can we really be confident that the denial of entry is morally superior to the denial of exit?

But we live in a democracy, and surely in a democracy the people get to decide on the rules: and the majority of people don’t want uncontrolled immigration. Well, what is a democracy and who are the people? Presumably, a democracy is a form of government in which autonomous agents like you and me get a say in laws that shape our lives. In the early 20th century, it was impossible to resist the argument that women should have the vote because women were affected by laws passed by parliament. But, in that case, is it so obvious that the voice of grandfather Sholem should be ignored? Whether he was granted entry to Britain was hugely important to him.

Here’s another argument. Should we not regard the state as just like a larger version of a golf club? And don’t we think that it’s fine for a golf club to exclude members? Up to a point. Many golf clubs excluded Jews until around the 1960s, and that doesn’t seem totally OK. In any case, states are not voluntary associations, and the stakes are far higher.

Let’s try a final tack. We need to control our borders to protect our culture, our way of life. Yet even if we grant there’s something in this, we should tread carefully. What is “our” way of life? Is the British way of life Christian? Can it include the way of life of minorities? Is it immutable, or can it evolve? And is protecting a way of life so important that it trumps grandfather Sholem’s desire to move here?

Sarah Fine has distant roots in Poland and Lithuania, but three of her grandparents were born in the north of England. Her parents both grew up in the tight-knit Jewish community in Sunderland. Most Sunderland Jews departed by the 1970s, and Dr Fine’s parents — the first in the family to attend university — settled in North London. It was a religious home, with a kosher kitchen. She attended the Sinai Jewish Primary School in Kenton.

She found aspects of religion difficult to reconcile with other beliefs and now describes herself as culturally Jewish rather than religious — but she wants to pass on some Jewish learning to her kids. As for her academic work, Sarah Fine says it’s partially inspired by a Torah portion she read during a women’s service when she was a teenager: “And you shall not oppress the stranger, for you know the soul of the strangers, for you were strangers in the land of Egypt”. (Who decides who is British?, The Jewish Chronicle, 3rd January 2020 / 6th Tevel 5780)

There you go: it’s grandfather Sholem and his descendants who get to decide who is British — and who is American, German, French, Swedish, Australian and so on. Grandfather Sholem might have been a highly superstitious and goyophobic Yiddish-speaker in Eastern Europe with no connections to any Western nation, but his “vote” outweighed any vote cast by the White citizens of any Christian nation to which he wished to emigrate. After all, “[w]hether he was granted entry … was hugely important to him.”

And welcoming the stranger is, according to Sarah Fine, a core Jewish value drawn from the Torah, or Jewish Bible. It isn’t, of course, because Israel trashes the Torah by sealing its borders with high-tech fences and refusing to accept any of the non-Jewish refugees that abound in the Middle East. Israel has very strict laws on citizenship, which deny citizenship to Arabs expelled during the formation of Israel, although their ancestors had lived in that region for millennia. No, Israel is a Jewish nation and Jews are determined it will remain that way. Britain was a White Christian nation and Jews were equally determined that it should not remain that way.

The core of mendacity

Meanwhile, Jews in America, Germany, France, Sweden and Australia were busy dismantling the national identity of millions of other goyim. The anti-White lies and propaganda began early in America, which Jews proclaimed to be a “nation of immigrants” and a “melting pot” for all creeds and colors. The same lies and propaganda arrived much later in Ireland, but are now doing sterling work in dismantling Irish identity and justifying mass immigration from the Third World. As we saw above, Britain has the Equalities and Human Rights Commission (EHRC) to enforce Jewish ideology. Ireland has an organization with a nearly identical name: the Irish Human Rights and Equality Commission (IHREC). There are no obvious Jews among its commissars, but there are plenty of lawyers and also two Black Congolese diversicrats: Fidèle Mutwarasibo, who has “a PhD in Sociology,” and Salome Mbugua, who has “a Master’s degree in Equality Studies.” And so Jewish ideology is certainly at work in the IHREC. That’s why it is busy issuing ludicrous propaganda posters like this:

A Big Black Lie: “Diversity is at the core of what it means to be Irish”

The poster, which features the Black IHREC commissar Salome Mbugua, makes an utterly ludicrous claim: “Diversity is at the core of what it means to be Irish.” You might as well say that “Disunity is at the core of what it means to be united” or “Blackness is at the core of what it means to be White.” And that is what the anti-Irish IHREC are saying: that anyone of any race from anywhere on Earth can be Irish. If that were true, being Irish would have no meaning except residence on Irish soil. It isn’t true, however. It’s a lie derived from the anti-White Jewish ideology of universalism, which seeks to dissolve all White bonds of identity and swamp White nations in a tide of non-White immigration from the corrupt, tribalist and highly illiberal Third World.

Unity for Jews, atomization for Whites

Jewish ideology has a simple underlying message: “Jews can, goys can’t.” Jews like Agudath Israel – meaning “Union of Israel,” remember – can celebrate Jewish unity and nationhood across vast geographic boundaries. Goys like the White Irish cannot form a nation of their own even within the shores of their isolated north Atlantic island, where the genetic, cultural and linguistic roots of Irishness go deep into prehistory.

Our Man in the Dáil: Jewish nation-dissolver Alan Shatter

And guess who opened the immigration floodgates in Ireland both for Black shysters like Fidèle Mutwarasibo and for Black criminals and welfare-eaters. It was the aptly named Jewish minister Alan Shatter, who was hailed by the Jewish Chronicle as “Our Man in the Dáil” (Irish government). Back across the Irish Sea, the Jewish minister Barbara Roche opened the immigration floodgates under the traitorous Tony Blair. The patterns of anti-White Jewish behaviour are very obvious, but the IHRA’s “definition of anti-Semitism” is designed to make them impossible to describe and analyse. Jews can have a nation of their own, goys can’t. What could be simpler than that?

Slavoj Zizek e o seu “Manual pervertido do antissemita”

“A teoria de [Kevin] MacDonald representa uma nova fase do longo processo de destruição da razão.”
(SLAVOJ ZIZEK)

“Zizek é, na melhor das hipóteses, um charlatão pernóstico.”
(THOMAS MOLLER-NIELSEN)

Este é um ensaio sobre o antissemitismo, mas como trata também de Slavoj Zizek, nós teremos de começar abordando a questão das relações extraconjugais. Bem no começo da minha carreira acadêmica, fui chamado para participar de um seminário interdisciplinar, no qual estudantes de pós-doutorado iriam falar rapidamente de suas pesquisas. O esperado era que eu, como alguém que havia recentemente concluído o pós-doutorado, fosse arguir os estudantes de forma dura, mas sempre no sentido de favorecê-los, para não prejudicar o saudável clima das relações pessoais harmoniosas no meu departamento. Deram para mim o programa das apresentações, e na mesma hora já me senti aborrecido com o besteirol feminista e o nhenhenhém semimarxista de contempladores do próprio umbigo, não havendo nada ali relacionado com os campos de pesquisa de meu interesse. Entretanto, eu estava ansioso para cumprir acertadamente minha tarefa e acabei me enquadrando no esquema por dever de ofício. Eu nunca vou me esquecer da primeira apresentação, porque foi muito surreal, o expositor era um afro-americano efeminado, ele recitou um poema intitulado “Pele negra”, falando sobre… bem, o leitor já entendeu o espírito da coisa. Mas o mais memorável evento do dia viria mais tarde, quando uma jovem apresentou trabalho sobre como a questão do gênero era tratada na mídia, ou alguma coisa assim. Eu não gostei da atitude dela, fiquei irritado e, na hora das perguntas, dei uma prensada nela. Uma figura veterana do departamento notou a minha reação e, depois de terminado o seminário, quis voltar à vaca fria. Era um historiador inglês de modos delicados, sobre quem havia muita fofoca. Ele me chamou à sala dele para uma discussão sobre política sexual e de gênero.

Eu me tornei politicamente consciente desde a minha adolescência. Estudei profundamente o marxismo desde quando eu tinha 17 anos e conhecia muito bem esse culto. Apesar disso tudo, eu não estava preparado para a aventura que me esperava na sala do inglês. As paredes eram decoradas com bandeirinhas vermelhas e quadros como que de santos com imagens de Lênin e Trotsky. Então eu pensei que ali se encontrava um comunista de carteirinha. Eu estava em presença de um devotado marxista, de alguém que, diante de mim, representava solitariamente o exemplo concreto da longa marcha para a conquista das instituições. Ele preparou o chá, e nós nos sentamos. Ele começou a discorrer, eu fiquei escutando. No preâmbulo de seu monólogo, meu anfitrião começou externando sua perspectiva pessoal, explicando que, mesmo nas coisas pertinentes ao seu mundo particular, ele se empenhava por viver de acordo com as suas “convicções socialistas”. Antes de se casar, ele disse, ele e sua noiva acordaram entre si que não prestariam os tradicionais juramentos, que não seriam possessivos, que nenhum deles prometeria ser exclusivamente do outro. Eles poderiam “esperar” exclusividade, mas não a poderiam exigir. Eles acreditavam em “liberdade”, ele disse, acrescentando que o progressismo social e a moderna política sexual e de gênero se resumiam a isso. Ele deu a entender que não havia nenhuma razão para ninguém rir disso ou se sentir incomodado com isso.

Mas havia, sim. Eu tinha ouvido um zunzunzum no câmpus de que a mulher desse advogado do “amor livre” estivera cumprindo curto prazo de docência na Noruega e que recentemente tinha decidido ficar por lá mesmo com um namorado norueguês com quem ela tinha tido um caso durante um tempinho. Na Noruega ela vivia com as duas crianças de seu marido “oficial” e fazia de tudo para não deixar que o  chifrudo bonacheirão inglês e amante de Lênin pudesse ver os filhos. A casa da família acabou sendo-lhe tirada pela “ex”, e meu colega marxista passou a morar numa pensão. Trágico? Bem possivelmente. Risível? Com certeza. Tudo isso veio à minha lembrança enquanto o corno manso leninista sentado diante de mim falava dos frios votos de seu casamento, a xícara de chá na mão, olhos marejados de… lágrimas? Efeito do vapor do chá, ele disse, enquanto enxugava-os, rapidamente desviando seu olhar para a janela. Eu fiquei na minha, só olhando para a cara dele. O tempo passava, e aos poucos ele foi se aquietando, até silenciar. Então, agradeci protocolarmente e empreendi fuga dali, respirando fundo quando saí do prédio. Nunca mais na minha vida pus os pés naquele escritório.

O que isso tudo tem a ver com o antissemitismo? Da perspectiva da grande vedete intelectual marxista Slavoj Zizek, tem tudo a ver, porquanto, como iremos mostrar, a infidelidade e o antissemitismo estão irrefutavelmente ligados. Eu digo “irrefutavelmente’ com muita segurança, porque os argumentos dele são irrefutáveis — e são irrefutáveis porque não obedecem à lógica.

Vamos lá! Primeiramente, quem é Slavoj Zizek? Ostensivamente, ele é um respeitado filósofo da Eslovênia e professor em Nova Iorque e Londres, que se ocupa de campos variados do saber, como ciência política, cultura, psicanálise,  crítica de cinema, marxismo, teologia e as filosofias de Hegel e Jacques Lacan. Ele mesmo é o tema mais batido do seu The International Journal of Žižek Studies e já foi considerado “o Elvis [Presley] da teoria cultural” e “o mais perigoso filósofo do Ocidente”. Zizek goza de grande popularidade entre não acadêmicos e jovens esquerdistas, devido principalmente à técnica de comunicação que lhe é peculiar, às referências que faz à cultura de massa em suas palestras, às suas “piadas obscenas” e aos títulos de suas conferências e documentários, sempre contendo a expressão “Guia dos perversos…”. Em abril de 2019, Zizek e Jordan Peterson lotaram o Centro Cultural da Sony em Toronto para debater o tema “Felicidade: capitalismo versus marxismo”, que alguns chamaram de “o debate do século”, embora muitos dissessem depois que fora decepcionante. O importante aqui é levar em conta a grande audiência de Zizek e o fato de geralmente ser tido como pensador sério. Isto significa que suas manifestações são influentes, razão por que interessa examinar o que Zizek tem a dizer dos judeus e do antissemitismo.

As ideias de Zizek sobre temas específicos podem ser difíceis de determinar, porque ele esparrama suas perspectivas por diferentes livros, numerosos artigos e muitas palestras e entrevistas. Fica claro, entretanto, ao se comparar o número de visualizações de suas postagens no YouTube com a frequência à ciberteca dele chamada The Philosophical Salon, a qual serve de vitrina para seus escritos tópicos, que ele se destaca mais como animador audiovisual do que como um escritor sério. O antissemitismo não é assunto sobre que Zizek tenha se debruçado aturada e interessadamente, ainda assim, curiosamente, ele está sempre dando palpites sobre essa questão em algumas de suas palestras dedicadas ao tema. A partir daqui estudaremos as teorias de Zizek sobre o antissemitismo.

I. A patologia da paranoia invejosa

Como legatário da psicanálise de Freud e Jacques Lacan, Zizek recorre fortemente a teorias psicanalíticas do antissemitismo em suas publicações escritas e audiovisuais. Neste ponto voltamos ao assunto das relações extraconjugais, porque num ensaio de fevereiro de 2016 sobre a crise da imigração, publicado no New Statesman, Zizek dizia o seguinte:

Jacques Lacan alegava que, mesmo se a denúncia de um marido ciumento que acusasse a mulher de dormir com outros homens fosse verdadeira, o ciúme dele seria patológico. Por quê? Porque a verdadeira questão não está em saber se o ciúme do marido tem fundamento na traição real da mulher, antes importa saber a razão pela qual o marido precisa de seu ciúme para manter a própria identidade. Analogamente, pode-se dizer que mesmo se as falsas acusações dos nazistas que incriminavam os judeus de explorar os alemães e seduzir suas mulheres fossem verdadeiras, seu antissemitismo ainda seria (e era) patológico, porquanto recalcava a verdadeira razão pela qual os nazistas precisavam do antissemitismo, qual seja, sustentar sua posição ideológica. E não é isso, exatamente, o que ocorre hoje em relação ao medo crescente dos refugiados e imigrantes? Estendendo o raciocínio a um caso extremo, podemos concluir que, mesmo se os nossos preconceitos em relação a eles fossem verdadeiros, mesmo se eles fossem fundamentalistas, terroristas, assaltantes, estupradores, ainda assim as advertências paranoicas de uma ameaça imigratória seriam patologia ideológica. Essa nossa atitude enquanto europeus fala mais de nós do que dos imigrantes.

Há muito nisso daí para ser periciado, mas uma rápida leitura já causa espanto, porque o texto é um desastre da lógica e porque muitos consideram o seu autor um sério e celebrado filósofo da cultura contemporânea. O primeiro problema é, evidentemente, a citação do ridículo Lacan como se fosse uma autoridade, como se o que ele diz valesse alguma coisa. Se um homem tem provas suficientes para acreditar que sua mulher esteja sendo infiel, então seria difícil taxar o marido de ciumento ou, mais ainda, de patológico, porque ele estaria apenas reagindo para defender seus interesses (sexual, reprodutivo, financeiro, emocional, até religioso e profissional — o que não teria nada de surpreendente para um evolucionista). Também não procede dizer que ele precise do ciúme a fim de manter sua identidade. Na verdade, o que iria acabar com a identidade dele seria a traição mesma, pois o aspecto emocional e todos os outros constituintes de sua vida de homem e de marido estariam solapados no contexto da infidelidade. Kevin MacDonald observou que o ativismo intelectual judeu, especialmente aquele comprometido com a psicanálise, costuma se valer de interesses pessoais para escolher argumentos, os quais são formulados em linguagem universal. Jacques Lacan não era judeu, mas suas teorias sobre o ciúme e a infidelidade, incluindo sua famosa afirmação de que “Não existe essa coisa de relacionamento sexual”, sempre foram de um subjetivismo interessado, não há dúvida quanto a isso. Catherine Millot, uma de suas pacientes, rememorava em autobiografia de 2017, Life with Lacan, que “ele tinha casos com pacientes e ex-mulheres de seus mais chegados amigos” e a muitos deles propunha sexo grupal.

Voltando a Zizek, então, aquela declaração dele pode ser resumida nos seguintes termos: mesmo se os protestos contra a influência judia na sociedade ocidental correspondessem a razões de fato, à semelhança das acusações daquele marido desconfiado da mulher, “tais protestos continuariam a ser patologia ideológica” dos europeus de que depende a manutenção da identidade europeia. Nesta altura alguém deveria solicitar a Zizek que definisse exatamente como qualquer acusação contra qualquer coisa poderia não ser manifestação de uma doença. Por exemplo, mesmo se a crítica de Marx ao capitalismo se provasse verdadeira, como é que as acusações contra a burguesia enquanto classe poderiam ser menos patológicas do que as acusações contra os judeus enquanto classe? Será que Zizek acha que os marxistas são patológicos por precisarem da paranoia antiburguesa para manter a própria identidade? Duvido. Ele deve pensar, então, que só as acusações formuladas pela direita são patológicas, mas se é assim, é assim por quê? Como alguém pode acusar terroristas, estupradores e ladrões sem perder o pleno gozo de suas faculdades mentais? Será que o acusador deve estar sendo decapitado, estuprado ou roubado? Não, nesses casos talvez a acusação ainda decorresse de alguma perturbação mental. Deve ser presumido que o acusador sentir-se-á tentado a manter a própria identidade por meio da paranoia persecutória, enquanto não tiver sido esquartejado.

Deixando de lado o sarcasmo, não seria esse o caso de considerar que na vida, geralmente, as incriminações partem do mundo real das perspectivas e dos interesses de indivíduos ou grupos e que a medicalização das denúncias de um partido seja simplesmente uma forma de combater os interesses desse partido e deslegitimar sua perspectiva?[1] Não estará Zizek, simplesmente, por razões desconhecidas (que, apesar disso, certamente não prejudicaram sua carreira), oferecendo uma explicação do antissemitismo totalmente sem lógica no intento de coonestar a “verdade sem importância” do comportamento judeu? Eu não acredito em que Zizek seja um filossemita, conforme entendo esse termo. Classificação mais apropriada dele colocá-lo-ia nas categorias de “sincero e ingênuo seguidor do credo marxista” e de “charlatão pedante”. Isso se evidencia nas muitas declarações dele sobre o antissemitismo, as quais não passam de cruas e irrefletidas regurgitações de Jean-Paul Sartre, que foi um firme defensor da tese da “verdade sem importância”.

II. As tais contradições que não existem.

Enquanto a primeira entre as maiores características das interpretações psicanalíticas de viés marxista do antissemitismo consiste na negação de qualquer justificada denúncia como causa legítima da origem do fenômeno, a segunda dessas características consiste na indicação de supostas contradições da perspectiva antissemita. Numa palestra que proferiu em 2009 na European Graduate School sobre o tema Anti-Semitism, Anti-Semite and Jew [O antissemitismo, o antissemita e os judeus], Zizek argumentou que o antissemitismo coloca o judeu numa “impossível alteridade” e continuou dizendo o seguinte:

Uma das ironias da história do antissemitismo é que os judeus podem representar, na mundivisão antissemítica, os dois polos de uma oposição. Eles são estigmatizados como a classe superior, os ricos, os açambarcadores que nos exploram mas, por outro lado, são vistos como a classe inferior, os pobres e sujos. Eles são percebidos como muito intelectualizados ou muito mundanos, predadores sexuais e por aí vai. São os preguiçosos mas, também, os viciados em trabalho.

Na minha resenha de 2015 sobre o livro de Theodore Isaac Rubin (1923-2019) intitulado Anti-Semitism: A Disease of the Mind [Antissemitismo: uma doença da mente], eu observei que Rubin, um psicanalista confesso, declarou que “o judeu” era quase que só um símbolo na mente do antissemita, e ainda que o antissemitismo contém uma lista quilométrica de contradições e “superlativos mutuamente excludentes”. A ideia de que o antissemitismo contém contradições lógicas é clichê das narrativas, histórias e apologética judias. Por exemplo, o historiador judeu Derek Penslar afirmou que “Os argumentos do antissemita são, pela própria natureza, ilógicos, imprecisos e indefensáveis.”[2] Jeffrey Herf prega que o antissemitismo é “eivado de contradições e altamente irracional.” [3] Esse tipo de resposta ao antissemitismo descende de poderosa linhagem. Kevin MacDonald já fez saber que boa parte do A personalidade autoritária, da Escola de Francforte, foi “uma tentativa de demonstrar a irracionalidade do antissemitismo pela indicação de que os antissemitas têm crenças contraditórias sobre os judeus. (…) A personalidade autoritária exagera a natureza autocontraditória das crenças antissemíticas para assim salientar a irracional, a subjetiva natureza do antissemitismo.”[4]

No trabalho de Rubin assim como no de Zizek, vemos acusações contra os judeus que são consistentes, se consideradas em seu contexto, ou que provavelmente nunca foram feitas por nenhum dos considerados antissemitas. Por exemplo, Rubin escreveu que todos os antissemitas atribuem aos judeus os seguintes predicados:

  1. estúpidos, brilhantes;
  2. todo-poderosos, fracos;
  3. cosmopolitas, provincianos;
  4. malandros, ingênuos;
  5. supersensíveis, insensíveis;
  6. negrofílicos, superpreconceituosos;
  7. os mais ricos, os mais pobres;
  8. artísticos, desartísticos;
  9. mamonistas, esnobes pedantes;
  10. exossociados, endossociados.

Mas as “contradições” oferecidas por Rubin e Zizek são simplificações extremas.  No seu Culture of Critique, Kevin MacDonald analisou os trabalhos de Levinson, Ackerman e Jahoda nos quais esses autores pretenderam denunciar o comportamento contraditório daqueles que têm os judeus na conta de tribalistas e evitadores despicientes, mesmo enquanto esperam que os judeus sofram segregação e restrições. Também pretenderam revelar outra atitude contraditória em relação aos judeus: a de que seriam tribalistas e socialmente invasivos.[5] De igual modo, Zizek oferece a formulação de que existe uma inerente contradição nas crenças antissemíticas do “particularismo” e do “cosmopolitismo” judeus. Mas, diz MacDonald:

A concordância entre os termos de cada um daqueles itens não é autocontraditória. Tais atitudes são provavelmente componente comum dos processos reativos discutidos em  Separation and Its Discontents. Os judeus são vistos por estes antissemitas como membros de um grupo fortemente coesivo, que tenta penetrar os círculos de poder e alta posição da sociedade inclusiva, talvez até mesmo solapando a coesão desses círculos, ao passo que conservam seu próprio separatismo e espírito tribal. A crença em que os judeus devam sofrer restrição é completamente consistente com essa atitude. Além disso, estereótipos contraditórios sobre os judeus, representando-os como capitalistas e comunistas podem ser aplicados pelos antissemitas a diferentes grupos de judeus.[6]

De igual modo, as “contradições” de Rubin podem ser resolvidas bem rapidamente, tão logo seja evitada toda simplificação excessiva. Nunca ou só raramente os judeus são retratados simplesmente como “negrófilos”, mas são frequentemente vistos como estando de maranha com os pretos em lugares como o Sul dos Estados Unidos e a África do Sul, juntos, neste último país, para derrubar o Apartaide.    Até onde sei, esse comportamento nunca foi pensado como decorrente do altruísmo amoroso dos judeus para com os pretos. Antes, essa é uma união incrivelmente desigual, cujo fim último é servir aos judeus interessados em solapar a estrutura do poder branco nos Estados Unidos. A NAACP [National Association for the Advancement of Colored People], por exemplo, apesar de declaradamente constituir organização antissegregacionista, esteve fundamentalmente dividida  entre os judeus, que a dirigiam, e os seus badamecos pretos. Como Hasia Diner registra no seu In the Almost Promised Land: American Jews and Blacks, 1915–1935, muitos na direção judaica da NAACP “trabalhavam mais intensamente com outros judeus.”[7]

O enquadramento dos judeus como “os piores fanáticos” corresponde a esse caráter oportunístico e tutelar de sua relação com os negros e também à tradição da propriedade escravista entre populações judias, como ainda às referências talmúdicas extremamente negativas aos africanos. Por exemplo, em The Image of the Black in Jewish Culture, Abraham Melamed explica que os romanos tinham uma “teoria climática” da raça, na qual “atribuíam a inferior condição psicossocial dos negros ao sul e dos brancos ao norte à geografia e ao clima inóspitos de suas regiões”, mas também acreditavam na “possibilidade de mudança e melhoramento”. Em contrapartida, o magistério rabínico era muito mais determinista, doutrinando que os negros estariam “eternamente sujeitos à escravidão”.[8]

As outras “contradições” apontadas por Rubin e Zizek são igualmente frágeis. Por exemplo, a história mostra que a propaganda antijudaica representando o judeu como estúpido é extremamente rara. Ao invés disso, é generalizada a noção da extrema competência do judeu na luta pela vida, é notória a propensão dele para alcançar posições dominantes na economia, na cultura, na política. Existe, por outro lado, a subnoção de que a “genialidade do judeu” é exagerada e resultaria, na verdade, de suas redes étnicas de ajuda mútua, mas há pouca dúvida de que as tentativas de confrontar a influência judaica decorreram da necessidade de lidar com a ameaça real da inteligência judia e a consequente capacidade estratégica e organizativa do judeu. O judeu não tem nada de burro em nenhum lugar. Tampouco foi ele considerado extraordinariamente “artístico” em qualquer momento da literatura antissemítica. Na realidade, outra noção consensual do pensamento contra o judeu é que lhe falte genuíno talento artístico, e no passado isso foi ligado ao fato de lhes ter sido proibida a arte da escultura. A obra de Wagner Das Judenthum in der Musik pode ser vista como clássica a esse respeito.

Contrariamente ao que diz Zizek, os judeus nunca foram realmente retratados como pobres ou pertencentes à “classe inferior” da sociedade, tirante o breve período no começo do século XX, quando as primeiras massas de imigrantes judeus chegaram à Europa Ocidental e aos Estados Unidos, egressas do antigo Império Russo. Mas essa circunstância foi muito específica em termos de tempo e espaço, e mesmo então os contemporâneos observavam com frequência quão notável era a ascensão econômica dos imigrantes judeus. Outrossim, Zizek estabelece a oposição entre ser intelectual e ser um predador sexual, o que aparentemente desafia qualquer consistência lógica. Estaria Zizek sugerindo que intelectuais sentem menos desejo sexual? Nesse caso, então, como ele explica as vidas de alguns de seus heróis intelectuais, como Sartre e Lacan, que foram grandes predadores sexuais? Sartre vivia sob a obsessão da defecação e dos excrementos, como Freud, aliás, e Lacan deleitava-se de peidar e arrotar em público. Uma pergunta ainda mais importante: será que Zizek vê alguma contradição ou falta de lógica no fato comprovado da super-representação dos judeus tanto na academia quanto na indústria pornográfica? Outra: poderia Zizek apontar qualquer pensador antissemita que tenha atribuído ao judeu a dupla condição de “preguiçoso e labormaníaco”? Nesta altura cabe tomar de empréstimo as palavras da brilhante autodescrição do escritor Cormac McCarthy, ao dizer que o judeu “trabalha muito para não fazer nada”, ou seja, que os judeus se concentraram em negócios de não trabalho, especialmente aqueles relacionados com a circulação de dinheiro, nos quais eles se destacam como grandes inovadores, e outros setores econômicos que só podem ser chamados de parasitários.

Essas posições antijudaicas são todas muito consistentes. Entretanto, os acadêmicos judeus e seus aliados marxistas fogem conscientemente dessa realidade ou dela se protegem na inconsciência da autoilusão, persistindo na tese de que o antijudaísmo é, de alguma forma, inerentemente contraditório. Para Zizek, como para Rubin e inúmeros judeus, as “contradições” são reais e resultam da psique fraturada e dos desejos frustrados do “antissemita”. Rubin já opinou que “Os conflitos interiores têm grande poder e são vistos à luz do ódio de si mesmo ou à luz da simples idealização, do que resulta geralmente a polarização. Esta polarização faz com que seja necessário projetar características para englobar os extremos conflitantes.” Na realidade, esses pseudoacadêmicos estão carregando contra moinhos de vento — o alvo que eles imaginam atingir não existe.

III. O judeu como fetiche do fascismo antissemita

Num lance especialmente irônico, os marxistas também apresentam suas próprias contradições do antissemitismo e dos supostos aspectos psicossociais do antissemita. Além de dizerem que o antissemitismo é proposição ideológica contraditória, irracional e patológica, os marxistas também argumentam que há nele certa lógica, embora equivocada ou mal orientada. Este segundo argumento vem da teoria marxista de que o antissemitismo é manipulação pela qual a classe dominante oferece “o judeu” como distração ou “fetiche” para os trabalhadores explorados de modo que a exploração capitalista possa continuar. Zizek é um forte defensor dessa teoria.

Em sua conferência de 2009 na European Graduate School, intitulada O antissemitismo, o antissemita e o judeu, Zizek sugeriu que o antissemitismo começou quando

Predicados atribuídos aos judeus disseminaram-se por toda a sociedade. O comércio tornava-se hegemônico […]. Tudo isso não começou na Roma antiga, mas sim na Europa dos séculos XI e XII, que transitava do marasmo da chamada Idade das Trevas para a fase do rápido crescimento das trocas mercantis e da importância do dinheiro. Nesse preciso momento, o judeu emergiu como o inimigo, o intruso parasitário que perturbava o edifício da harmonia social.

Situar as origens do antissemitismo na cristandade medieval e não na Antiguidade é uma marca notória da apologética judia, uma tática para culpar os cristãos em ascensão pelo antissemitismo. A tendência alcançou seu apogeu no trabalho do historiador não judeu Gavin Langmuir (1924–2005), agora lembrado e celebrado pelos judeus e “psicanaliticoides” como uma “autoridade mundial em antissemitismo.” A explicação de Langmuir para o antissemitismo influenciou várias tendências que transformaram os estudos históricos das atitudes antijudaístas durante os anos sessentas e setentas. Estas décadas assistiram a certo abandono dos estudos focados nos indivíduos “preconceituosos” — trabalhos que predominaram nos anos quarentas e cinquentas, a exemplo da obra paradigmática A personalidade autoritária — e assistiram, paralelamente, à emergência de estudos nos quais culturas e épocas inteiras eram consideradas “doentes”. Nos estudos daquelas duas primeiras décadas já estavam fortemente implicadas condenações da cultura ocidental, com certeza, mas foi com trabalhos como Has Anti-Semitism Roots in Christianity? (1961), de Jules Isaac, e Anti-Semitism and the Christian Mind (1969), de Alan Davies, que as sentenças condenatórias ficaram mais explícitas. Langmuir aproveitou-se disso para pranchar a crista dessa onda.

Conforme esse novo paradigma das explicações psicológicas do “preconceito”, passou-se a considerar que grupos, sociedades e culturas, em sua totalidade (mas apenas grupos, sociedades e culturas do Ocidente, é claro), podiam sofrer processos psicológicos coletivos como a projeção e o narcisismo. A psicanálise teve decisiva influência no desenvolvimento dessa pseudo-historiografia. Na verdade, muitos desses trabalhos não foram escritos por historiadores ou cientistas sociais, mas sim por psicanalistas como Avner Falk. O trabalho de Langmuir seguiu o exemplo do que os judeus publicavam, negando que na Idade Média as populações judaicas tenham sido responsáveis pelas reações negativas da parte dos cristãos, como também imputando às sociedades cristãs do Ocidente  a profunda disfunção psicológica com sintomas de fantasia, repressão e sadismo.

Apesar de pouco saber de como evoluiu toda a legislação medieval, Langmuir houve por bem entregar-se rapidamente a pronunciamentos grandiloquentes sobre a natureza e as origens do sentimento antijudaico na Europa ao longo dos séculos.  Seus trabalhos, faltos de maiores leituras, o que miserandas evidências revelavam frequentemente, retratavam o antissemitismo como “basicamente um fenômeno ocidental”.[9] Arrogante, ele reclamava para si a glória de haver conseguido “definir o cristianismo e categorizar suas manifestações, inclusive o catolicismo, de forma objetiva”.[10] Descarado, ele confessou em seus livros que “não iria discutir as atitudes dos pagãos para com os judeus na Antiguidade”.[11] Censurador, ele dizia que as tentativas de formular explicações das relações intergrupais de judeus com não judeus em termos de racionalidade, interesse e conflito eram “esforços equivocados e pseudocientíficos de teoristas raciais”, e até mesmo que o tratamento do antissemitismo que levasse em conta as explicações dadas pelo senso comum seria “desastroso”.[12] Em vez disso, o antissemitismo consistiria, “tanto por sua origem quanto por suas recentes e mais horríveis manifestações … na hostilidade irracional do pensamento sobre os judeus”.[13] Langmuir parece ter situado sua discussão sobre as origens do antissemitismo no período medievo sobretudo pelo que ele mesmo disse: “Meus conhecimentos da história do Ocidente são respeitáveis, mas apenas a partir da queda do Império Romano, e eu me sinto mais à vontade ao tratar da Idade Média.”[14] Apesar do pretenso recorte temporal, as recentes teorias de Langmuir são generalizantes, e seu trabalho, tal quais os de uma série de teóricos judeus da psicologia social, como Norman Cohn e Joshua Trachtenberg, sofre ataque de considerável intensidade de Hannah Johnson, medievalista inglesa formada em Princeton, especialmente por seu Blood libel: the ritual murder accusation at the limit of jewish history (2012).

A única coisa que Zizek fez com a sua própria teoria é o quase plágio das teorias psicossociais já existentes, como aquelas de Langmuir, simplesmente substituindo o cristianismo pelo capital e deixando intacto tudo o mais no modelo interpretativo. A teoria de Zizek parte da mesma base, tem o mesmo viés da medicalização (patologização), as mesmas simplificações extremas e a mesma atenuação ou negação do antagonismo no comportamento judeu.

Quem quiser acreditar que alguma coisa nova teve lugar nas relações entre judeus e europeus no século XI deverá atribuí-la ao aumento e à expansão radicais da população judaica nesse período, não ao aumento do capital.[15] Em outras palavras, “os judeus emergiram como inimigos” na Europa Ocidental simplesmente porque “os judeus emergiram” na Europa Ocidental, e a animosidade terá sido produto do comportamento associado ao judeu emergente.

O aspecto problemático da datação que Zizek estabelece, entretanto, reside em que o antissemitismo na Europa Ocidental, se é que tenha algo de singular, originou-se no século X, com a formação de relacionamentos entre os judeus e a elite, sob os carolíngios, e com a estratégia antijudaica de Agobard, o arcebispo espanhol de Lião. O interessante é que Zizek não especifica nenhum evento ou personalidade que possa ter começado “tudo isso”. Tampouco ele explica se tais eventos como, por exemplo, rebeliões antijudaicas, seguiram-se a supostas crises capitalistas e suas consequências: carência, fome, guerra. A esse respeito, deve ser notado que o período carolíngio não tem sido descrito pelos historiadores como de expansão capitalista, mas sim de “completo retrocesso econômico e social”.[16] Então, o antissemitismo acompanha a progressão ou a regressão econômica? O antissemitismo dimana da prosperidade e da competição pelo excedente econômico ou advém do declínio econômico e da fome? Se o antissemitismo for expressão das frustrações dos trabalhadores explorados sob o capitalismo, então por que ele reponta em momentos tão diferentes como a libertação dos servos e a decadente República de Weimar dos clangorosos anos vintes? Zizek não tem nenhuma resposta a dar porque ele não se coloca essas questões.

Na sua palestra da European Graduate School, Zizek observou que “O grande mistério do antissemitismo está na explicação da sua persistência. Por que ele persiste apesar de todas as mudanças históricas?”. Zizek omite a informação de que o antissemitismo também persistiu em todos os contextos econômicos, incluindo o comunismo, o que torna qualquer interpretação marxista do fenômeno completamente descabida. Não obstante, Zizek apresenta a seguinte elucubração:

[O antissemitismo] implica a falsa identificação do antagonismo de um inimigo. Como todos sabemos, a luta de classes ou qualquer outra luta social é deslocada para que se lhe substitua a animosidade contra os judeus, de sorte que a raiva do povo que geme sob a exploração seja desviada das relações capitalistas para o conspiracionismo judeu. […] quando o antissemita diz que “Os judeus são a causa da nossa miséria”, ele realmente refere que o Grande Capital é a causa da nossa miséria. Os trabalhadores têm o direito de se rebelarem contra a exploração, mas eles dirigem sua raiva contra o alvo errado. […] o judeu é o fetiche do fascista antissemita. […] o antissemitismo é só uma manipulação por parte da classe dominante, que assim fica livre para explorar [os trabalhadores].

Essa tese é profundamente problemática, devido principalmente aos pressupostos do argumento. Entre as mais salientes dessas suposições está a de que a grande maioria dos antissemitas (aqueles que reclamam do comportamento ou da influência dos judeus) seja cegamente acrítica relativamente ao grande capital e a de que o grande capital e o estabilismo da classe dominante não sejam significativamente judaicos. Sem a aceitação dessas hipóteses não poderiam apresentar o antissemitismo como grosseira e contraprodutiva manipulação. A par dessas questionáveis conjecturas, deve-se também considerar que Zizek escamoteia a questão das relações especiais que os judeus, indubitavelmente, sempre entretiveram com o capitalismo, particularmente com o capitalismo parasitário, não orgânico (por exemplo, a agiotagem extorsiva enquanto contrária ao princípio básico da propriedade privada). Esses problemas serão considerados individualmente a seguir.

IV. As críticas antissemíticas do capitalismo

A assertiva de que os antissemitas seriam cegamente acríticos em relação ao grande capital ou, por isso mesmo, em relação aos excessos de qualquer sistema financeiro vai bem contra o registro histórico. Antes de Marx e Engels, havia instâncias de verdade, autênticas, de forte sentido étnico ou nacional inspiradas no “socialismo”, nas quais as reclamações contra a atividade judaica eram comuns. Um excelente exemplo é William Cobbett (1763–1835), trabalhador rural, jardineiro, comerciário, soldado, jornalista e político inglês. Cobbett opôs-se às leis dos cereais Corn Laws, uma legislação imposta entre 1815 e 1846 contra a importação de grãos mais baratos, a qual manteve artificialmente elevado o preço dos alimentos no mercado interno. Cobbett culpou a aristocracia britânica, cada vez mais presumida e tacanha, e sua mentalidade mercantilista — formada na rolagem de dívida — pela queda na qualidade de vida da classe operária inglesa e pela Grande Fome na Irlanda. O seu jornal Political Register é frequentemente considerado o pioneiro do jornalismo popular radical e foi o jornal mais lido pelos trabalhadores. Sua ferrenha oposição à aristocracia britânica levou o governo a considerar sua prisão por sedição em 1817 — quando rumores nesse sentido forçaram Cobbett a se refugiar nos Estados Unidos, onde ficou até que a poeira baixasse dois anos depois. Quando ele voltou, bateu-se pela Reform Act, de 1832, que ampliou direitos eleitorais e abriu caminho para a expansão da democracia nas Ilhas Britânicas.

Cobbett foi também um oponente resoluto dos judeus. Ele foi um dos grandes campeões da emancipação política católica e, ao mesmo tempo, inimigo feroz e incansável da emancipação política judaica. Ele acusava o afastamento do judeu em relação às massas, rejeitando a ideia de que os judeus deveriam ter voz no governo, a menos que se lhe apontassem “um judeu que alguma vez na vida tivesse segurado o cabo de uma picareta, que tivesse feito seu próprio casaco ou seu sapato, que tivesse feito alguma coisa, enfim, que não fosse arrancar todo o dinheiro que podia do bolso do povo”.[17] “Os judeus”, dizia Cobbett, “não merecem nenhuma imunidade, nenhum privilégio, nenhuma propriedade de casa, terra ou água, nenhum direito civil ou político. (…) Eles devem ser considerados alienígenas em todo lugar, devem estar sempre ao dispor absoluto do poder soberano do Estado, tão completamente como se fossem substância inanimada”. Ele enaltecia, frequentemente, a expulsão dos judeus da Inglaterra sob Eduardo I. O ativista acadêmico judeu Anthony Julius cita Cobbett como tendo dito que “Os judeus estragaram a França e destruíram a Polônia” e que os judeus “Vivem chafurdando na lama podre da usura (…), são extorsionários por força do hábito e de um quase instinto”. Julius lamenta que “O antissemitismo de Cobbett tenha exercido certa influência difusa sobre os radicais no começo do século XIX, pelo menos quanto ao vocabulário. (…) Cobbett gozou de imensa popularidade no seu tempo e deixou sólida reputação póstuma”. Em 1830, Cobbett publicou Good Friday: or the Murder of Jesus Christ by the Jews [Sexta-feira Santa: ou o assassinato de Jesus Cristo pelos judeus], e aí escreveu o seguinte:

[Os judeus estão] do lado da extorsão em todo lugar, colaborando com a tirania na exploração fiscal; e, em todo lugar, são ferozes inimigos dos direitos e das liberdades populares. (…) A pletora da dívida e da miséria é o elemento em que prosperam, como aves de rapina e bestas carniceiras, os judeus engordam em tempos de pestilência. (…)Essa raça figura sempre como ferramenta nas mãos de tiranos para espoliar o povo; eles são os fazendeiros dos impostos cruéis; eles dão apoio ao despotismo, que de outra forma não se manteria.

Em Paper Against Gold [O papel contra o ouro] (1812), Cobbett expôs sua visão de que os conceitos de papel-moeda e dívida nacional eram essencialmente uma “fraude” dos judeus com a “conivência” de uma aristocracia gananciosa e incapaz. A princípio lealista, Cobbett depois passou a considerar que, embora o conceito de aristocracia não fosse de todo ruim ou ilegítimo, a aristocracia britânica houvera traído e parasitado o povo de que devia ser dirigente. O fato de a aristocracia haver aderido ao pensamento judeu, por laços de sangue e interesses financeiros, havia sido sugerido mais fortemente no Political Register, de 6 de dezembro de 1817:

Agora que eles cometem a insolência de se referirem a nós como “as ordens baixas”, devemos estar preparados, dispor de conhecimentos aplicáveis, deixemos que esses diabos pernósticos se casem uns com os outros, até que, como os judeus, eles tenham todos uma e mesma face, um e mesmo par de olhos, um e mesmo nariz. Se puderem impedir que seja melhorado o próprio sangue com a contribuição de seus mordomos, e que assim sejam fortalecidos os membros de sua fragilizada raça, deixemos que façam isso; e vamos nos preparar para quando chegar o dia da derrubada deles. Eles nos desafiaram para o combate. Eles declararam guerra contra nós.

As visões de Cobbett marcam-se pela oposição feroz ao capital financeiro e à classe dominante, como também aquelas de “infames antissemitas” tais como   Wilhelm Marr, Adolf Stoecker, Georg Ritter von Schonerer, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon e Alphonse Toussenel, que combinaram uma crítica radical do grande capital com a contestação do papel específico dos judeus nas finanças, na cultura, na política e na sociedade. De fato, muitas dessas figuras locucionaram as razões pelas quais uma crítica separada e distinta do “Semitismo” fazia-se necessária. A principal característica do socialismo do século XIX consistiu no seu forte antissemitismo, o qual rejeitou alegações judeo-marxistas que se diziam parte “do povo”, e muitos socialistas antijudeus retrataram tais alegações como estratégias oportunistas e ocultas dos judeus para reassegurar seu poder sob a nova forma de governo. Uma das mais memoráveis manifestações daquele tempo a esse respeito foi a observação do socialista francês Pierre-Joseph Proudhon de que Karl Marx nada tinha de legítimo, sendo antes “a tênia do socialismo”. Proudhon (1809–1865), por muitos considerado o pai do anarquismo, via os “aliados” judeus aparentemente socialistas, a exemplo de Heinrich Heine, “apenas como espiões disfarçados” cuja agenda secreta deveria garantir a continuação dos antigos privilégios e validismos judeus sob a camuflagem de suposta justiça social. À luz da trajetória histórica da crítica antijudaica e da biografia dos seus maiores proponentes, a afirmação de Zizek de que o antissemitismo seria só “fetiche” para desviar o olhar crítico focado no capitalismo não tem nenhuma sustentação.

V. Os judeus, o grande capital e a classe dominante

Outrossim, a sugestão de que o grande capital e o estabilismo da classe dominante não são e não têm sido significativamente judeus ao longo da história      não tem sustentação. Zizek simplifica e faz caricatura da Idade Média como tempo em que “O judeu emergiu como o inimigo, um intruso parasitário que perturba o harmonioso edifício social”. Obviamente, Zizek emprega a expressão “harmonioso edifício social” com cepticismo e desdém, vendo a ordem existente antes da chegada dos judeus como minada por exploração, tensões e contradições.  Segundo o enquadramento teórico de Zizek, os judeus podem ser a força capitalista caótica que penetrou a Europa, mas esta já era uma Europa sob a ação de forças capitalistas caóticas, e por isso seria irracional culpar os judeus por qualquer coisa que tenha acompanhado sua emergência e expansão na Europa. Nesta altura, o que deve ficar claro é a distinção entre isso que pode ser chamado de o desenvolvimento orgânico das finanças na Europa[18] e os exorbitantes e, com frequência, extremamente negativos desenvolvimentos suscitados pela chegada dos judeus e as subsequentes relações especiais que estabeleceram com as elites europeias e com o capitalismo em si mesmo.

O desenvolvimento orgânico das finanças e das divisões de classe na Europa está demonstrado na evolução do feudalismo como resultado da adoção da cavalaria pesada pelos francos no século VIII, enquanto outros aspectos não militares do feudalismo continental surgiram como repercussões sociais inevitáveis dessa mudança na organização militar.[19] Como os cavaleiros precisassem de dinheiro, cavalos e seus tratadores, pajens, escudeiros e demais servidores, como ainda de liberdade em relação a todas as outras ocupações não militares, lavrar a terra, por exemplo, a cavalaria tornou-se emprego da classe superior. A crescente sofisticação tecnológica da guerra montada encareceu-a cada vez mais, estabelecendo aguda distinção entre os cavaleiros e os campícolas comuns. Daí que os camponeses livres tenham ficado menos valiosos como soldados, decaindo para a simples servidão. Foi então, em certo sentido, inevitável que a nova classe dos cavaleiros se convertesse na aristocracia agrária e seus membros assumissem funções jurisdicionais de nível mais baixo sobre os servos da gleba. Em tal contexto, de certa forma, realmente existia “harmonioso edifício social”, na medida em que vigia lógica clara, a qual deu competitividade às comunidades e a seus territórios numa situação de rápidas mudanças militares e geopolíticas. A classe dominante obrigava-se ao paternalismo ante os servos, sendo rara a exploração desmedida, porquanto perigosa e contraprodutiva, já que poderia provocar levantamento massivo, com quebra da coesão social e perda de seu valor militar. Logo, o edifício social era mesmo “harmonioso”, por sua coordenação e equilíbrio e, de forma geral, foi benéfico para a comunidade nacional orgânica.

A chegada dos judeus à Europa, sem dúvida, desequilibrou essas relações de classe e aquelas entre a classe dominante e as ordens baixas. Encontramos evidência desse desequilíbrio na Europa medieval nos documentos e objetos remanescentes, como ainda nas situações modernas análogas, tais como a Grande Revolta Camponesa da Romênia de 1907, na qual a ingerência judia na ordem quase feudal da sociedade existente levou a exploração a tal extremo que provocou generalizada revolta ante o colapso societal que se produziu. A chegada dos judeus à Europa Ocidental como poder financial e geopolítico remonta à ascensão deles sob os carolíngios no século IX ou, possivelmente, a tempo ainda anterior, em Narbona, onde os judeus destacavam-se como classe detentora de extraordinária riqueza. Em tal circunstância, foram engendradas as relações formais e simbióticas dos judeus com as elites europeias autistas que abriram gravíssima fissura nas relações de classe europeias. Os financistas judeus adentraram o harmonioso edifício social na condição de forâneos protegidos e privilegiados cujo único propósito era o de distorcer e acelerar a transferência de recursos entre as classes europeias, quando então a divisão interna das classes perdeu o sentido da eficiência comunal para corresponder a interesses de ganhos particulares. Nesse sistema, o paternalismo deu lugar a situações como a autorização do comércio judeu de escravos cristãos (a principal razão das sublevações de Agobard de Lião) ou a disseminada, extorsiva tributação do campo.

Um dos maiores mitos modernos, uma mistificação produzida pelo gênio revisionista judeu, é aquela história de que os judeus teriam sido forçados a tais práticas em razão de leis restritivas da propriedade agrária e certos outros contextos locais. Isso aí é o pior do relativismo historicista, mas felizmente toda essa deturpação e falsidade explícitas vêm sendo erodidas lentamente pelos estudos acadêmicos atuais. Considere-se, por exemplo, a mais recente edição do The Oxford Handbook of the Economics of Religion, que refere o “notável” fato de que os judeus

foram autorizados a adquirir terras, seja em Narbona (899), seja em Gerunda (922), seja em Tréveris (919), seja na Vormácia (1090), seja em Barcelona (1053), seja em Toledo (1222), seja na Inglaterra da Alta Idade Média, se o quisessem. Os judeus não só tinham permissão para ter terras, eles tinham terras de grande extensão (especialmente na Itália, no Sul da Espanha, no Sul e no Leste da França e na Alemanha); possuíam campos, jardins e vinhedos; tinham, transferiam e hipotecavam propriedades agrícolas. Mas preferiam contratar arrendatários, meeiros e assalariados agrícolas para trabalhar nas suas terras. Para si mesmos, eles escolheram misteres mais qualificados e rentáveis, sobretudo a agiotagem. [20]

Basicamente, então, vemos o rápido e deliberado ingresso dos judeus na sociedade europeia a título de cavaleiro, ou graduação ainda mais alta, mas sem  nada da lógica ou dos benefícios da posição de cavaleiro para o edifício social orgânico. Nessa nova ordem social, a presença do judeu não se explicava senão pelo interesse no enriquecimento pessoal de certas elites e no enriquecimento comunal dos próprios judeus. Isso pode ser considerado como a primeira perversão do capitalismo e a primeira verdadeira exploração (desmedido ou injusto emprego de trabalhadores por nenhuma razão senão a tacanhice) da classe mesteiral dentro desse sistema.

Mais uma vez, opondo-nos ao relativismo historicista, podemos demonstrar o padrão corrompedor que apresenta o comportamento judeu no capitalismo pela observação de condições análogas na modernidade. Por exemplo, o sistema da  arenda, do final do século XIX e começo do século XX na Europa Oriental (especialmente na Polônia, Ucrânia e Romênia), era bastante semelhante ao sistema feudal na Europa Ocidental mediévica.

O sistema da arenda podia ser considerado amplamente harmonioso até a chegada massiva dos judeus arendasi [arrendadores] durante os séculos XVI e XVII, quando esses judeus foram se impondo como cobradores de impostos, agentes imobiliários, despachantes alfandegários e agiotas. O monopólio judaico nessas atividades levou à rápida mercantilização da terra e à expansão do grande capital, processos pelos quais os judeus esperavam beneficiar exclusivamente a própria comunidade. Como a existência das comunidades judias em sua totalidade dependesse do capitalismo parasitário, os judeus disputavam com unhas e dentes o monopólio de setores mais importantes. Por example, o Va’ad Medinat Lita (Conselho Judaico da Lituânia) por duas vezes aprovou resolução defendendo a permanência da concessão dos serviços de alfândega e arrecadação para os judeus, afirmando que “Nós já percebemos claramente o grande perigo que surge quando a administração da alfândega e a cobrança de taxas ficam nas mãos dos gentios; porque a alfândega em mãos judias é o pivô em torno do qual tudo (no comércio) gira, por isso os judeus devem estar no controle”.

O mais notável nisso aí é que a alta posição dos judeus na hierarquia social não se fez acompanhar de nenhum tipo de paternalismo. Em verdade, ao longo da história, os judeus notabilizaram-se por comportamentos de hostilidade e parasitismo quase inacreditáveis para com os europeus não pertencentes à elite.  Philip Eidelberg, historiador da Grande Revolta Camponesa da Romênia de 1907, descreve como os judeus arendasi “exploravam as propriedades muito mais ferinamente do que os arendasi nativos da Romênia”. Ele explica ainda que os judeus não estavam interessados no desenvolvimento das propriedades ou na satisfação dos trabalhadores em longo prazo, antes buscavam, com frequência, encarecer ao máximo as locações, a ponto de quase inviabilizar as quintas, “mesmo sob o risco de eventualmente esgotar a terra e estragar os equipamentos”.[21] Na Romênia, os judeus desfrutavam dos monopólios, e Eidelberg demonstrou que os banqueiros judeus recusavam-se a emprestar dinheiro para qualquer goim (não judeu) interessado em se estabelecer como prestamista no mercado financial.[22] Destarte, os judeus reservavam a ganhuça apenas para si mesmos, sempre estreitando o garrote vil no campesinato europeu. Eidelberg escreve que “O resultado da extorsão financeira judaica foi que o camponês era sempre o perdedor. Na verdade, essa competição restrita entre duas das maiores famílias de judeus arendasi — os Fischers e os Justers — acabaria por favorecer que a revolta rebentasse em 1907”.[23]

Os judeus, é claro, continuam a desempenhar papéis destacados no que há de pior e mais parasitário no capitalismo. Os judeus também seguem adquirindo terra com intenção parasitária, exemplo mais interessante disso sendo as atividades argentinas do oligarca judeu-britânico Joe Lewis, sonegador fiscal e especulador financeiro que abiscoitou bilhões com George Soros quando ambos jogaram com a baixa da libra esterlina em 1992. Como explica um analista, “A aposta de Soros e Lewis contra a libra foi o que realmente levou essa moeda ao desastre, depois de Soros haver ordenado aos jogadores de seu fundo para “sangrar a jugular”, agressivamente operando contra a libra, e disso decorreu a forte desvalorização da moeda. Apesar de Soros ter ficado conhecido como “o homem que quebrou o Banco da Inglaterra”, em razão da ganhança bilionária naquela fatídica manobra, Lewis ganhou ainda mais dinheiro do que Soros”. Enquanto esses judeus acumulavam bilhões, os britânicos amargavam a recessão econômica que rapidamente se instaurou. Lewis nem estava aí para isso. Ele repetiu a operação no México, causando a crise mexicana do peso, que “disparou a pobreza, o desemprego e a desigualdade no México, deixando seu governo refém do Fundo Monetário Internacional (FMI), pelo empréstimo conseguido sob os auspícios do então presidente Bill Clinton.”

Nababescamente enriquecidos no jogo parasitário da especulação financeira, oligarcas judeus como Soros e Lewis, ao lado de seus patrícios e grandes capitalistas Eduardo Elsztain e Marcelo Mindlin, começaram a comprar grandes fazendas na Argentina, principalmente na Patagônia, onde assumiram os bancos locais, as águas, o óleo, o gás e a maior empresa de energia elétrica da região. Depois de comprar dezenas de milhares de hectares, Lewis manifestou o desejo de fundar “o seu próprio Estado na Patagônia”. Alguns moradores locais quiseram vender suas terras. Mas um dos moradores, Irineo Montero, não quis. Ele, sua mulher María Ortiz e o empregado José Matamala foram encontrados mortos sob circunstâncias misteriosas. Lewis então conseguiu completar a consolidação das terras, pavimentando o caminho para a formação de um enclave sionista, o qual explora a população da região de forma tal que massivos protestos (“Marcha pela Soberania”) são organizados contra essa nova classe dominante judaica, dos quais participa 80% da população local. Segundo o jornalista francês Thierry Meyssan, ex-agente da inteligência francesa, Lewis é muito mais obsequioso para com os seus pares judeus e tem convidado milhares de soldados de Israel ao seu território a cada ano. No final de 2017, o ex-agente Thierry Meyssan declarou: “Desde a Guerra das Malvinas, o exército de Israel vem organizando ‘colônias de férias’ na Patagônia para os seus soldados. De 8 mil a 10 mil militares judeus gozam duas semanas de férias todo ano nas terras de Joe Lewis”.

O que se mostra patente aqui é um exemplo muito moderno do milenar padrão comportamental judeu de promover operações de larga escala para extrair as riquezas de uma nação e explorar o seu povo. Devemos fazer a Slavoj Zizek a seguinte pergunta, com toda a franqueza: o grande capital e todo o estabilismo da classe dominante não foram e não continuam sendo judaicos em grande parte?

VI. Kevin MacDonald segundo Zizek

Uma possível explicação para a ignorância de Zizek sobre o antissemitismo, tirante a cegueira de seu fanatismo ideológico, é a extrema falta de leituras sérias sobre o assunto, valendo a mesma explicação para o finado Jean-Paul Sartre e intelectuais marxistas de forma geral. Em relação a essa questão, é interessante dar uma olhada no tratamento que Zizek dispensa ao trabalho de Kevin MacDonald. Em 2014, Zizek publicou um texto em que faz menções a Kevin MacDonald, considerando-o “proponente de novo barbarismo” e, antes disso, indelicadamente, comentando Cultura da crítica, disse que “o mais importante é saber que esse novo barbarismo consiste num fenômeno estritamente pós-moderno, trata-se do avesso do que seria uma atitude altamente reflexiva e autoirônica — ainda que, lendo autores como MacDonald, o leitor fique sem saber se o que lê é sátira ou alguma ‘séria’ argumentação”. Em outras palavras, Zizek não tem nenhum argumento substantivo. Entretanto, como depois reportaram revistas tais quais Newsweek, Inside HigherEd e outras organizações da mídia de referência, tinha ficado claro que Zizek não só não lera Kevin MacDonald como também tinha simplesmente plagiado o sumário de Cultura da crítica de uma resenha publicada na American Renaissance. O plágio de Zizek foi primeiramente suspeitado quando Steve Sailer, num texto para The Unz Review, referiu que Zizek “alcançou alto grau de clareza na exposição de MacDonald que nunca antes vi em tudo o que li dele”. Coube ao editor de uma ciberteca quase desconhecida descobrir que o “alto grau de clareza” era resultado de uma cópia que Zizek fizera, quase ípsis-lítteris, da resenha de um livro de MacDonald por parte de Stanley Hornbeck, a qual saiu na edição de março de 1999 da The American Renaissance. Apanhado em flagrante, Zizek saiu-se com uma esfarrapada desculpa, até reconhecer que não tinha lido o trabalho de MacDonald, e que a ideia de incluir MacDonald em seu trabalho surgiu quando “um amigo me falou das teorias de Kevin MacDonald, então pedi a ele para me mandar um resumo delas”. E assim, com base em alguns comentários de um compadre e numa rápida síntese, foi que Slavoj Zizek, tido como superastro acadêmico, houve por bem condenar Kevin MacDonald, um professor titular e autor de livros muito bem referenciados sobre os judeus e a história judaica, como “proponente de um novo barbarismo”. Zizek tem razão: existe uma sátira nisso aí, mas o satirista não é Kevin MacDonald.

VII. Conclusão: o antissemitismo é uma “ideologia”?

Marx and Engels, no seu famoso conceito de ideologia, que Slavoj Zizek deve conhecer muito bem, explicam que a ideologia tem origem na superestrutura da sociedade (ou seja, nas ideias predominantes difundidas pela classe dominante).  Já deveria estar claro, a esta altura, que o antissemitismo dificilmente pode hoje ser considerado parte da infraestrutura, porquanto nenhum intelectual da classe dominante defende ideias antissemíticas de qualquer tipo. Nessa categoria incluem-se Slavoj Zizek e Jordan Peterson, figuras situadas em lados diametralmente opostos quanto à ideologia, à política e à visão econômica, mas ambos têm em comum posições quase idênticas em relação aos judeus e ao antissemitismo. Em verdade, o antissemitismo pode ser singularmente pensado como alguma coisa que permanece fora da superestrutura, preconizado por intelectuais orgânicos e ativistas que restam como os últimos vestígios de uma forma orgânica de sociedade submetida à perversão e à exploração ao longo de muitos séculos. Enquanto expressão pensamental e política da reação defensiva da sociedade orgânica, o antissemitismo assoma de seu longo passado ainda como a crítica mais radical, coerente e perigosa da ordem social estabelecida. O antissemitismo é a última, e única, ideia verdadeiramente revolucionária de nosso tempo.

Se nas ideias de Slavoj Zizek existir alguma coisa que preste, poderá talvez estar, ironicamente, na analogia do marido desconfiado. Voltando ao caso do corno manso leninista, recordo o pensamento de que “Aquilo não reclamado como só nosso, deixa de ser nosso”. A figura patética que se sentou à mesa diante de mim não perdeu sua mulher quando ela foi para a Noruega — ele a perdeu quando renunciou a seus interesses, deixando aberta a porta por onde, no final das contas, ela passaria. Nós devemos zelosamente proteger nossos interesses, nossas famílias e nossa terra. Contra competidores. Contra exploradores. Contra judeus. O que temos, nós mantemos.

Fonte: The Occidental Observer. Autor: Andrews Joyce. Título original:Slavoj Žižek’s “Pervert’s Guide” to anti-Semitism. Data de publicação: 20 de novembro de 2019. Versão brasilesa: Chauke Stephan Filho.

_________________________

[1] Aqui, particularmente, causa preocupação que Zizek defenda a tese de que “A verdade não é defesa”, um princípio vigente na legislação censora da livre expressão no Canadá e no Reino Unido.

[2] PENSLAR, D. (ed.). Contemporary anti-semitism: Canada and the World. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2005. p. 3.

[3] HERF, J. (ed.). Anti-semitism and anti-zionism in historical perspective: convergence and divergence. Routledge, 2007. p. 11.

[4] MACDONALD, Kevin. The culture of critique: an evolutionary analysis of jewish involvement in twentieth-century intellectual and political movements. 1St Books, 2002. p. 449 (nota 120).

[5] Ibidem.

[6] Ibidem.

[7] DINER, H. In the Almost Promised Land: American Jews and Blacks, 1915-1935. The John Hopkins University Press, 1995. p. 123.

[8] MELADMED, A. Image of the Black in Jewish Culture: A History of the Other. RoutledgeCurzon, 2001. p. 114.

[9] LANGMUIR, G. History, Religion and Antisemitism. Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990. p. 15.

[10] Ibidem, p. 13.

[11] Ibidem, p. 275.

[12] Ibidem, p.19,67.

[13] Ibidem, 275.

[14] Ibidem, 15.

[15] Cf. JOHNSON, P. A History of the Jews. 1987. p. 205.

[16] HILTON, R. H.; HILL, C. The Transition from Feudalism to Capitalism.   Science & Society, Vol. 17, No. 4, p. 340-351. (Fall, 1953).

[17] JULIUS, A. Trials of the Diaspora. p. 401.

[18] Para uma excelente síntese sobre esse processo no feudalismo, cf. R. Allen BROWN, Origins of English Feudalism. Nova Iorque: Barnes and Noble Books, 1973.

[19] Ibidem.

[20] McCLEARY, M. (Ed.). The Oxford Handbook of the Economics of Religion. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011. p. 68.

[21] EIDELBERG, P. G. The Great Rumanian Peasant Revolt of 1907: Origins of a Modern Jacquerie. p. 39.

[22] Ibidem, p. 120.

[23] Ibidem, p. 39.

 

 

 

Ways of Seeing: Who Determines Your Reality?

“What has happened since World War II is that the American sensibility has become part Jewish, perhaps as much Jewish as it is anything else…The literate American mind has come in some measure to think Jewishly. It has been taught to, and it was ready to. After the entertainers and novelists came the Jewish critics, politicians, theologians. Critics and politicians and theologians are by profession molders; they form ways of seeing.”—New York Times Theater Critic Walter Kerr, writing in 1968

In a media-saturated society, with said media almost completely under Jewish control, the Jewish “way of seeing” retains not just its primacy but its virtual monopoly. In such an environment, what you see will be determined for you, and as one who is to be molded, the aim is for your very will to no longer be your own.

The music industry is, as with all forms of media, dominated by Jews, and its control has become increasingly centralized, another trend we’ve seen irrespective of the industry in question. In December 1998, with the PolyGram-Universal merger, the music industry’s Big Six became its Big Five, in control of 77.4% of a market estimated to be between $30 and $40 billion; 2004 saw another merger, this time of Sony and BMG (Sony would later buy out BMG), to create a Big Four. Coupled with the shrinking of independent labels, the Big Four were in control of a whopping 88% of the market by 2011. In December 2011, EMI was absorbed by the Universal Music Group and Sony Music Entertainment, though in Europe regulators forced Universal Music to sell off its EMI assets which became the Parlophone Label Group, and was then promptly acquired by the third member of the Big Three, Warner Music Group. In 2012, the Big Three represented 88.6% of the market. Sony Entertainment, the sixth-largest entertainment company in the world, owns Sony Music Entertainment, and Vivendi, number seven, owns Universal Music Group.

A snapshot of the leadership of the Big Three proves illustrative; this overview from December 2019 reveals an obscene overrepresentation of Jews including Michael Lynton, Chairman of the Board for the Warner Music Group and its Vice Chairman, Len Blavatnik; of the nine other members of the Board, Noreena Hertz, Ynon Kreiz, Thomas H. Lee, and Alex Blavatnik (Len’s brother) are Jewish. Mathias Dopfner is a Gentile, but is also a self-described “non-Jewish Zionist.” The rest, such as Stephen F. Cooper—also the CEO, replacing the Jewish Edgar Bronfman, Jr.—are either contested or I could not definitively find out. Co-Chair and CEO of Warner Records, Aaron Bay-Schuck, has Jewish ancestry, and other prominent Jews in management include Eric Levin, Warner Music Group CFO and Executive Vice President, and Co-Chair and COO of subsidiary Atlantic Records Group Julie Greenwald and its Co-Chair and CEO Craig Kallman. Universal Music Group Chairman and CEO Lucian Grainge is Jewish, as are: Chairman and CEO of the Universal Music Publishing Group’s global publishing division, Jody Gerson; Chairman and CEO of Universal Music UK and Ireland, David Joseph; and Executive Vice President of Marketing Andrew Kronfeld. Sony Music CEO Rob Stringer is Jewish, as is its COO Kevin Kelleher, Executive Vice President and General Counsel Julie Swidler, and President of Global Digital Business and US Sales Dennis Kooker. In other words, all three major record labels are headed by Jews and their corporate governance is dominated by Jews as well. The rest, like RCA Records CEO Peter Edge, are “well-liked Gentiles.”

Just four conglomerates control 90% of the entire US television and films markets: Comcast (including NBCUniversal), Disney, ViacomCBS (controlled by National Amusements), and AT&T (including WarnerMedia). AT&T and Comcast are also two of the three largest telecommunications providers in the United States. These conglomerates are, in fact, almost entirely Jewish-controlled. Jews are overrepresented at places like CNN (a WarnerMedia subsidiary) by a factor of twenty-five and are over-represented among senior executive positions at the major television broadcast networks, cable networks, and movie production companies by a factor of 44.5! With positions current as of December 2019, we see that Bob Bakish, President and CEO of ViacomCBS, is Jewish as are:

  • John T. Stankey, CEO of WarnerMedia and President and COO of AT&T
  • Comcast Chairman and CEO Brian L. Roberts
  • Jeff Zucker, Chairman of WarnerMedia and President of CNN Worldwide
  • Bob Iger, Chairman and CEO of Disney
  • Jeff Shell, Chairman of NBCUniversal Film and Entertainment
  • Ron Meyer,Vice Chairman of NBCUniversal
  • David L. Cohen, Senior Executive Vice President and Chief Diversity Officer of Comcast
  • Kent Alterman, President of Comedy Central (under ViacomCBS), Paramount Network (also under ViacomCBS), and TV Land (under MTV Networks, a division of ViacomCBS, which also owns MTV, VH1, Nickelodeon and Nick Jr.)
  • Shari Redstone, President of National Amusements and Chairwoman of the Board for ViacomCBS
  • Sumner Redstone, majority owner and Chairman of the Board of National Amusements; through National Amusements, Redstone and his family are majority voting shareholders of ViacomCBS and its subsidiaries such as MTV Networks, Paramount Pictures, Comedy Central, and BET

Randall L. Stephenson, Chairman and CEO of AT&T and former National Chair of the Boy Scouts of America during its “inclusivity” demise (when girls were allowed to join the Boy Scouts) is not Jewish, but was awarded an “honorary yarmulke.”

Other recent principal figures include:

  • Jeffrey Katzenberg, major Barack Obama donor and former Disney and Paramount executive, co-founder of DreamWorks Pictures and WndrCo, and founder of Quibi (which has been invested in by Disney, 21st Century Fox, NBCUniversal, Sony Pictures Entertainment, ViacomCBS, WarnerMedia, Lionsgate, MGM Studios, ITV, Entertainment One, Alibaba, Madrone Capital Partners, Goldman Sachs, JP Morgan Chase, and more)
  • Michael Eisner, former Chairman and CEO of Disney
  • Ralph J. Roberts, co-founder, former CEO, and Chairman Emeritus of the Board of Comcast
  • Richard Plepler, member of the Council on Foreign Relations and former Chairman and CEO of HBO (now under WarnerMedia)
  • Les Moonves, Chairman and CEO of CBS Corporation from 2003 until his resignation in September 2018 following numerous allegations of sexual harassment and abuse and current member of the Board of Directors at ZeniMax Media
  • Former Paramount Chairman and CEO Brad Grey (Paramount is now a ViacomCBS subsidiary)
  • Jordan Levin, member of The WB’s founding executive team and a former CEO; former Microsoft Xbox Entertainment Studios Executive Vice President-General Manager to Produce Original Programming; founder and former CEO of Generate, a production studio and talent management company; former Chief Content Officer at the NFL; former CEO of Awesomeness, an American media and entertainment company eventually purchased by Viacom; and current General Manager of Rooster Teeth, an entertainment company and subsidiary of Otter Media which is a subsidiary of WarnerMedia
  • Former Warner Brothers (now under WarnerMedia) Chairman and CEO Barry Meyer, who was also on the Board of Directors for the San Francisco branch of the Federal Reserve
  • Julian Brodsky, co-founder and former CFO and Vice Chairman of Comcast, as well as co-founder and former Chair of Comcast Interactive Capital, Comcast’s venture capital unit

A quick perusal of other major players in film and television, supporting and affiliated industries, print and online news media, and digital and social media not considered part of the “traditional” media market (though no less important to the media apparatus, and arguably more so) once again reveals a massive overrepresentation of Jews in ownership or otherwise prominent positions (current as of December 2019), including:

  • Tom Rothman, Chairman of Sony Pictures Motion Picture Group
  • Josh Greenstein, Co-President of Sony Pictures Motion Picture Group
  • Former Vice President of US Business Development for Bertelsmann Media Suzanne Nossel
  • Peter Chernin, former News Corp. Chairman and current Chairman and CEO of The Chernin Group (assets include Chernin Entertainment; a majority stake in CA Media, an Asia-based media investment company; and Pandora, Fullscreen, Tumblr, Barstool Sports, and Flipboard)
  • Record company magnate and DreamWorks co-founder David Geffen
  • Lionsgate CEO Jon Feltheimer
  • Lionsgate Chairman Mark Rachesky
  • Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg
  • Facebook COO and ADL-donor Sheryl Sandberg
  • YouTube CEO Susan Wojcicki (her sister founded 23andMe)
  • Former Co-Chair of Sony Pictures Entertainment and current head of Pascal Films (which produced the atrocity known as the Ghostbusters re-make) Amy Pascal
  • Relativity Media CEO Ryan Kavanagh
  • “Committed Zionist” Sam Zell, founder and chairman of Equity Group Investments and formerowner and CEO of the Tribune Company, which counted among its assets 23 televisions stations, a baseball team, and many major newspapers, including the Chicago Tribune and the Los Angeles Times
  • “Super-agents” Scooter Braun and Ari Emanuel (Rahm Emanuel’s brother and inspiration for the character Ari Gold in HBO’s series Entourage)
  • Joel Klein, former CEO of Amplify, Executive Vice President at News Corp., and former Chairman and CEO of Bertelsmann, Inc.
  • Lloyd Braun, Chairman of the ABC Entertainment Group from 2002 to 2004, former head of Yahoo! Media Group, who partnered with Gail Berman to form the entertainment company BermanBraun, eventually becoming the sole owner and renaming the company Whalerock Industries
  • Mort Zuckerman, owner of the US News & World Report, former owner of the New York Daily News, The Atlantic, and Fast Company, and former chair of the Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish American Organizations, one of the largest pro-Israel lobbying groups in America
  • Haim Saban, founder of Saban Entertainment, the Saban Music Group, and Saban Capital Group, a stakeholder in Univision (Saban: “I’m a one-issue guy, and my issue is Israel.”)
  • Mega-producer and member of the Board at ZeniMax Media Jerry Bruckheimer
  • Harry Sloan, former Chairman and CEO of Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer and Board member at ZeniMax Media
  • ZeniMax Chairman and CEO Robert Altman (ZeniMax’s legal counsel is none other than DLA Piper, which features prominently in The Way Life Should Be?)
  • Fox Entertainment CEO Charlie Collier
  • Michael Lynton, from earlier, also former CEO of Sony Corporation of America, now Chairman of Snap Inc. (Snapchat) and as mentioned Chairman of the Board of Warner Music Group (Lynton is also a member of the Council on Foreign Relations; his brother-in-law is “progressive” journalist and correspondent Jonathan Alter and his mother-in-law, Joanne Hammerman/Alter, was a “progressive” politician who worked closely with Bella Abzug, all Jewish)
  • Nicole Seligman, former President of Sony Corporation of America and Sony Corporation general counsel and former representation of Oliver North during the Iran-Contra hearings and Bill Clinton during his impeachment trial (her husband Joel I. Klein was an official in the Clinton administration and is the former Chancellor of the New York City Department of Education, preceded by the Jewish Harold Levy and appointed by the Jewish Michael Bloomberg; in an illustrative example of Jewish nepotism, Wikipedia states that Klein, “never obtained the common formal credentials that one would have to take a leadership role in a public school system, and…had a short duration of teaching experience”; in 2005, Klein fired Rashid Khalidi from the teacher training program for his views on Israel)
  • Leonard “Len” Blavatnik, from above, also owner of AI Films and founder and Chairman of Access Industries—Access Industries owns the Warner Music Group
  • The New York Times Company is controlled by the Jewish Ochs-Sulzberger family through a special class of “super-voting” shares
  • Donald Edward Newhouse, owner of Advance Publications whose properties include Condé Nast, dozens of newspapers across the US, cable company Bright House Networks, and a controlling stake in Discovery Inc.
  • President and CEO of Discovery Inc. David Zaslav (Zaslav serves on the Boards of Sirius XM Radio, Inc., Lions Gate Entertainment, the National Cable & Telecommunications Association, The Cable Center, Center for Communication, Grupo Televisa, Partnership for New York City, and the USC Shoah Foundation, and is the Chair of the Auschwitz: The Past Is Present Committee)
  • Google co-founder and Alphabet Inc. President Sergey Brin
  • Google co-founder and Alphabet Inc. CEO Larry Page
  • The Weinstein brothers Harvey and Bob of the now-defunct Weinstein Company movie studio
  • Former Vice Chairman of Vivendi Universal and former Warner Music Group Chairman and CEO Edgar Bronfman, Jr.; and the list goes on. Bronfman:

Is the son of Edgar Miles Bronfman and the grandson of Samuel Bronfman, patriarch of one of the wealthiest and most influential Jewish families in Canada. The Bronfman family gained its fortunes through the Seagram Company, an alcohol distilling company. Edgar Jr. is the second of five children of Ann (Loeb) and Edgar Miles Bronfman. His mother was the daughter of John Langeloth Loeb Sr. (a Wall Street investment banker whose company was a predecessor of Shearson Lehman/American Express) and Frances Lehman (a scion of the Lehman Brothers banking firm)…Edgar M. Bronfman, Jr., is the son of Edgar Bronfman, Sr., the billionaire businessman and longtime president of the World Jewish Congress who died aged 84 in 2013. He is the half-brother of Clare Bronfman, who as a 39-year-old was charged in 2018 in a NXIVM sex-trafficking case…In 1979, Bronfman married his first wife, Sherry Brewer, an African-American actress, in New Orleans. Bronfman’s father did not approve of the marriage. ‘I very much wanted for him to end the relationship, because I told him, all marriages are difficult enough without the added stress of totally different backgrounds,’ Bronfman Sr. wrote in his memoirs. ‘Sherry offered to convert [to Judaism], which though well intentioned, was not the point.’…On January 21, 2011, Bronfman was found guilty in French court of insider trading [while with] Vivendi…and received a 15-month suspended sentence and a €5m fine.[1]

Vivendi acquired the Bronfman family’s Seagram Company in 2000.

This could all be sound and fury signifying nothing, however, as these people “just happen to be Jewish,” pace former Anti-Defamation League National Director Abe Foxman, and thus we shouldn’t make anything of the comments by Robbie Brenner, head of Mattel Films and President of The Firm’s film division—“Everyone had a similar kind of look, the know-your-tribe look—the Jews from New York”—or that in writing the screenplay for Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon, co-writer and former Focus Features CEO James Schamus said that, rather than try to create authentic Chinese characters, he tried to write them “to be as Jewish as possible.” We shouldn’t make anything of the fact that, as Mike Konrad writes:

The popular TV show Bridget Loves Bernie was canceled because some Jewish pressure groups were furious that American TV approved of Jewish-Christian intermarriage. Meredith Baxter said, “We had bomb threats on the show.  Some guys from the Jewish Defense League came to my house to say they wanted to talk with me about changing the show.” Threatening phone calls made to the home of producer Ralph Riskin resulted in the arrest of Robert S. Manning, described as a member of the Jewish Defense League.  Manning was later indicted on murder charges, and fought extradition to the U.S. from Israel, where he had moved. Needless to say, the quite popular show was canceled.  Ironically, soon after that, the CBS network didn’t mind featuring an interracial couple on the The Jeffersons.[2]

Similarly coincidental and inconsequential, from “Jewish Media Power: Myth and Reality” by Elana Levine and Michael Z. Newman:

In a society in which Jewish identity exists in tension with gentile whiteness, Jewish power over media has been a source of as much anxiety as celebration…The new movie studios and networks were run largely by Jewish immigrant moguls or their offspring: the Warner brothers, Adolph Zukor (Paramount), David Sarnoff (RCA/ NBC), and William S. Paley (CBS), among others. Both news and entertainment remain fields hospitable to Jewish artists and businesspeople, from CEOs like Bob Iger (Disney) and producers and company presidents like Jeff Zucker (CNN, NBC) to writers and directors like Nora Ephron and Steven Spielberg. Jewish journalists have led the most influential news organizations in the United States, including the Times and Washington Post. Jews are heavily represented in creative and media workplaces and occupy many positions of prestige and authority.[3]

Even PBS, “the nation’s largest non-commercial media organization with nearly 350 member stations throughout the country,” is under Jewish management in the form of President and CEO Paula Kerger.

In the UK, the Rothschilds through EL Rothschild own a 21% stake in The Economist Group, the media group responsible for The Economist. Lady Lynn Forester de Rothschild sits on its Board (as well as that of Estee Lauder; she is the Chair of EL Rothschild investments—EL Rothschild is distinct from Bronfman EL Rothschild LP of yes those Bronfmans and yes those Rothschilds, which was recently acquired by NFP whose President and COO is Mike Goldman); Eric Schmidt, former CEO of Google, is a former Board member of The Economist Group. Former Chairman of Guardian Media Group (publisher of The Guardian) Paul Myners has ties to RIT Capital Partners PLC, formerly Chaired by Jacob Rothschild. It has a net value of approximately £3 billion, and Jacob Rothschild is today Honorary President with his family remaining the largest shareholders at around 21%. Jacob Rothschild’s eldest daughter, Hannah Mary Rothschild, has done a lot of work with the BBC and is also a Non-Executive Director of RIT Capital. “Feminist press” Virago published a biography she wrote about her great-aunt in 2012; Virago’s 1987 management buy-out of the press from CVBC, which included current Chair Lennie Goodings, was co-financed by Rothschild Ventures.

To disprove the falsehood that Jews exert inordinate control over the international media, Argentine model and TV presenter Ursula Vargues was fired from her job in 2017 for her “anti-Semitic tweets.” What did she say? That Jews control the media.

Wealth is also disproportionately concentrated in the hands of global Jewry. Depending on the year in question, the percentage of the Forbes 400 for the four hundred wealthiest Americans is usually around one-third or more despite comprising just 1.5% of the US’s population. In 1987, Nathaniel Weyl found 23% of American billionaires were Jewish, whereas for the last decade, the number has settled in at around a third. The Jewish Telegraphic Agency states that for 2009, at least 139 of the Forbes 400 were Jews, with 20 of the top 50 controlling $211.8 billion in personal wealth. Six of the top ten wealthiest Americans on the 2019 Forbes 400 list are Jewish, 18 of the top 40 are Jewish, and at least 33 of the top 100 are Jewish. 11.6% of the world’s billionaires are Jewish, despite Jews accounting for just 0.2% of the world’s population. Five of the top seven wealthiest Aussies are Jewish, despite accounting for less than 0.5% of the nation’s population. 20% of Britain’s “Super Rich” are Jewish—and most of them are immigrants. Jews are 25% of Canada’s billionaires (at roughly 1% of the population), 13% of Brazil’s (at 0.5% of the population), and 43% of the Ukraine’s (at roughly 1% of the population). Jews are 15-17 times more likely per capita to make the Forbes 400 than is the rest of the American population. A 2008 survey from the Jerusalem Post found that 46% of Jews earn at least $100,000 a year, compared to the 18% US average. IQ differential alone is not enough to explain this disparity; the overrepresentation is too dramatic.

Jews, by the way, are 26.4% of South Africa’s wealthiest individuals whilst representing an absurdly-small .09% of the population. They have profited enormously from the diamond trade. Things are clearly going well for the Jews in South Africa, but for whites it is a different story. Per Henk van de Graaf: “The farmers live in fear, because being a farmer in South Africa is the most dangerous occupation in the world. The average murder ratio per 100,000 for the population in the world is nine, I believe…But for the farming community it is 138, which is the highest for any occupation in the world.” I have seen lower murder rates for white farmers at 97 per 100,000, but that is still astronomical. In 2019, it was 36.4 per 100,000 people for all of South Africa, which is horrible but much rosier than the 67.9 per 100,000 people in 1995 per Bloomberg. According to the Institute for Security Studies, the murder rate in South Africa in 1994 was 66.9 murders per 100,000 people.

Whites are less than 9% of the South African population presently, but consider that in 2001, the police’s Crime Information Analysis Centre revealed that of the 1,398 people attacked on farms, 61.6% were white. 74.2% of those murdered on farms and smallholdings in South Africa from 2017-18 were white. There are government-sanctioned policies in the works to seize land from white farmers and re-distribute it to markedly less productive blacks. This is to say that there are real and realized differences between groups of people and pretending they don’t exist is, in the present climate of mass immigration and the willful ceding of power in places like Rhodesia and South Africa, suicidal. It should also be noted here that the virulently anti-white Economic Freedom Fighters Party, helmed by Julius Malema, has allegedly received funding from Jewish-Swazi billionaire Nathan Kirsh.

In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Israeli billionaire Dan Gertler has made a fortune exploiting the country’s natural resources through his political connections and the use of offshore tax havens:

Gertler has stakes in companies that control 9.6 percent of world cobalt production, based on U.S. Geological Survey data and company figures. That’s just the beginning of Gertler’s influence in Congo, the largest country of sub-Saharan Africa, with the world’s richest deposits of cobalt and major reserves of copper, diamonds, gold, tin and coltan, an ore containing the metal tantalum, which is used in consumer electronics. His Gibraltar- registered Fleurette Properties Ltd. owns stakes in various Congolese mines through at least 60 holding companies in offshore tax havens such as the British Virgin Islands. Gertler, whose grandfather co-founded Israel’s diamond exchange in 1947, arrived in Congo in 1997 seeking rough diamonds. The 23-year-old trader struck a deep friendship with Joseph Kabila, who then headed the Congolese army and today is the nation’s president. Since those early days, Gertler has invested in iron ore, gold, cobalt and copper as well as agriculture, oil and banking. In the process, he’s built up a net worth of at least $2.5 billion, according to the Bloomberg Billionaires Index. He’s also acquired a roster of critics. Many of the government’s deals with Gertler deprive Congo’s 68 million people of badly needed funds, according to the London-based anticorruption group Global Witness and lawmakers from Congo and the U.K., the country’s second-biggest aid donor after the U.S. “Dan Gertler is essentially looting Congo at the expense of its people,” says Jean Pierre Muteba, the head of a group of nongovernmental organizations that monitor the mining sector in Katanga province, where most of Congo’s copper is located.[4]

There are also the anecdotal cases of powerful Jews like Roman Abramovich in Russia and Ilan Shor in Moldova fleeing to Israel after committing major financial crimes, which surely can only confirm the “anti-Semitic” stereotypes. It’s not just private citizens or politicians, either, but perhaps most insidious of all, the global finance sector and its “money men.” As just one example, recall Dominique Strauss-Kahn, the Jewish former head of the International Monetary Fund. Strauss-Kahn helped facilitate the massive Greek “bailout” and others for Ireland and Iceland, and had just reached an agreement along with the EU with Portugal and was in the process of negotiating a second for Greece, when he was arrested on charges of raping a hotel maid and was forced to resign. The conditions for these loans are notorious for ceding sovereign decision-making on fiscal policy and in extreme cases effectively reducing the nation to economic serfdom. I suppose this is technically legal, but it is no less criminal.

Jewish film and TV production magnate and Friends of Simon Wiesenthal Center for Holocaust Studies Board member Paul Bronfman may have pulled funding from York University in Canada for its “anti-Israel” mural, but I’d be curious to know if he supports the UN High Commissioner for Refugees’s discussions with Israel to ship their 40,000-plus African deportees not back to Africa but to “safe Western countries,” including Canada. I can venture a guess. 70% of Jews in Israel favor the deportation of illegal “infiltrators” (as Netanyahu calls them), whereas 70% of Jews in North America support amnesty for illegal aliens. I can’t imagine that 70% would oppose more multi-cultural enrichment in the form of additional tens of thousands of Africans from Israel.

From the birth control pill to abortion to the prevalence of gentile circumcision, there is no question that even the most intimate and essential elements of our society have been thoroughly Judaized. When that also includes antagonism toward the host population—indeed, even attitudes and policies geared toward atomizing and then destroying that host population—the locus of control becomes not just significant but essential to identify.

While the Jewish Frederic Raphael may feel that the “anti-Semitic canard…that ‘the Jews’ control the world’s economy and, in particular, the press…brooks no empirical refutation” (from 2015’s Anti-Semitism, a book in the Provocations Series by Biteback Publishing Ltd. edited by the self-described “leftie liberal, anti-racist, feminist, Muslim” Yasmin Alibhai-Brown, she of the vicious attack on the British white working class), and that “the oldest hatred” simply materializes by magic anywhere Jews appear in any appreciable numbers, irrespective of the time period or civilization or racial or ethnic group in question, it can be very easily evidenced that Jews do in fact control both. Perhaps that’s why there’s been scant coverage of Jewish malfeasance in the media.


[1] Wikipedia entry for Edgar Bronfman, Jr. Available at: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edgar_Bronfman_Jr.

[2] Konrad, Mike, “American Jews and Inconsistency on Immigration,” February 15, 2018. American Thinker. Available at: https://www.americanthinker.com/articles/2018/02/american_jews_and_inconsistency_on_immigration.html.

[3] Levine, Elana and Michael Z. Newman, “Jewish Media Power: Myth and Reality,” Spring, 2018. AJS Perspectives: The Magazine of the Association for Jewish Studies. Available at: http://perspectives.ajsnet.org/the-oldnew-media-issue/jewish-media-power-myth-and-reality/.

[4] Loewenstein, Antony, “How an Orthodox Israeli Jewish billionaire loves to exploit Africa,” December 31, 2012. Available at: https://antonyloewenstein.com/how-an-orthodox-israeli-jewish-billionaire-loves-to-exploit-africa/.

 

“1917”: A Fateful Reference to the Scofield Reference Bible

1917 appears to contain a specific praise of the Scofield Bible as embodied symbolically in the solider William “Will” Schofield. The director and co-screenwriter, Sam Mendes, is of Jewish ancestry, so this would fit an important pattern detailed in my work. The surname Schofield is, of course, merely a variant spelling of Scofield. Indeed, his last name is almost certainly a reference to Cyrus Scofield’s eponymous Scofield Reference Bible, a Bible that extorts non-Jews especially to protect the interests of Israel and Zionism as is well known in these parts of the web.

This becomes especially obvious because the name of the film itself may be a reference to the publishing of the Scofield Reference Bible, which first appeared in 1909 yet reappeared, revised by the author, in 1917. In fact, it is commonly called the “1917 Scofield Reference Bible.”  Indeed, the apocalyptic carnage of World War I, occurring in the intervening years, was popularly seen as vindicating the dispensationalist scheme in the Scofield Bible.[1]

1917 is also the year of the signing of the Balfour declaration, a declaration that officially established British support for the state of Israel. It’s likely many Jews watching this film around the world would find this date significant. It’s likely many of them, as well, would be aware or become aware that Sam Mendes was a fellow Jew, possibly transmitting an encoded message.

Briefly, the film focuses on two British soldiers, Tom Blake and William “Will” Schofield, a pair of English soldiers tasked with delivering a message on foot to another British battalion so as to save them from certain death. The German’s have cut the communication lines so such an effort becomes necessary.

One of the soldiers in the battalion they are tasked to save is Tom Blake’s brother, Joe Blake. En route, Tom Blake is stabbed to death by an inexplicably malevolent German pilot after rescuing the latter from the burning hulk of a fighter plane. This is perhaps the most salient clue that a racial/political agenda is afoot.

Will promises a dying Tom he’ll make the rest of the trip to save Tom’s brother Joe and to deliver sad tidings of Tom’s death. This becomes Will’s driving impetus. Here we understand Tom as a symbol of Christ himself and Will Scofield as his messenger. Hence the metaphor is fairly straight forward.

In fact, the film is highly encoded and many symbols would lead us to the conclusion that this is the metaphor being developed in the film. However, we’ll treat only the clearest and most obvious of them, requiring the least knowledge of myth, scripture and symbolism, and make the point in the most succinct manner.

Will is rescued by the Christ-figure Tom Blake in a critical scene in the film and it seems highly likely this is a reference to Cyrus Scofield’s conversion to Christianity or his “salvation.” After a rat sets off an armed trip wire in a German bunker, Will is buried by rocks. Tom unearths him. Yet Will is made temporarily blind by the rock dust and must be led out of the now collapsing cave by his savior Tom.

Famously, Paul’s conversion story sees the apostle going blind for three days after a visit from Christ until finally “something like scales fell from his eyes” (Acts 9:18).  Possibly the emergence of the pair from the collapsing bunker is suggestive of Christ’s resurrection from the tomb. Similarly, Tom’s rescuing of the German from the burning wreck is likely also a nod to Christ’s effort to rescue men from the flames of hell.

Importantly, at the beginning of the film, the Christ figure Tom Blake “chooses” Will Schofield to accompany him on his mission. After Tom leads Will into the Bunker (an important detail!) and then rescues him from it, Will complains, “Why in God’s name did you have to choose me?!”

As is common in Jewish parable, names are of central importance. Tom’s name is very likely a reference especially to the Thomas appearing in the New Testament understood esoterically as the “twin of Christ.”  In fact, the name Thomas means “twin.” The reference is to Thomas especially as a twin of Christ.

The Marvel comic book characters Black Tom Cassidy and the Vulture, Adrian Toomes, are two examples of this name usage in Jewish Esoteric Moralization, both appearing from Jewish creators Chris Claremont and Stan Lee respectively and appearing to represent Jewish figures. The clear Christ figure in the Matrix series, Neo or Thomas Anderson, may be another example. There the last name Anderson appears to be a reference to “Son of Man.”

The reader may find it surprising that a Jewish writer would develop a Christ-figure in his work.  After all, Jews are not Christians. However, this is quite common.  In fact, esoterically indicating Christianity as something that is detrimental to Aryans and non-Jews, yet beneficial to Jews, ranks four on my list of the five most common themes appearing in Jewish Esoteric Moralization.

After World War I, the Scofield Reference Bible flew off the rack, exceeding two million copies by the end of World War II.[2] Hence the pointless carnage of the World Wars literally sold the Scofield Bible and its apocalyptic pro-Israel message. In other words, evidently the film 1917 itself serves as an esoteric celebration of the Scofield Bible, the carnage of the World Wars and the Christian Zionism it would birth. The reader should consider this carefully. Here we find a film made by an ostensibly enlightened, liberal Hollywood Jew, esoterically endorsing apocalyptic Christian Zionism. This is what we call the Caducean.

When Will finally reaches Joe Blake, Joe is stricken by the news of the death of Tom (Christ). Joe will doubtlessly remain fiercely loyal to the notion that Tom was “a good man” as Will, a symbol representing the Scofield Reference Bible, reports. Will tells Joe as well that Tom “was always telling funny stories” and “saved his life.” Christ was also a teller of parables and this appears to be the reference. Regardless, it is clear Joe will become loyal to the memory of the Jewish God that Tom represents, Christ. Hence Will has accomplished his task.

Importantly, at Tom’s request, Will insists on relaying the news of Tom’s death to the mother of the Blake sons. Hence Will Schofield controls the message. The significance of Tom or Christ, and his life, will be controlled by Schofield or, of course, the Scofield Reference Bible. The end of the film sees Will wandering toward a lone tree set strikingly against the horizon. The tree is an important symbol with meanings explicated in my broader study. Here it might be understood, most simply, as the Tree of Life found with New Jerusalem in Revelation 22.

Again, the film is highly encoded and only the most obvious references appearing in the film are indicated here. Other symbols that require a deeper knowledge of symbolism and myth that are likely meaningful are the stones that fall on Will in the German Bunker, an injury that Will sustains to his hand on barbed wire fence and milk that Will delivers a starving mother and baby encountered en route to his destination. But for now, let’s keep it simple and understand that 1917 is a reference to the triumph of Zionism, assisted by Cyrus Scofield and the Scofield Bible.

I argue such esoteric or subliminal triumphalist messaging is developed to moralize Jewish audiences and demoralize non-Jewish audiences, whether or not this or that individual is conscious of the specific message being transmitted. And it is a more sophisticated phenomenon than has been laid out in this review. Yet simplicity is useful here to treat this obvious case of JEM or Jewish Esoteric Moralization.  Hopefully with such clear cases we can begin to establish in the reader’s mind that JEM is an important, common and salient phenomenon in Jewish Art. My thesis is that it necessitates, among other things, a rejoinder from the Aryan side, in Religion, Art and Culture, that is moralizing to Aryans.


[1] “At the popular level, especially, many people came to regard the dispensationalist scheme as completely vindicated.” Mangum & Sweetnam, 179

[2] Gaebelein, 11

 

Dissident relationships:  Reply to Kevin MacDonald

Editor’s note: This is a reply to my article “Ideas on Maintaining Relationships with the Less Committed in a Dark Age.” My comments are in bold.

As a White, female spouse of a male TOO contributor, I read with special interest Kevin MacDonald’s recent essay on how to maintain relationships among the less-committed.  His essay suits me to a T.  I have long been uncomfortable with my husband’s political writings—partly because I disagree with some of them, partly because of his use of a pseudonym, and partly because of the potential consequences for both us and for society.  MacDonald’s essay has the laudable goal of creating better family relations, but many of his points are condescending or miss the mark.  I offer my thoughts below.

As I read his essay, the main point seems to be the difficulty of maneuvering (and maintaining) a personal relationship with someone who is not in total agreement with your own ideology, and specifically the way in which he expresses that ideology.  For sake of simplicity, I will assume that the “dissident writer” is a White male, and that the “significant other” (SO) is a White female; this should cover the vast majority of the 200-some TOO contributors.

I wonder, first of all, about the motivation for such a piece.  I don’t know if Prof. MacDonald has (or had) an SO, and if so, if she is one of the “less-committed.” Does he speak from direct experience?  Or is he hearing things second-hand from his many correspondents?  If he has no firsthand experience, he is perhaps in a poor situation to comment.  And in any case, he is obviously not himself one of the beleaguered SO’s, and thus is unqualified to address things from that perspective.

KM: Yes, I have a significant other and yes, she is less committed. Like many people, she is far less interested in politics than I am.

Second, I fear that my reply may well be a futile effort because I am a woman who engages in political discussion, and women’s voices seem undervalued and underappreciated in alt-right circles.  MacDonald seems to have in mind women who apparently avoid political discussion in order to dwell on family, friends, and hobbies.  I never looked at it that way (nor does my husband) because we know that women (and men) can engage in activism and still have time for hobbies/interests.  So, from my point of view, this article could be addressed to any couple whose viewpoints differ on political issues, especially considering our current political climate.

MacDonald raises the interesting case of Anne Morrow Lindbergh, and so I will begin with some thoughts on her situation.  I will then look at the problem of relationships specifically, and then close with some critical thoughts on the whole “White interests” movement.

The Lindberghs: A Case Study

I enjoyed the reference to the Anne Morrow Lindbergh diary entries, which were all drawn from the fifth (and last) volume of diaries and letters (War Within and Without, 1939–1944).  Anne, like many SOs, finds herself in a role that she did not ask for.

My similarity to Anne is the concern I experience for my husband’s reputation.  I also struggle with understanding his intended end game.  A bigger issue for some SOs is the realization that the dissident writer intends to instigate others to a negative (i.e., violent) outcome.  The SO is often left to explain (uncomfortably) this behavior to family and friends. I do think that most women prefer personal interaction and dialogue over publications or speeches.  We see it as a quicker way to resolution, or at the very least to understanding intent.  I would also lean toward supporting a situation—even a White identity movement—that was intended to help humankind rather than hurt a particular group.  Anne has “the greatest faith” in Charles as a person, and she understands his intent.  However, some dissidents act only in their own self-interest, often emanating insecurity and a combative intent in their rhetoric.  Charles Lindbergh is hardly a dissident in this regard.

As a famous and respected person, Charles had intended to simply write a speech naming the people and governments he saw as “war agitators” in an effort to inform the American public and avoid involvement in the war that was at that time contained to Europe.  He was not bitter or hateful toward the agitators as a group of people, nor as individuals.  He stated the truth as he saw it.  Lindbergh did not intend for his speech to lead to violent retributions. It is the reaction of the public (actually the press in his case) to the dissident’s words or how they understand the intent, that leads to potentially unwarranted scrutiny.  If we describe the contributors of TOO as dissidents in the sense that they are pro-White and anti-Jewish, we assume that they know that their “truth” could be detrimental to entire groups of people.

KM: Yes, but not saying anything is certainly detrimental to the traditional White majority. Some people have to speak up. There are always going to be conflicts of interest in politics. That’s what it’s all about. Anonymous seems to see things entirely from the standpoint of possible negative repercussions for the targets of dissident writers—e.g., Jews in the case of Lindbergh. But again, the big picture is that Lindbergh was trying to avoid a catastrophe in which millions would die. In such a situation, the hurt feelings of Jews who were accurately portrayed as an important force promoting the war mean nothing. Even possible violence by lone individuals or small groups motivated to action by Lindbergh’s comments (and in the absence of Lindbergh’s endorsement) would be of trivial importance compared to the war; I am aware of no record of anti-Jewish violence occurring as a result of Lindbergh’s speech, and of course TOO does not advocate violence as a solution. 

Thus, the SO finds herself on the outside of this fraternity but with the opportunity to play the role of moderator.  Charles’ speech included statements that Anne believed would not be welcome in her community.  This played a part in her fear, although her greater fear was for her family’s ostracism.  She foresaw that his intentions would be misunderstood. MacDonald quotes Anne as sensing “that this is the beginning of a fight and consequent loneliness and isolation that we have not known before.”  She does not, however, let this potential outcome stop her from supporting her husband. She continues to speak to him about her feelings and beliefs, and he listens—even revising his wording to better address his audience and potentially assuage dissent.  From my experience, this is the best option we have when those outside of the relationship seem short-sighted or are quick to judge, as perhaps many of our family and friends can be, and as Anne’s were.  Of course, there are people we do not know who may act upon our words, and being mindful of these reactions is always prudent in public discourse and publishing. Dissident writers hold that responsibility.

As MacDonald points out, Anne states, “I cannot explain my revulsion of feeling by logic.”  Correctly, she knows this is not always possible.  And yet, she in fact goes on to give something of a “logical” analysis; I think she underestimates herself.  It is possible to know the truth of an issue and yet still realize that that very truth may be hurtful and misunderstood by others.  That is often the case in my situation.  How can I question what I have not personally researched, especially if my misgivings are based on feeling and not on logic?  Being aware of this natural reaction makes the experience less intimidating.

On the day of the speech, Anne writes, “I am afraid of the effect of his speech…and the effect on him and the cause.  He says that the point is not what the ‘effect’ will be on him …  but whether or not what he said is true and whether it will help to keep us out of war.”  Charles’ point is that he tells the truth, and he is not concerned about the resulting effect on him.  This is what my husband says as well.  He ignores the fact that there may be an effect outside of himself.  The SO has the choice to buy into the ideas written or buy into the resulting effects.  She finds herself in a dilemma when she cannot reconcile the intent of the writing with what she fears of the end game.  She must tackle this herself; and further on I discuss what the dissident writer may do to help her.

As stated, I believe that many SO’s find themselves highly concerned with consequences.   Many dissident writers throw empathy out the window so as not to weaken their position.  However, if there is concern for your SO, some acknowledgement of unintended effects would put the dissident writer in a much better position to make his case.  This, in my opinion, is necessary when one is engaged in criticism or one-sided ideologies.  Dissidents can act without foresight or in ignorance of the potential consequences, or they can moderate their points based on the effect on others.  As Anne points out, her worst fears were confirmed when Charles was “attacked on all sides” (not physically) after his speech—by the Roosevelt “Administration, pressure groups, and Jews, as now openly a Nazi.”  Anne wanted to avoid this; not strictly for fear of her situation, but to avoid a misunderstanding of the ideology behind her husband’s speech because it was not one of hate but of concern for his country.

I find it insightful that Anne asks and answers the question as to why she senses that it is wrong to name the Jews as being pro-war “even if it is done without hate, bitterness or criticism” as she does.  Her answer is “because it is segregating them as a group, setting the ground for anti-Semitism.”  She recognizes that naming or blaming of Jews is an agitator based on historical context.  This is unsettling to her because she knows that it will instigate hatred, and for that reason should be moderated.  She is not considering the truth of the statement (as Charles is). In the end, the truth is more than some influential people want to hear, and Anne’s fears are realized.

Anne understands that what may have been Charles’ intent brings about the opposite result.  This is very common today and dissident writers should understand that this may be a result of their rants, speeches and articles.  I do not single out the alt-right.  This is true of any group that does not moderate their attacks on others.  This does not mean to moderate views necessarily, but is a suggestion to moderate the mode of attacks.  Anne states that “more passion is being aroused” by statements of fact that were intended not to arouse but to quell passions.

KM: Again, I worry that too much emphasis is being placed on the possible effects that dissidents’ words may have on others. Certainly, my writing has offended the ADL and many individual Jews as well as many others on the left. I do worry that someone who claims to have been influenced by my writing will go and blow up a synagogue or something. But that can’t be helped. There are always people out there who are prone to violence as a solution for everything. But that is no reason for me to stop writing. If there is no dissent, then what I regard as the forces of evil—forces that would utterly destroy the people and culture of the country I grew up in—would have no push-back at all. As it is, we are relegated to relatively tiny corners of the internet and oftentimes to conventions held in secret, whereas those who hate us are beaming their messages 24/7 into the living rooms, classrooms, and movie theaters across the entire country. Our demonstrations are greeted with violence aided and abetted by police, government, and ultimately the courts. Our meetings are held in secret, whereas our enemies can easily muster thousands in prominent public spaces without any fear of violence. And despite our relatively weak position, they are doing everything they can to completely stifle dissent, abrogate the First Amendment, de-platform and demonetize sites like TOO and Red Ice, and ultimately legislate prison terms for politically incorrect speech as has already been done in many parts of Europe at the behest of the same forces promoting censorship in the U.S.

Present-day Relationship Conflicts

MacDonald points out that a typical situation might be that of a wife/girlfriend being “terrified of it becoming known that she is associated closely with someone” who is setting themselves up for social ostracism.  “Typical” makes it sound like a widespread problem.  It is a bit of a mystery to me as to why he would think this is a pervasive issue.  From my experience, this is an over-generalization of a woman’s reaction.  As a wife of a dissident writer, and knowing SO’s in similar situations, I would not use “terrifying” in my description of the typical situation.  I do, however, understand that in some situations the dissident does put his ‘innocent’, ‘less-committed’ family in potential unwanted peril.  But in fact, in many cases, the SO is the only thread keeping the dissident from anarchy.

KM: It’s quite different being the SO of a well-known dissident writing under my own name as opposed to the SO of a pseudonymous dissident—the former is much more terrifying for many. I don’t understand the idea that the SO may be “the only thread keeping the dissident from anarchy.” That certainly doesn’t apply to me.

MacDonald seems to speak for women in this piece, far too often.  For example, “men are far more concerned [than women] about politics and distribution of power.”  I guess he would know better than I, since he is a man.  It does not mean it is necessarily a good thing.  He also states that “men tend to suffer more [read: die] when there is a(n)…takeover.”  I don’t know about that.  Once you are slaughtered, your suffering ends.  Being taken as a concubine (against your will and all that comes from that) might lead me to question who actually suffers more. Let’s just say there is suffering by all during war/takeovers.

KM: My comments on men being more concerned about politics stem from evolutionary psychology. You interpret me to be concerned about mental suffering. I am concerned about evolutionary fitness: Male fitness is much more affected by the distribution of power than is female fitness. In nature, the vast majority of females mate, while males typically have to achieve a position in the dominance hierarchy to mate. (If you want to see the brutality of male competition, watch the National Geographic videos now available on the Disney streaming channel.) This has shaped the male brain—the fundamental premise of evolutionary psychology, well-supported by the research.

MacDonald mentions “that doxing would result in social opprobrium” and he assumes “that your significant other is not a social justice warrior.”  He assumes that the wife/girlfriend is “intolerant of conflicting opinions” and that she may be “fueled by hatred toward people” with strong right (nationalist) views.  He also states that “such people are impossible to reason with, …spew hatred… accompanied with ungrounded assertions of moral and intellectual superiority.”  I am not sure where this is coming from; there is a lot of hatred spewed toward other ethnicities when reading some White identity diatribes (maybe less true of TOO articles). I think MacDonald’s assumption is a prejudiced description of an SO with liberal views.  It was an inappropriate point for him to make.

KM: Believe me, I know some such people personally, and they are every bit as hateful as I describe and every bit as willing to cut off all contact with dissidents, including with close family. The point in my article was that I was not going to be talking about such people because they are hopeless. If the SO of a dissident is like that, the best advice is to leave the relationship or stop being a dissident. I am talking about people who are sympathetic but less committed—people who are attracted to the relationship but not on board with the whole package. That, incidentally, is my experience.

Absolutely correct is his assertion that there are pressures on employers to punish dissidents.  Companies are all too willing to fire those who dissent.  Maintaining a low profile is understandable when threatened by loss of livelihood.  In my case, my husband and I have experienced the consequences of failing to conform.  Capitalism does play into this issue, and dissident writers could/should spend more time questioning the issues caused by it.  Capitalism allows employers to call the shots and mold its employees in their thoughts and deeds—by desire or demand.  For sure, it is another possible effect that your SO must be willing to risk for the sake of supporting your ideas.

MacDonald addresses the fact that “being ostracized from polite society may not bother activists personally.”  This was previously discussed as something Charles Lindbergh addressed as well.  This comes from their belief that they are right-minded (even if not open-minded), and often fueled by like-minded friends (if only in cyberspace).  But how could a worldview be based on cyberspace relationships when the first priority for most humans is to have real, face to face interactions?   Apart from dating websites, eventually those “sympatico mates” must meet face-to-face.

KM: I agree that online relationships are ultimately unsatisfying. That’s why it’s important to have conferences, such as AmRen does. I usually go to several conferences every year (most held in secret or under police protection) and I enjoy meeting people, putting faces to names, and talking in relaxed, informal environments.

I agree regarding use of a pseudonym.  MacDonald states that it is necessary and desirable for many, but that this does not completely solve the problem. Often the reason one is used is that this option “protects” the SO. That being said, it seems to me that having a pseudonym gives permission to live two separate lives.  It begs the question: which one is the real you and which one includes the SO?  The alternate identity gives a license to say things one would not say in public.  It is just a matter of time before it no longer works.  Better to be up front understanding the importance of being your genuine self and accepting the consequences.  I would be surprised if the pseudonym option makes your SO ‘feel better,’ as their real issue should be with the dissident’s ideology and intent.

KM: Obviously, I don’t use a pseudonym, and I think it’s important that some of us do this. I have had pseudonymous writers on TOO  who have not been doxed in over 10 years. I am sure that a government agency or a determined hacker could find out real names but it seems to me to be quite rational to continue using a false identity as along as possible in cases where there would be dire consequences, such as loss of livelihood. In my case, I had no excuse because I had tenure at my university. All they could do was unleash their hate—which they did.

White and Right

Because White identity is typically bound up with feelings of being threatened, White identity ideology is self-interested by definition.  In my view, some dissident writers appear to have concern only for their own personal interests (disguised as White interests). This is not a persuasive position, assuming you are writing so that other less-informed people will join in your efforts.  Even so, it is not a persuasive position if you want your SO to join in.  It is always better to have her support than to have her sabotaging your efforts.

KM: I am curious what writers you think are only concerned with their personal interests. I can’t think of any. It’s all about the future of White people and the forces arrayed against us, and the great majority of us are doing it at great personal cost or potential cost, social or financial.

Accordingly, what Lindbergh does similarly (as an American who happens to be White) is to admit that his intent is for Americans to understand the upcoming danger of entering the war so that they are saved from the consequent peril.  However, he is able to put himself in the shoes of the British and the Jews, recognizing and stating that they have obvious interests in the war.  He shows some empathy for the position they are in. This seems very different from what SO’s are now faced with when understanding their partner.  This is the dissident’s lack of ability to put themselves in anyone else’s shoes.  From my experience, dissident writers seldom acknowledge that they understand why the other side acts or believes as they do; in addition to lack of recognition that if things play out as they wish, someone will reap extreme negative consequences.  This is a mindset that so many SO’s cannot reckon with.

KM: A lot of my writing is directed at understanding why White people think the way they do about these issues. Much of this has appeared on TOO, and my recent book, Individualism and the Western Liberal Tradition, has an entire chapter (106 pages) on it. I think that all of us on the dissident right have been there. We were brought up in liberal-left culture, and many of us, like myself, began our political journey on the left. As outsiders and former adherents to liberal-left culture, we are in a good position to understand why they think like they do—oftentimes better, I think—than they themselves are able to.

One issue not discussed by MacDonald is the dissident writer’s intent (writing as a researcher and truth reporter vs. writing as a propagandist or political ideologue).  The first thing I look for when being given the opportunity to pre-read my husband’s writings is the integrity of his research.  When (if) the White interests movement grows, its members may have different ideas of the means needed to reach the end game.  The common thread is that it is pro-White and anti-Jewish in nature. As an SO, I work to moderate the negative (anti) nature of the writings in favor of the positive (pro) aspects.  It is a weak argument to portray yourself as the victim.

White identity politics is somewhat perplexing to me and short of being of genuine.  Whites make up a small percentage of the world’s population.  Why would the world respect or support an ideology when it shows a disregard for 90% of humanity? With that said, I have no disagreement with the facts of the matter, as research has proven much of it true (referring to the Jewish control and debasing of the White culture).  There is a high-quality, well-documented case to be made and the TOO contributors have done a good job at this.  The question remains what to do about it.  And some of the alt-right views on this are too much in line with the tactics that they claim to be against.  A better approach may be to use the dissenter/SO relationship as an indicator of how to approach the topic with the larger population to gain the momentum that will be needed to address such a pervasive issue.  Of course, the dissedent must be open to considering opposing views.

KM: I don’t see why it should matter what other groups think of us. The point is we have interests and they are not necessarily incompatible with a reasonable interpretation of the interests of other peoples. A common idea on the dissident right is universal nationalism (e.g., Frank Salter)—the idea that different people should have their own homelands. I accept that as a reasonable solution. But what the globalist establishment wants is an end to White political, cultural, and demographic predominance in any country while not applying this ideology to countries like Korea, Japan, African societies, Israel, etc.

True free speech should be heard from whomever wants a voice.   The First Amendment is (contrary to MacDonald’s opinion) valued by all sides as is the fight for justice.  Although I lean toward believing that people can be reasonable when faced with dissenting views, I am in agreement about talking to your SO about the very real dangers of being a dissident of any position (not just on the right).  MacDonald suggests pointing out “that many people are being attacked these days.”  That point is obvious and somewhat condescending, unless your SO has been living in exile.  She also knows that attacks from either side are not often justified.  Using the example of Trump supporters being harassed with impunity is very hypocritical.  Disruptions are planned almost every time a highly publicized event occurs.  These disruptors often plan for violence. It is documented that Trump invites this behavior against those who do not agree with him (although I am not condoning it).   MAGA-hat wearers are not the only people being called out publicly.  Anti-Trump people get called out every day in alt-right speeches and at protests/rallies.  Democratically elected lawmakers have received death threats because of their support of gun laws. Most SOs know there are real dangers and would most likely agree to punishment, when warranted, on either side.

KM: Sorry, but the First Amendment is definitely not valued on all sides. Speakers are routinely shut down, harassed, or disinvited as a result of actions by the left on college campuses; riots have occurred, as at UC-Berkeley over conservative speakers being invited. Demonstrations even by Trump supporters are attacked on the streets of cities like Portland, with little or no attempt by the government to stop them. Charlottesville was a disaster created by the police pushing the rightists into crowds of well-armed, violent leftists. The vast majority of this is left-on-right violence, not the reverse. And because I believe that Jews are very powerful in the U.S., realize that free speech is not at all a Jewish value—not only absent from traditional Jewish communities, but quite apparent in the contemporary world where Jewish organizations have uniformly supported “hate crime” legislation throughout the West. Jewish organizations, such as the ADL, and organizations with prominent Jewish funding and Jewish staff members, such as the SPLC, have taken a lead role in getting people and organizations de-platformed from social media and financial institutions. Just recently, Pres. Trump signed an executive order on the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions Movement that will be a devastating blow to criticism of Israel on college campuses and elsewhere.

And frankly I resent being called condescending for pointing out that many people are being attacked these days. In my experience, it has been effective with the less committed to point out that people like Tucker Carlson and Trump administration officials have been harassed in public. This is because they are in the mainstream enough to have TV shows or be employed in the government. Many SO’s think that dissident-right ideas are disreputable. It helps to tell them that we aren’t the only people being attacked, but that good, honest people with much milder ideas are being attacked as well. 

Yes, attacks are happening against people on both sides. But it’s quite clear that the vast majority of the violence and harassment is coming from the left. Are leftists forced to hold meetings in secret or be prepared to fight if they decide to demonstrate in a city like Portland? I think not. Are leftist speakers denied platforms at universities? Rarely, and only if they are prone to doing things like criticizing transgenderism (perhaps because of its effects on women’s sports) or Israel. The left has a virtual hegemony in the culture and they want to keep it that way.

I have an issue with the statement that “your significant other may relate to the fact that the censorious left is shutting down many ideas that were entirely mainstream and respectable just a few years ago.”  This is probably true.  However, mainstream ideas are only mainstream for a short period of time before they become law (or no longer law), tradition, or simply out of fashion.  They evolve based on cultural input.  If we do not invite new ideas, which often replace the old, we risk stagnation.   I think it is the censorship that we object to, and on that I agree.

KM: We on the dissident right are very involved in trying to understand why the culture has changed so much. If you want to read my opinion on what happened, I suggest reading The Culture of Critique for starters. The culture doesn’t just change by happenstance or drift. People do their best to shape culture in the direction they think will serve their interests, and in my opinion, the main shifts in the last 50 years have come about because of Jewish activism. I have done my best to rigorously support that proposition.

This may bring us close to “the wall-to-wall propaganda and ubiquitous surveillance by government” which no one wants—even the left.  MacDonald tags the left with supporting big tech.  Clearly, each side supports big tech (except maybe TOO contributors who are in a quandary, as without tech they would have no platform!); and it is a very big issue.  It is without a doubt one of the biggest issues we continue to fight against, and it is aided by capitalists (liberals and conservatives alike).  Trump pedals propaganda constantly as well as supporting government surveillance (especially of non-Whites).  There is blame to share, and this issue needs to be addressed by all sides.  We do indeed have to stand up to this.

KM: Big tech is far from neutral in the culture wars. Notoriously they are on the left, and they are much influenced by the ADL which has formed partnerships with Facebook, Google, Twitter and Microsoft to combat “cyberhate,” including pressuring You Tube to remove accounts associated with the Alt Right. We don’t see them removing or shadow-banning accounts of people on the left.

Of course, Trump pedals his point of view, like all presidents have done; I am unaware of non-Whites being targeted specifically by government surveillance. If so, there would be a deluge of lawsuits by the ACLU, etc.

Finally, it’s common on the dissident right to critique capitalism—not only because of the political proclivities of big tech, but because they have colluded with the open-borders crowd to promote immigration because they get cheap labor. Virtually all the big American companies are committed to liberal/left positions on issues such as LGBTQ+, race, and immigration. They will not sponsor people like Tucker Carlson who is so hated by the left, with the result that all his sponsors are small companies looking for a niche market.

These issues may threaten all that we (collectively) value.  I do not consider myself a “dyed-in-the-wool social justice warrior” by any stretch of that term. However, these issues threaten humanity, and MacDonald is suggesting that if we tap into women’s maternal instincts, they will understand.  It is again condescending to generalize women as MacDonald does in this piece.  The women I know are not more conservative when married and as they have gotten older.  I have not lived in a shell; but have had the opportunity to know and been active in my community and my workplace with women and men of all sides of the political spectrum.  From my experience, the older they get, the more enlightened they become, making them more open-minded.  Using the words “buck up” is like saying ‘shut up and put up,’ and I recommend avoiding this way of getting your SO on board.  It also seems to me that you claim to want to avoid making her fearful; but you want to warn her about evil in the world.  If you want to reach your significant other; treat her like an equal.

KM: I am not being condescending but simply pointing to well-replicated findings. In claiming that women are more nurturant than men and that this affects their politics (resulting in the well-known gender gap on issues pulling for empathy, such as refugees, welfare programs, etc.), I am well within the research mainstream (reviewed in my recent book). And yes, marriage has a big effect. These findings of course do not necessarily apply to individual women. They are statistical patterns.

I understand the suggestion by MacDonald that the dissident writer keep their obsession with politics out of “day-to-day conversation.”  That is probably what I would prefer in my situation as well.  However, since how a person views the world drives all their actions, it is not possible in a real relationship.  Keeping your ideology in the closet is not a recommended way to pursue a relationship or keep an existing one intact.  Modern day women have been showing for decades that we want open and communicative relationships.  Covertly discussing these ideas (especially when the consequences of the end game are so relevant for all of humanity) is a major mistake.  Maybe that is how it has been done in the past, but aren’t we searching for better solutions?

KM: Sorry, my advice stands. Talk politics with people who are interested in politics. Why talk politics with someone who doesn’t much care? It can only lead to dissension or boredom. The key to good relationships is finding common ground—to talk about things that both people are interested in.

Closing Thoughts

I have suggested above some of the things that should not be done when trying to maintain a relationship with the less-committed SO.  The two best options for your SO, if you seek to obtain a positive relationship, are for her to: 1) buy in to your ideas, or 2) buy in to the risks. There are multiple ways of approaching your SO.  They include moderating your level of dissent as well as explaining your intent.   Keep in mind that this may be a continual process, maintaining respect for each person’s right to have their own ideas.  Tone down the condescending, demeaning, and sexist comments, because nothing will result from your ideology without the female White race on board.  If you intend to go forward with oppressing our views, you will never achieve your end game.

Anne and Charles Lindbergh may have had differing opinions as to how much finger-pointing should occur when blaming others for world issues, but their honesty with each other is what kept their relationship strong.  Hiding the true nature of dissent will never work in relationships.  If the choice is shutting down versus keeping lines of communication open, an SO would always choose keeping lines of communication open.  With any SO, it is always a bad idea to tiptoe around a topic. That is, unless you are prepared for future conflict and spending your life alone.

I would like to close by quoting Anne Morrow Lindbergh’s introduction to her final volume of her diaries.  Her story was (in her words)

“an intensely personal story of two individuals: a complex man and his struggle to follow what his background, his character and integrity demanded; and a complex woman of quite a different background, who must reconcile her divided loyalties in a time of stress.”

As I am well aware, issues of divergent political values between couples is a complex and difficult problem, and requires effort and compromise on both sides.  Generally speaking, the men contributing to TOO are intelligent and well-meaning.  And surely their SO’s are similar.  Perhaps “live and let live” is the best advice here, if a true meeting of the minds is impossible.

 

Rape-Gangs Revisited: Third-World Pathology Triggers First World Pathology, as British Authorities Ignore Asian Sex Trafficking of Children for Fear of Racial Unrest

When I was a leftist, I used to sneer at Christianity for being irrational and mandating belief in impossible things. Well, let’s compare the cults. Christianity mandates belief in a single miraculous birth 2000 years ago in Palestine. Leftism — the religion of the well-educated, morally superior elites who run the West — mandates belief in billions of miraculous births over many millennia and much of the earth’s surface. Clearly, leftism is by far the more irrational cult.

One human race, one human brain

But why does leftism believe in billions of miraculous births? Because it insists that human beings didn’t evolve different brains and psychologies as they migrated into different environments, stopped inter-breeding, and differentially acquired new genes from separate human species like Neanderthals, Denisovans, and ghost populations in Africa. According to leftism, there is only one human race and only one human brain. Swedes and Somalis, Tibetans and Tongans, Moldovans and Māori – they’re the same under the skull. They’re all capable of exactly the same high performance in all fields of intellectual endeavour.

The reality of race vs the lies of leftism

Or so leftism claims. This makes it by far the more irrational cult. Christianity has a mechanism for the miraculous virgin birth of Jesus Christ, namely, divine intervention. Leftism has no mechanism for its billions of miraculous births, because it doesn’t believe in the supernatural. Instead of supplying a mechanism, it simply insists that we’re all the same under the skull. And when Somalis and other Blacks don’t match Swedes and other Whites in intellectual endeavours, leftism dishonestly updates concepts from Christianity. Why do Blacks fail? Because Whites wilfully and wickedly prevent them from realizing their sky-high potential. In short, Whites are guilty of the sin of racism. And some Whites are also guilty of blasphemy, in that they deny leftist dogma and attribute Black failure to Black genetics. Here at the Occidental Observer, for example, we blasphemously believe in racial differences and claim that different races are genetically adapted to different environments and cultures.

Insist on the biologically impossible

But that doesn’t plumb the full depths of leftist irrationality and belief in biological impossibilities. Leftism doesn’t only insist that brain-evolution was miraculously prevented among human beings. It also insists that brain-evolution was miraculously reversed. Somehow human beings have abolished the neurological and psychological differences that had previously existed between the males and females of our ape-like ancestors. And so leftism proclaims that women are capable of exactly the same high performance as men in all fields of intellectual endeavour. When women fail to match men, leftism again attributes this to sin and blasphemy. Men are guilty of sexism and some men blasphemously believe that women’s brains are different for genetic reasons.

Yes, the cult of leftism has a two-step recipe for creating a better world. First, insist on the biologically impossible. Second, bash the unbelievers. If it weren’t for racism and sexism, non-Whites and women would be performing at exactly the same high level as Whites and men. But as I’ve often pointed out, leftists are not genuinely interested in creating a better world and improving the lives of non-Whites and women. Leftists are interested in power and privilege for themselves, which is why they abandon their own principles whenever reality contradicts leftism. For example, the small Yorkshire town of Rotherham is a stronghold of leftism. It is also a stronghold of rape-culture, where the Labour council and the very pro-Jewish Labour MP, Denis MacShane, ignored the organized rape and sexual trafficking of working-class girls by grossly sexist men who embodied the very worst aspects of misogynistic patriarchy.

A simple choice: admit the truth or censor it

How could this happen? It happened because the girls were White and their abusers were brown-skinned Pakistani Muslims. This contradicted leftist ideology, which pretends that women and non-Whites are all victims of brutal White men and their hate. Leftists in Rotherham had a simple choice: they could either admit the truth and help the victims or deny the truth and help the cause of leftism. They didn’t hesitate: they denied the truth and allowed the Muslim rape-gangs to flourish. But Rotherham is, as I’ve said, a small Yorkshire town. In my article “Rape-Gangs Unlimited,” I predicted “that much bigger scandals remain uncovered in cities like London, Manchester, Birmingham, Sheffield and Bradford.”

Sure enough, in 2020 there’s a reluctant report in the Guardian about a small part of the non-White rape-culture that flourished in the northern city of Manchester, another stronghold of leftism:

Victoria Agoglia, killed by leftism and Islam

Up to 52 children may have been victims of a sex abuse scandal in Greater Manchester, with most offenders getting away with their crimes because of errors by police and children’s services, the Guardian has learned.

Some of the police officers involved in the 2004 case are still serving and the police watchdog has been called in to re-examine if there was any wrongdoing. The revelations came as an independent report found that the police investigation into child sexual exploitation failed vulnerable girls in care after being shut down prematurely — partly because senior officers prioritised solving burglaries and car crime.

Operation Augusta was launched in 2004 by Greater Manchester Police (GMP) following the death of 15-year-old Victoria Agoglia, who died of an overdose in 2003 after being injected with heroin by a 50-year-old man. …

The report found that although Augusta identified 16 child victims and 97 potential perpetrators — mostly men working in the restaurant trade — only three were convicted at court. The operation was shut down prematurely in July 2005, with the force blaming a lack of resources. As a result, most of the affected children — white girls aged 12 to 16 in care in Manchester — were “failed” by police and children’s services, the authors concluded.

[Greater Manchester police assistant chief constable Mabs Hussain] denied any suggestion that the original inquiry was inadequate because offenders were mostly from an Asian background: “There was no suggestion that there was any fear, from the evidence I have seen.” [This is false; see below]

The report suggested GMP failed to learn lessons from the curtailed operation, noting that nine years after Victoria’s death, nine Asian men in Rochdale were found guilty of sexually exploiting vulnerable young white girls. Burnham commissioned the research after Margaret Oliver, a detective on the Augusta team, went public criticising GMP in the aftermath of the Rochdale case.

“Don’t believe any of this rubbish that police have learned from their mistakes. I worked on an almost identical operation in 2004, Operation Augusta, which had identified dozens of young victims and dozens of suspects,” she said in a media interview in 2017. …

Operation Augusta identified various restaurants and takeaways in south Manchester where suspects were employed. Intelligence suggested that offenders were targeting care homes within the city of Manchester area, particularly one home used as an emergency placement unit for children entering the care system, which the report authors said “maintained a steady supply of victims” for the perpetrators, who befriended the girls as soon as they arrived. …

Joanne Roney, chief executive of Manchester city council, said: “This report makes for painful reading. We recognise that some of the social work practice and management oversight around 15 years ago fell far below the high standards we now expect. We are deeply sorry that not enough was done to protect our children at the time. While we cannot change the past we have learned from it and will continue to do so to ensure that no stone is left unturned in tackling this abhorrent crime.” (Police errors may have let abusers of up to 52 children escape justice, The Guardian, 14th January 2020)

In fact, a senior police officer from Rotherham has said that “With it being Asians, we can’t afford for this to be coming out,” admitting that the force ignored sex abuse by grooming gangs for 30 years for fear of stoking racial tensions — glaring testimony to the complicity of British elites in the immigration catastrophe.

And who can believe that their leftist enablers are sincere in their sorrow over what happened? Joanne Roney and her fellow leftists aren’t “deeply sorry” about the consequences of their own ideology. Nor was the leftist Joanna Simons, “the chief executive of Oxfordshire county council,” after a very similar scandal in the southern city of Oxford back in 2013. Simons said: “We are incredibly sorry we were not able to stop it any sooner. We were up against a gang of devious criminals. The girls thought they were their friends. … These are devious crimes that are very complicated.”

One of the victims told a trial how she was made to have sex with ‘at least 100 Asian men’. Asif Ali and Tanweer Ali (right) got terms of terms of 10 years and 14 years respectively. (Daily Mail caption)

“B” is for Brazen

In Oxford, one of the devious criminals, Mohammad Karrar, covered his tracks by ringing social workers and threatening violence against his victim, his victim’s family and the social workers themselves if he was prevented from seeing her and carrying on his abuse. An official report said that Karrar was “brazen in his exploitation of Girl D and acted in the belief that the authorities would never challenge him.” The b-word also appears in the Manchester scandal, where the death of Victoria Agoglia “exposed a network of paedophiles brazenly abusing young people in care… [who] should have been brought to justice but, appallingly, most [of them] escaped and some were left to reoffend.”

Of course the rape-gangs were – and are – “brazen.” There is a lot of inbreeding in Britain’s vibrant Muslim communities, which reduces their average IQ even further, but non-White rapists don’t have to be intelligent to understand how leftism works. If you’re non-White, you’re a victim and leftists will allow you to express your vibrant culture as you please. Then the leftists will pretend that they’re “deeply sorry” and “incredibly sorry” about allowing you to rape, torture and run child-prostitution rings.

No martyr-cult for White girls

But leftists are not sorry and have not abandoned the lies and irrationality that allow rape-gangs to flourish. As you can see above, the leftist Guardian is still weaselling about the crimes in Manchester. It says “Up to 52 children” when it should say “100s or 1000s of White girls.” It says that the authorities made “errors” when it should say that the authorities made deliberate, Guardian-approved choices to ignore crimes of which they were fully aware. It uses the generic term “man” and “men” to conceal the full truth. Who was responsible for the sexual abuse? Why, it was “men working in the restaurant trade.” And who injected 15-year-old Victoria Agoglia with a fatal overdose of heroin in 2003? Why, it was “a 50-year-old man.” The Guardian is happy to reveal the sex of the criminals, because that assists the leftist lie that women are the helpless victims of brutal sexist men. But it conceals the race and religious background of the criminals, because that contradicts the leftist demonization of White men and White Christianity.

But it wasn’t Christianity that killed Victoria Agoglia: it was an alliance between leftism and Islam. She was fatally injected with heroin by a non-White Pakistani Muslim even as the leftist authorities in Manchester were fully aware that she was “being repeatedly abused, raped and plied with drugs by predatory paedophiles.” The leftist authorities – police and social services – did nothing to help her. That is far worse than the murder of Stephen Lawrence, the Black teenager who was stabbed to death by a White gang in London in 1993. The police in London allegedly failed Stephen Lawrence after his death. The police in Manchester indisputably failed Victoria Agoglia for many months before her death. But only Stephen Lawrence has become the centre of a leftist cult that incessantly bewails the racism of the White British and the “institutional racism” of the British police.

Laura Wilson, killed by leftism and Islam

Laura Wilson was also ignored. She was the 17-year-old White girl stabbed to death in Rotherham in 2010 by two Pakistani Muslims whose activities, once again, were fully known to the leftists responsible for what they would laughably call Laura’s “welfare.” And there have been many other White women and girls in many other British towns and cities who have died at the hands of non-Whites even as the leftist authorities knew that they were being harmed and were at risk of murder. But none of those White victims have leftist martyr-cults because their deaths don’t assist the cause of leftism and the leftist pursuit of power.

The life-cult and the suicide-cult

On the contrary, their deaths flatly contradict leftism. We are not all the same under the skin and non-White failure is not caused by White racism. Mass immigration from the corrupt, tribalist and highly illiberal Third World causes huge and growing harm to Britain and all other White nations that are subject to it. Christianity believes that “the truth shall make you free.” Leftism believes in lies, censorship and enslavement.

When the Western world was Christian, it achieved astonishing things in art, literature, music and science. When the Western world turned leftist, it began to die. Leftism is a suicide-cult that has to be destroyed. And it will be destroyed, because the truth about racial and sexual differences won’t be suppressed for very much longer. An ideology built on fantasies and lies is like a house built on sand. When floods sweep away the sand, the house will fall. When science sweeps away the fantasies and lies, the ideology will fall.