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Otto Dickel on the Jews: An excerpt from The Resurgence of the West, Ch.4: Jewry

June 3, 2024/13 Comments/in Featured Articles/by Alexander Jacob PhD

Otto Dickel (1880—1944) was the founder of the Völkisch German Work Community (Deutsche Werkgemeinschaft) movement which sought to develop a nationalist socio-political model on the basis of the trade union system. Dickel studied natural science at the Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität in Munich. From 1909, he worked at the Realgymnasium as a gymnastics teacher and, from 1918, as a teacher of natural science. He joined the NSDAP in 1921 and entered into negotiations with the National Socialist Party under Anton Drexler to merge Dickel’s grouping with the latter’s. But Hitler refused such an alliance and even considered Dickel’s left-tending ideology as being opposed to National Socialism. Dickel was therefore forced to leave the NSDAP. In 1934, Dickel was arrested for his association with the Leftist National Socialist, Otto Strasser, and sentenced to ten months in prison. At the beginning of the Second World War, he established contacts with opposition groups. But in 1944, fearing arrest by the Gestapo, he committed suicide.

Dickel wrote Die Auferstehung des Abendlandes in 1921 (second edition 1922) in order to demonstrate that the West is not in decline, as Oswald Spengler had maintained, but rather on the path to a new resurgence. As an anti-capitalist Dickel placed his hopes on the development of the notion of trade unions into work communities, rather in the corporative sense.

His conception of historical development is—unlike the fanciful Spenglerian depiction of organic cycles of civilization that undergo birth, development and decline—based on a deeper understanding of the racial conflict at the heart of modern European history. As he declared in the preface to the second edition of his work, the fundamental idea of his book was

to reveal cultures as symbols of racial souls, to present the history of the last century as the battle between the Jewish and Germanic minds, and to draw the correct conclusions from this knowledge.

The book is divided into two parts, the first dealing with ‘Western culture and its enemies’ and the second with ‘The destiny of the West and Germany’. The first part consists of an introductory and six chapters devoted to ‘The character of cultures’, ‘The West’, ‘Centralism’, ‘Jewry’, ‘Capitalism’, ‘Trade Unions and Socialism’. I present here only the chapter on Jewry since it is essential to an understanding of Dickel’s worldview, which informs his study of German history as well as his optimistic predictions of Germany’s future.

*   *   *

Dickel’s opposition to Jewry is based on his perception of the fundamental intellectual and spiritual differences between Jews and Germans and the danger to the Germans posed by the materialistic, utilitarian and internationalist mentality of the Jews. Dickel’s study of Jewry is, in some ways, an extension of Eugen Dühring’s in his 1881 work Die Judenfrage.[1] Dickel was clearly inspired by the latter work since he develops many of the arguments presented in it.

However, regarding the cultural capacity of the Jews, while Dühring considered the artistic sterility of the Jews as being due to their lack of “that free and unselfish activity of the mind which alone ad­vances to uninterested truth and beauty”, Dickel points to the lack of inwardness and depth of soul in their works as their main defect. It is interesting to note here that his discussion of the artistic poverty of the Jews is immediately followed by an analysis of the materialistic physics of Einstein since they both arise from a defective materialistic quality of the Jewish psyche. All of Einstein’s theses are based on a sterile conception of time as dependent on physical movement, whereas, for the Western European, time has always been an independent force of life itself and thus naturally related to the living observer rather than to moving material objects. While Western physics is based on notion of lines of force, Einstein posits matter imbued with force. This is a confirmation of his, and the Jewish, materialistic worldview.

While Dühring focused in his economic treatise Waffen, Capital und Arbeit (1906) on the egoism and lack of conscience of the Jewish character as being the chief obstacles to the establishment of real social justice, Dickel points to the utilitarianism that results from this egoism as the chief defect of Jewish economic and political systems. Marx’s ideology reveals the Jewish addiction to utilitarian goals in its depiction of history as an inexorable progress of society according to the commercial benefits of its economic infrastructures.

Both Marx’s and Einstein’s worldviews are indeed continuations of that of Spinoza, who also had considered matter and spirit as two aspects of the same Being, or God, or Nature. Thus, in the final analysis, the egoism that Dühring had pointed to as the defect of the Jew is more precisely identified in its dangerous quality as being due to the peculiarly undeveloped spiritual condition of the Jewish ego, which cannot abstract itself from matter since its God, or Substance is the same as Nature.

Spinoza’s political philosophy is a further confirmation of his utilitarianist thought. The state, according to Spinoza, is only an institution that would guarantee the protection of property. This is because Spinoza’s ethics is based squarely on knowledge, that is, the knowledge of that which is useful to any particular individual or individuals. In nineteenth-century socialism, this utilitarian function of the state is, of course, quickened by the state’s appropriation of all private property.

Dickel’s answer to the dangers of Jewish Socialism is the cultivation of trade unions, which he considers as a counter-revolutionary movement to the Socialist:

Socialism wishes to make everything equal, standardized, programmed, it wishes to drag down into the dull skeletal structure of the proletariat, wishes to form and administer everything in a centralistic manner, to force the free man into the compulsory guidance of the ‘ladder of humanity’ because it arises from the kismet-directed materialistic, internationalist Jewish worldview. Its character is fanaticism. Its means are political struggle, its goal is battle with slogans against wealth. That is, in every point, the direct opposite of the trade unions. The latter wish to raise the individuals from the uniform stream of the masses, they wish to create personality values, want a guarantee of individual standpoints and autonomy. They wish to create free, self-conscious and responsible men because the trade unions arise from the Western planetary worldview of force and of the dissolution of the finite into the infinite, of the individual into his profession and his fatherland. Its character is struggle and creation, in small things and big, is action. Its means are the work community, struggle for cultural and economic goods that are reachable. Its goal is battle against poverty. Trade unions and socialism are deadly enemies. (Ch.VI)

It is within the framework of the trade union that Dickel envisages his ideal work community of the nation:

In all parts of the fatherland the true intellectual leaders should join in a union that points out to the masses the great cultural connections that lead to the Church, the fatherland and the trade union. A union of German men should arise that will find the truly great creative minds, that produces not statutes but works, by bearing the great cultural idea in all professional associations and trade unions — each as seems best to it — that brings together the fragmented, that undertakes to exert influence on the press and, if it wishes to do something more that is unfortunately necessary, provides the means of publicisation. A union that is conscious of the fact that its lifespan ends with the consummation of its work — an inwardly united fatherland. (Ch. X)

The Jewish economic utilitarianism is bound to a total lack of personal feeling for the land in which one has grown up and a disdain for all patriotism. And laissez-faire economics leads, through the establishment of world markets, inevitably to internationalism. The total disparity between the Jewish worldview and the Western European is thus responsible for the revolutions of the nineteenth and early twentieth century. The lack of patriotic feeling among the Jews led to their exploitation of the economic discontent that may have been present in the working classes of some nations in such a way that, overriding the natural patriotic feeling of the Western European, the Jews fostered among them internationalist economic schemes such as the Communist International.

*   *   *

With the discussion of the character of Jewish culture I touch on a question that nobody can ignore for whom the fate of his nation lies close to his heart. Spengler too dealt with it—in an uncommon way. He proposes the bold opinion that the Jews, who today represent a world-ruling power, have sunk to the status of a fellah people. That sounds like contempt. It is possible that he is led to this by an unexpressed point of view that we cannot perceive. He lets us grope in the dark. The Jewish question is not an internal German matter that seems more important to some and less to others; it is the most important matter of the entire West today. Its presence can be denied only by dishonesty or stupidity. Its practical solution is a question of life for millions of Europe’s inhabitants. The large masses of the nation, including the educated strata, are not yet clear about this. Among the many causes of this strange phenomenon, the way in which the battle between the hostile parties is conducted plays a decisive role.

We are in desperate need of a defensive front against the Jewish rule and the enslavement of the nation. The dedicated pioneers who wish to establish this accomplish a patriotic deed. They have not all gathered under the flag of anti-Semitism. They know that its champions often follow false paths and only too easily fall under the influence of people for whom the feeling of patriotism and healthy racial feeling of the German man was always a means of satisfying their own lust for power. The people are only too well aware of this fact. The Jew exploits it. He hammers into the masses without judgement who read only his press false associations of ideas such as — swastika-bearers: reactionaries; nationalist movement: endangered republic; anti-Semite: enemy of the workers. In addition, the German bears in his breast the soul of the West and therefore rejects violence and blood-letting so long as the most frightful pressure does not force his impetuous revolt. These are some of the many reasons that make the defence against anti-Semitism easy for the Jews. He knows the mood of the people, he knows how to throw the effective catchwords to the crowds and thereby exploits skillfully and efficiently the power that gives him almost exclusive rights to the press.  His marked acting talent comes in very handy that enables him to perform in a masterly manner the role of the liberator and friend of the people. But he is brutal; he understands only moods not souls. For this reason, he hopes to master through force the growing spiritual movement, thinks he is safe and pushes things too far. That will be bitterly avenged.

As everywhere, in the present day an aimless back and forth has become the characteristic of the situation. The practical, non-violent solution of the question is the correct, reachable goal. It serves the peaceful development of the whole and therefore serves the true benefit of the nation. One who wishes to solve the Jewish question — and it must be solved — must dig deep. He must recognise that the Jew prospers only where decay rules, that he comes to power and becomes a frightful pestilence where no halt is offered to his profiteering mentality. That can be reached only on one path: through the creation of a German law that makes it impossible that the source of all national cultural and economic life, the land, falls victim to exploitation through usury and through which the slavery to interest and its protector, the party system, is removed. The Jew fears these constructive demands, not anti-Semitism, especially when its representatives all too often depend on secret Jewish ties. They see to it that reason becomes nonsense, good deeds a plague and instruction incitement. No word of condemnation is sharp enough against that instinct that has as its goal the arousal of tendencies to pogroms. Unfettered passions have never yet brought benefit to a nation, always severe harm. Passion makes one dumb and blind against truth and reason. Therefore, once it is released, it tears down all dams. One who was even a leader must a few hours later obey and is torn apart with the flood. The nation is not an engine that can be stopped and started again.

Our nation needs not exaggeration and lies but knowledge and awareness and it needs these more than any other because, in it, the concept of the retention of the sacredness of the blood has become a habit since ancestral times. But the truth is that a deep gap divides the German from the Jew. In everybody there lives the soul of his culture and they are essentially different one from the other. Therefore the two cannot understand each other. And furthermore: that is why every Jew who interferes in our affairs, occupies an official position or influences public opinion is, consciously or unconsciously, an enemy of our fatherland. One who contests this statement allows himself to be deceived by superficialities. The term ‘patriotic Jew’, no matter whether he be born in Germany, France or England, is the same absurdity as a black mould. Only babblers can point here to Disraeli. This Jewish statesman at the head of the English Empire never thought other than as a Jew. His own statements and writings present eloquent proof of this.

*   *   *

The Valhalla of the West lies somewhere in the infinite. Only active, brave men will have a share in it. The paradise of the Arabs lies somewhere in a magical place that we cannot also experience. There, for the believer who lives and dies for Allah, beckon rich sensual enjoyments, there beautiful houris solicit him. The paradise of the Jews lies on earth. He does not fight to possess it. It will come. The earthly thousand-year Reich in which he will rule over all nations, in which — as is said in one of their best prophets Isaiah II[2] — the kings will lick the dust off his shoes and all the wealth of the world will belong to him has been assured to him by his God repeatedly.

The Jewish paradise is on earth. Of that there is no possible doubt. After the creation of Eve, when Adam still lived in paradise, the Lord speaks to him: ‘Fill the earth and make it subject to you!’ This passage is completely nonsensical if earth and paradise are not made equivalent to each other. This worldview speaks more clearly to us in the passage after the Fall, where it says: ‘And the Lord God drove Adam and Eve from the garden of Eden and placed before the garden the cherubims with sharp hewing swords so that they would not return and eat of the tree of life.’ One may try to place oneself into this worldview. It is simply impossible. According to the Western way of feeling, paradise should, at the moment of expulsion, have wafted away into a cloudy infinity and been lost forever to man. Thus, quite apart from the fact that it is impossible for the German man to imagine working in the sweat of his brow as the punishment of God, his mythology can never, to his mind, express the idea of a return of one who is expelled to the Garden of Eden — on which no mortal can, from that time on, set foot again. One might be tempted to consider this biblical passage as a relic from earlier times that bears along with it a purely rationally elaborated religious doctrine akin to Puritanism if the history of the origins of the Old Testament did not bluntly contradict this interpretation. Even though the Old Testament was often revised, changed and falsified by the authoritative Jewish religious leaders, it doubtless essentially reflects the original version of the worldview of these people.

Whereas the soul of our culture forces us to cover the infinite to seek our Valhalla, that of the Jew forces him to seek felicity on earth. His soul wanders up and down, unsteady and fluctuating, and it seeks the earthly thousand-year Reich. That is the basic view of these people that becomes for us the key to the solution of many riddles that they present to us. It explains their strange lust for gold and money, their complete lack of feeling for a native land and fatherland in the sense of spiritual growth, historical feeling, their utilitarian standpoint, their extraordinarily strongly marked communistic impulses on one hand and their lust for power on the other, their internationalism and imperialism. For every Jew, no matter how he may be, is both. But only for his person. Hence arise the contradictions that we can follow in all his doctrines, in all fields. For him they are not contradictions. Each erects for himself a small Reich, his earthly paradise, in which he stands as the central point, in which each must follow his will unconditionally. Unconditionally! That characterises him as a Semite, as a slave-owner. Whether he is a gentle or cruel master is a matter of personal disposition.

The Jew is a stranger on Western soil. We therefore confuse concepts when we evaluate him with our measures, judge him from our moral code. There are as many moral codes as there are people. No Westerner can experience the Jewish one. His concept of good and evil is fundamentally different from ours. This wall of differentiation that cannot be overcome differentiates him and us from each other. The saying that is often heard, that the Jew has no character, is false.  On the contrary, he has a very marked character and remains true to it. That which is good and that which is useful are the same thing for him. I have demonstrated the reason for this. That is why he does only that which brings him direct or indirect benefit. Here springs the font of hard-heartedness that can be heightened to immeasurable cruelty when he considers it necessary to remove obstacles to his striving for that which is useful to him. Every impartial person knows that this characteristic — which is repulsive to us — is to be found in all Jews, except that some are able to hide it more skillfully than others. Selfless self-sacrifice is something completely incomprehensible to him. The same is true of compassion, as far as non-Jews are concerned. He can observe the sorrows of others without the least emotion if only his own advantage remains preserved. As long as he cannot exploit a distress to his advantage he does not move a finger. On the other hand, he strives with all his force there to bring as many people as possible to helpless dependency on himself. Thence arises his extraordinarily strongly developed mistrust. Since the useful is good, every means to attain it is right even when he goes against the law thereby. Punishment therefore is nothing dishonourable for him. Especially strongly marked is his cunning and his art of disguise. The role of rescuer, of the best friend in misery, of the commiserating brother he plays excellently, and creeps under this mask into the heart of his victim, whom he sucks dry mercilessly as soon as he has lured him into his net.

The basic character of his nature produces also his good characteristics. When he sees his benefit bound to that of his occupation, be it as a merchant, doctor, press representative or state employee, he is indefatigably active. Here the average German man may learn from his example. It is true that many, certainly not all, Jews push themselves forward. Their great influence in professional associations is, however, almost always well deserved. Here he works, while others sit at home, here especially his strongly developed sense of reality is valuable. He intervenes and tackles matters appropriately whereas many of his opponents generally do not go beyond the forging of plans and deliberations to action. Again, it is quite different where he plays the leader of the masses. There, just words are necessary for him that he knows to form into catchwords in a masterly manner. The happiness of those he leads which he always talks about is to him totally a matter of indifference. He pursues his own goals, which — for example, in the battle against feudalism — coincide to a certain degree with those of his followers. He knows how to skillfully hide his cloven foot until he thinks it is no longer necessary to show it openly. Trotsky provides us an object lesson on this in a grand manner. Is that alone not enough to hate the Jew? Now, hatred is a matter of one’s disposition and taste. It is useless for a defence against evils. For that, in the special case of politics, there is only one means: to appear before the masses as a true friend of the people without any ulterior motives. Today that is difficult. On account of one’s own fault. The Jew has, through decades-long activity been able to tear the soul out of the breast of the people because he had opportunities for his subversive activity in bountiful measure. The word ‘ethnic people’[3] was not heard gladly. It sounded so hostile, so revolutionary.

What is useful is good and therefore allowed. That is the entire content of the Jewish spiritual view. And he acts according to it. He cannot act differently, even if — an unimaginable case — he would like to do it very much. We should not persist any longer in the folly of past centuries, to the spread of which Roman law and the Churches of both confessions have contributed heartily — that there is a human culture that rises in a straight line, that human action and thought is the result of education and training. This dull, rationalistic conception has brought us to misery. In the course of many ages, it has alienated the propertied classes from their culture, removed the priority of their understanding over the heart, and forced them onto paths that the Jew traverses through his inner instinct. Marx once said something like this: The Jew is emancipated through the Judaisation of the bourgeois.[4] He was exactly right. But the soul of the West is not dead for that reason. It breaks through repeatedly. Its voice does not allow itself to be ignored for a long time with impunity. That is called conscience.

2

The soul wandering unsteadily up and down the earth could not, through the people of their sort, produce any great buildings and artworks, no philosophy and mathematics of their own and no states. Nowhere in the thousands of years of the history of Jewry do we find a great creative mind. The only unique thing that the Jewish mind has produced are some psalms.[5] They cannot, even on a generous judgement, be characterised as powerful intellectual accomplishments. This nation was not even able to build its temple in Jerusalem without foreign help.[6] The short-lived states that the image of its history shows are the works of foreign racial leaders. Its philosophy and mathematics are imitations and elaborations of the creations of other cultures into which it has infused its own worldview. Indeed, it has not even formed a religion, in our sense, through its own force.  Whereas all other religions, including those of primitive peoples, are interwoven with an abundance of poetry and sagas, the Jewish religion is lacking in all mythology.  What is present of it in the Old Testament is borrowed from foreign cultures. Into its pure images the Jew has infused his own character — kismet,[7] materialism and internationalism — and distorted them into caricatures.

On this much has been written by serious, strictly examining researchers who were, for the most part, friends and admirers of the Jews. It is well-nigh impossible to add something new. I shall nevertheless attempt it but cannot thereby avoid referring to that which is already known for the sake of the whole overview.

The religion of the Jews is a contract between two parties. Jacob says to Yahweh: If you fulfil these five points, then you shall be my God. In the Germanic worldview this biblical passage signifies blasphemy. But it is the mirror of the Jewish soul: action demands a counteraction. Not in heaven but on earth. What is of no use to me I will not do. If you want me to revere you then, good, tell me what you will give me in return. That is why the Old Testament swarms with promises of rule, of the treasures of the world, of a fruitful seed, that is why it is repeatedly announced through the mouths of the prophets: You are my chosen people, my own, I wish to make you a great people. Wherever Yahweh makes a commandment there follows immediately the promise of a reward. In the Old Testament, one will seek in vain for moral commandments in the sense of Western culture. This fact comes to light most clearly in the Ten Prohibitions that are remarkably designated as Ten Commandments[8] — a whiplash for the pure Germanic sense of language. The Western moral law knows only one ‘Thou shalt’. It is summarised in the glorious sentence: ‘Love thy neighbour as thyself!’[9] This ‘thou shalt’ is Kant’s categorical imperative: ‘Act in such a way that the maxim of your will may at all times serve simultaneously as the principle of a universal legislation.’ That sounds striking next to the ‘Thou shalt not’ — have other gods, take my name in vain, kill, commit adultery, steal, give false witness, covet. All these commandments belong in a penal code. Nowhere else. As in a penal code, there immediately follows also in the Old Testament the threat of frightful visitation up to the third and fourth generation in the case of wrongdoing.[10] However, at the same time, the promise: ‘therefore love me and follow my commandments, them I shall bless up  to the thousandth generation.’[11] It is significant that the only commandment that contains moral worth is based on utility in this world: ‘Honour thy father and mother so that you may be blessed and live long on earth!’

The first commandment is especially remarkable in its reference to other gods. Only a church doctrine that, in the course of its historical development, belongs to three basically different cultural circles, has been transformed by them and carries with it many extra-biblical things from past times, can falsely interpret this unequivocal passage. It maintains that the Jew is a monotheist. He himself has never maintained that, insofar as he was honest. He could not at all because this idea goes against his entire worldview. Yahweh is his god, the god of the chosen people. He is ‘a’ powerful god, as he himself declares, not ‘the’ God. The entire covenant, the foundation of the Jewish faith, would be meaningless if other peoples too shared in it. Thereby the promise of the thousand-year Reich, the sole rights over the wealth of the world, would be worthless. That is why Jewry have — apart from a quite short period of attempts at conversion — always conducted themselves negatively against the entry of others into their religious community. The recognition of the apparent monotheism of the Jew is indeed denied by no impartial person. On the other hand, the objection is often raised that the Jew of today is different from that of three thousand years ago. That is already false because the Jew has maintained his race on the male side in a quite extraordinarily pure way. In this instinctive aversion to miscegenation lies his strength. He lets his daughters marry without difficulty men of other races. For his men, however — insofar as they too are not corrupted — the thought of not producing a pure son as a legal heir is an anguish.  So long as a race follows the law of ‘racial purity’ so long too there lives in it the soul of its culture, in this case — where it is only a matter of rationalistic activity, where one cannot strictly speak of culture — its civilisation. The Jew today thinks, feels and acts exactly like his racial ancestors, exactly like the pure Chinese or pure German. The worldview has not changed and where it has been forced onto false paths it always rectifies itself. Only the external forms in which it is expressed have changed.

The Germanic peoples were always, and are still, monotheists, even if they may call themselves pantheists, monists or atheists. ‘They call gods the sacred numen before which they tremble’, writes Tacitus.[12] Indeed, even the forms in which they symbolise the natural forces and to which they sacrifice are so dimly delineated that already for many the research into our ancient religious system has been ruined. Our god is the infinite, almighty, ubiquitous creator, beside whom no other god has a place. Whether we express this fundamental feeling in a physical, mathematical or biological way is just a matter of taste. In the final analysis, there always remains the eternal, the inscrutable, that we cannot know. Precisely on this point there gapes a deep gap between us and the Jews. For him, the purely rationalistic man, there is nothing that he cannot comprehend through rational inferences. We do not understand this feeling but we observe it in all the major Jews.

Only very superficial minds can point in this context to the veneration of Mary and the saints of the Catholic Church. They are not gods. They are intercessors, assistants, protectors that man inserts in the correct feeling of his powerlessness and helplessness between himself and the lofty, infinite God, quite apart from the fact that their origin for the most part is to be traced back to the influences of the ancient, Eastern Christianity, thus of one that is developed in a way that is quite other than Germanic.

The god of the Jews is only his god. The two are bound to each other by a covenant. I recall only the passage of the narrative of the golden calf.[13] Yahweh speaks to Moses: ‘Go down, for  your people, whom you have led out of Egypt, have corrupted themselves; and now leave me so that my wrath may consume them; in this way will I make you a great people.’ But Moses does not leave him but holds out to him the covenants sworn with Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. ‘And the Lord repented’.

Even today the contract is everything to the Jew. It is his weapon, which he sharpens and to whose wording he adheres. The un-German law gives him the opportunity for this. For the German man the law is a sacred moral law. Quite unconsciously he inserts cultural values into its rigid form. For the Jew it is the wording of written clauses whose skilled application brings him benefits. Here flows the font of the often-observed superiority and competence of Jewish lawyers. Give the German a German law, and it will dry up.

The Jewish religious doctrine is characterised by a total lack of the concept of force and action, thus precisely of that which constitutes the content of our mentality. Its place is taken by ‘kismet’. Man is exposed to the strong willfulness of the strong god which he conciliates by the fulfilment of the imposed duties, no matter how senseless they may be, as the sacrifice of Abraham shows. Obedience is demanded under all circumstances. As reward there follows blessing. This basic idea is hammered into the people of Israel in hundreds of narrations. If it is obedient, then there will come the earthly thousand-year Reich that is not obtained through bold deeds and not in our sense of a moral transformation of one’s life but through the fulfilment of the external form that the commandment orders, through the observance of the law. Only this kismet idea makes explicable the unshakeable belief of the Jews in their future rule that has so often been belied in history and soon will come true. This worldview infuses him even when he denies it. Facts prove this statement, and the present is a single great demonstration of it. From this belief arises his internationalism. Every Jew is an internationalist. He cannot at all think and feel in a nationalist way. He may many times simulate nationalist feeling to himself. Always something different emerges from it. He sets love of the fatherland as posts in his plan of the construction of his world-rule, each according to the circumstances. Disraeli had to act in this manner. His path to New Jerusalem passed through London. But generally the Jew combats nationalist thought. Partly through hatred of the ruling classes, but more through inner instinct. He does not understand foreign culture. He mocks, undermines and subverts it. One who fights for the idea of internationalism fights for Jewish imperialism.

I have restricted myself to a few remarks on the main features of the Jewish character. We cannot change it any more than the Jew himself can. It is the a priori of his worldview that stands in stark contrast to ours. Here planetary world-experience, there kismet; here dissolution of the finite, there materialism; here love of the fatherland, there internationalism. It will be good to consolidate the general remarks with some noteworthy examples.

3.

The philosophy of Spinoza is a remarkable amalgamation of the views of Descartes, Giordano Bruno and the Jewish conceptual world. It is created from the deep conviction that nothing can remain hidden to human reason, that it can track and expose worldly phenomena in their most secret recesses. Creatively Spinoza is a cipher. What he has produced is the result of dogged rationalist activity. He develops his conclusions from principles that he has borrowed from elsewhere and remodelled for his goals, which he pursues to their extreme end without consideration of the demands of the mentality and the a priori’s of the Westerner. The results of his different series of thoughts therefore contradict one another — according to the opinion of our philosophers, who do not observe that here cultures stand opposed to each other. Not according to his opinion, for nowhere does he make an attempt at bridging. We would have made an attempt to convince him of his errors in vain. On the contrary. He would have shaken his head in despair about our false presuppositions and enormous false conclusions just as Marx would have done and Einstein today does.

Both kismet and materialism are expressed in the sentence that stands at the centre of the Spinozist doctrine: deus natura sive substantia. God, whether Nature, or Substance.[14] Let it be expressly highlighted that Spinoza was indeed aware that his god has nothing in common with the god of our Christian conception, is not a creator, not an active power. The concept of power is fully lacking in him. Therein lies the fundamental difference between his and the Brunonian purposeful pantheism. There is, Spinoza teaches, only one substance that we call God or Nature. Body and soul are not separated entities, as Descartes stressed so sharply. Therefore the question of their mutual interaction is irrelevant; since they are not present, they cannot operate on each other. Rather, material and spiritual phenomena are only two sides of the same world process. The thinking and extended individual objects are merely changing conditions of the uniform base of the world. To speak of independent objects or, indeed, of their purpose and development is not permissible, for they are only appearance and deceptive. They are neither created by Substance nor do they separate themselves from it — contrarily to the Talmudic doctrine — but they follow necessarily from the nature of Substance, just as ‘from the nature of the triangle it follows that the sum of their angles is equal to two right angles’.[15] All of Being is uniformity and necessity. Only God, Nature, Substance acts fully freely because he does nothing that contradicts his nature. He follows only self-ordained laws. Indeed, what should be able to force him to act differently since nothing exists outside him. Individual objects, thus also men, are effects and dependencies of the Substance, are particularities of the universal. From this it follows that man does not possess freewill.

Substance is something real, material. There can be a doubt of that only for those who forcibly wish to interpolate something forcibly into Spinoza that is not contained in his doctrine. He says expressly that Substance is the Being in things, constitutes their reality, manifests and bears them. Corporeality and reality coincide fully in him. He interchanges the concepts res[16] and corpora[17] at will. The ideas are only mirror images of the real. The last doubt regarding this materialistic conception disappears in an examination of the fourth definition:[18] By attributes is to be understood what the reason understands as ‘that which constitutes the nature of substance’. Here it is unequivocally expressed that the attributes are real, not characteristics that are thought of, in other words, characteristics that the substance also possesses independent of the observer. From this conclusion are produced for us irresoluble contradictions in the Spinozist doctrine. Every attempt at explanation and interpretation of these is superfluous and from the start false. The Jew indeed thinks differently from us.

The profound intellectual difference comes most clearly to light in Spinoza’s ethical doctrine. Will and understanding are the same, a notion that is the obvious consequence of the missing conception of power. Virtue is based only on knowledge just as even today the wise Jew is considered the virtuous one. Self-maintenance is the foundation of virtue, for how could anybody act well if he does not wish to live. Self-love is a demand of Nature or, in other words, of God or Substance. Therefore everything that serves it — the useful — is allowed. Useful is that which heightens our power, activity or perfection, or promotes wisdom. To act virtuously means to follow the leadership of the understanding in self-maintenance. A greater difference between this demand and the categorical imperative of Kant, or the Jewish and Western worldview, is just not thinkable.

From this foundation Spinoza comes to his strange political doctrine, which is nothing but an international society for the protection of property. His thought-process is as follows: There is in general no injustice as such, for unjust is indeed only that which is not useful. But nobody will have a desire to do anything that goes against his benefit. The coming together of many men who are ruled by their passions each of whom has a claim to everything useful makes an order based on the reasonability of the whole seem desirable. They form a state which has the function to protect them from illegal encroachments into their property. Only from this moment on does there exist an injustice. In addition, the state has to take care of the education that likewise serves the utility of the individual. The state obviously signifies a restriction of personal authority. It is therefore not useful. But since it brings order the wise man will risk the minor harm.

The foundation of the state is material, its height ideal!

*   *   *

Is that not the same that we find again in Marx? Unfortunately, Marx was not able to bring to fruition his plan to write a philosophy. It would apparently have turned out to be nothing but an improved Spinoza. An indication of this is given by the following passage from which it emerges at the same time that the much-discussed idea of development of Marx has a quite different significance than we attribute to it, a markedly Jewish one. The passage is found in the Foreword to the second edition of Das Kapital:

My dialectical method is not only basically different from the Hegelian but its direct opposite. For him the thought process, which he transforms, under the name of idea, into an independent subject, is the demiurge of reality, which forms only its outer appearance. For me, on the contrary, the ideal is nothing but matter transferred and translated into the human mind. Here the passage from the ‘Critique of the Hegelian Philosophy of Law’[19] also deserves mention: ‘It is therefore the duty of history to establish the truth — after the world beyond has disappeared — within this world.’

Let us cite especially these very clear sentences: [20]

From the idealism which, by the way, I had compared and nourished with the Kantian and Fichtean, I came to seek the idea in reality itself. If the gods had earlier dwelt over the earth, now they had become its centre.

I had read fragments of the Hegelian philosophy, whose grotesque, rocky melody did not please me. I wanted to dive down into that ocean one more time, but with the definite intention of finding that spirit is as necessarily, concretely and firmly grounded as matter, of no longer wanting to practice the fencing arts, but of drawing pure pearls out into the sunlight.

I wrote a dialogue of about 24 pages: “Cleanthes, or the Starting Point and Necessary Progress of Philosophy.”[21] Here, art and science, which had gotten entirely separated from each other, were to some extent united, and like a robust wanderer began the work itself, a philosophical dialectical progress of divinity, how it manifests itself as a notion in itself as religion, nature and history. My last sentence was the beginning of the Hegelian system.

This materialistic conception of the world forms the foundation of Marx’s historical doctrine. It is a classic example of the kismet worldview of the Jews. That is why almost every German worker and every trade unionist, without exception, opposes his new Bible. Marxist Socialism does not in the least intend to improve the economic situation of the workers. In general, it does not have any goals. The deficient knowledge of the fundamental significance of the materialistic conception of history and the amazingly enormous ignorance of its character in worker and bourgeois circles is the consequence of the cultural difference between Jewry and the West. The two do not understand each other. The German wants action, force, life. To the Jew these are unknown concepts, just words to which he attributes a completely different meaning. For Marx the worker is a totally powerless product of the economic system. It is quite useless for him to want to revolt against the existing conditions. He can only wait until the structure of the present social order collapses. That will occur without any help from outside or inside:

At a certain stage of development the material productivity of society will contradict the conditions of productivity or — to use the legal expression for it — the ownership conditions within which it had moved. From the developmental forms of the productive force these conditions are transformed into its own chains. There then enters an epoch of social revolution: With the change of the organic foundation, the entire enormous superstructure is revolutionised slowly or rapidly.[22]

It is revolutionised slowly or rapidly, it is not the subversive masses who revolutionise it. This sentence says everything. But it seems to me to be important to cite a further number of passages because one cannot do enough to reveal the real Marxist doctrine to the public, not the exploited catchwords as have become commonplace. Only then will it become indisputably clear how completely impossible it is for every Westerner who wishes to see actions and defend ideas to belong to the Marxist association.

It (the working class) does not have to realise any ideals; it only has to liberate the elements of the new society that have already developed in the lap of the collapsing bourgeois society.

The revolution is not an act of the will. It follows from the nature of the existing society. This conception has been stated quite unequivocally by Marx in his Communist Manifesto:

The theoretical propositions of the Communists do not consist in any way of ideas, of principles that were invented or discovered by any world-improvers. They are only a general expression of the actual conditions of an existing class struggle, of a historical movement that is taking place in front of our eyes.

The success of this movement will be the thousand-year Reich on earth in which the exploited will rule over the exploiters. At the same time, it follows that, according to the Marxist doctrine, a class struggle can never be an economic struggle. He expresses that in the sentence: ‘Every class struggle is a political struggle.’ In other words, a struggle for power, for the centralist state authority, for it is a matter only of a takeover of an exaggerated centralism. In simple language it means that the existing conditions will increasingly strive for a high point, then the names of the powerholders will change, nothing more. Therewith the worker is naturally not helped. Marx did not draw — and, as a Jew, could not indeed draw this conclusion — the only one permissible according to Western ways of thought. He does not notice the deep contradiction in his conclusions — as little as Spinoza in his political doctrine. On the other hand, his conduct with regard to the trade unions was logical. He did not combat them but dealt with them coolly. Its activity — which has improved the economic condition of its members, as can be contested by nobody today — seemed to him to be as worthless as the consumer associations.

The third characteristic of Jewish thought, internationalism, is especially marked in Marx. Here it can be easily followed on what paths the kismet worldview leads to internationalism: the bourgeois society has successfully undertaken the attempt to make the world-market an object of exploitation. Both production and consumption have accordingly cast off their national costume; they extend to the entire world. The rage and anger that the nationalist circles show against this phenomenon cannot change this process in the least. It can as little prevent even the last remnant of the native industry from being absorbed and incorporated in the realm of world industry. In lockstep therewith the worker becomes increasingly deprived of a fatherland. He must perforce become a world citizen. From the core of these conditions there arises automatically the international amalgamation. The day of the first International signifies the signal fires of a new rising world.

Even here the prophet stands in stark contradiction to reality. He reads within his own soul and thinks that he reads that of the Western worker. The idea that an English worker thinks in an international manner is so nonsensical that one hardly dares to express it. A glance at any work of Jaurès[23] shows that, in France, even enthusiastic Socialists cannot accommodate themselves to such ideas and every superficial observer has seen in the events that have played out in 1918 beyond the Rhine how deep-rooted the love of the fatherland is in France, how everyone thinking otherwise is exposed to contempt and persecution. In ingenious speeches the Frenchman lets fall the word Internationalism. Anything beyond that is too much for him. But among the Germans, so I hear, the international idea has found a great expansion. This opinion is simply stupid. The German thinks in a Bavarian, Saxon, Prussian way. Indeed, not even that. He thinks as a Berliner, Frankfurter, Kölner, Swabian, Frank, Lower Bavarian, Pfālzer. I was very glad when I heard a speech of a convinced Socialist on international workers who then, to tumultuous applause, pronounced as his strongest trump card the sentence: ‘When we have reached our goal we would like to speak to the bourgeoisie in good Upper Bavarian German.’ The German worker has been fully stuffed with empty catchwords. As soon as it is a matter of deeds the Westerner comes to the forefront. Our actual workers indeed think in an essentially German way as only the best among us do. We are, thanks to a one-sided education, much too accustomed to considering our Roman-Prussian constitutional form — up to now built on commands and obedience, on bureaucratism and schematism – as the only possible political form, so that we consider every proposal of a firm comprehensive change, of a total restructuring, that does not have any resemblance any more to a power state, as ‘hostile to the fatherland’. The workers revolt against this old power state with full justification; for that reason they are characterised by the ruling classes as ‘enemies of the fatherland’; the senseless fool of the bourgeoisie joins in the clamour and the worker imagines that he is international. If you give the German nation a German constitution instead of the present purely Jewish one, you will see how the second, third[24] and further Internationals will dissolve into smoke and mirrors.

*   *   *

I single out as a counterpart to Marx a man of the ruling social class, the representative of high finance and of ethnic Jewry of the purest stamp: Rathenau.[25] Stinnes has characterised him and his accomplices as men ‘with an un-German spiritual constitution’.[26] Therewith he has hit the nail on the head. Even with the best of intentions Rathenau cannot think other than as a Jew. He lacks the basis of German feeling: German blood. Precisely for that reason is it important to dwell on him for a moment. For, if a man like Marx was filled with a fervent hatred against government and society and gave his life to the nonsense of socialism, the objection would be conceivable that here obstinacy, pettiness and personal destiny had played the driving roles, and made him blind to the fact that socialism leads not to liberty, equality and fraternity but to the most unscrupulous tyranny of the masses according to the will of a few, to outrageous suppression of freedom in all fields, to exploitation in the worst form and the total impoverishment of the nation, that it does not inaugurate a new, finer world but the underworld of Hell. But when Rathenau — through the institution of the war economy, through his international economic plans, his planned economy, his ideas on autonomous economic strategies, through his organisation of Russian Bolshevism and further through his statement, ‘economics is destiny’ — shows that he is inspired by the same thoughts as Marx, then every deception is excluded about the fact that the kismet idea, internationalism and materialism are the fundamental spiritual views of the Jews and constitute his worldview.

Rathenau would indeed not have had any reason to lose himself in such ways of thought. He grew up as a spoiled child of affluence; all educational institutions that could provide him German knowledge and character, German art and science, were open to him; he played such a preferred role in the Imperial Court that he could look down with scorn on the feudal nobility and military aristocracy and, after the collapse, all positions of honour and ministerial posts were open to him. And yet he cannot think in a German way. Blood decides.

A German man would never have been able to describe the fate of the German nation as that of one that was buried alive without using this representation as a call, without straining his every nerve to avert this frightful fate. Rathenau did it. Furthermore, in the anti-German Zürcher Zeitung, in Spring 1919, when he wrote:

One who visits Germany in the twenties, which he knew as one of the most prosperous countries of the earth, will fall to his knees in shame and sorrow. The big cities of antiquity, Babylon, Nineveh, Thebes were built of soft clay, Nature let them collapse and smoothed out the land and the hills. The German cities will not stand as ruins but as half-dead stone blocks, still partly inhabited by miserable men. A couple of quarters are alive but all radiance and gaiety have disappeared. Tired friends move on the brittle plaster, bars are illuminated, the country roads are trodden down, the woods are hewed down, on the fields thirsty seed germinates. Harbours, roads, canals are squalid and everywhere stand sad apartments, the high weathered buildings from the time of greatness. All round, strengthened, there blossom new and old provinces in the shine and vitality of new technology and energy, nourished by the blood of the dead province, served by its expelled sons. The German spirit, which has sung and laughed for the world, becomes a past. A nation that God brought to life, that is still young and strong, lives — and is dead.

With such thoughts the blood surges in every German. He would simply not have been able to write them. His inner spirit revolts against it in anger. The love of the fatherland is aroused. That is to the Jew an unknown feeling, it is only a word that sounds, in the best case, a coin that rings. The deep spiritual processes that this concept encompasses are to him incomprehensible. Precisely the writings of Rathenau present an abundance of evidentiary materials for this. One senses from them how he studies the role of friend of the fatherland because he cannot produce from his own depths German feeling for the fatherland.

That is impossible. The love of the fatherland of the Westerner is a piece of his own life and that of his fathers, grandfathers and ancestors. It is growing up with the breath of the homeland, with that which has become and is growing. It is rooted in the native soil. If the Westerner is torn away from it, his soul too is torn, for the love of the fatherland remains, seeks to throw down roots and finds no soil. There the soul becomes sick; it becomes feverish. It drives the man through life in a feverish delirium. He longs for happiness, beauty, for pure, simple joy, and cannot find them because he lacks one thing: his own home, his own piece of the fatherland.

The Jew cannot experience this feeling. He can only understand it through reason. Perhaps the native soil is dear and valuable to him but, in the final analysis, only as a ware. Therefore he gets derailed without noticing it as soon as he writes about the fatherland. He substitutes rational observation for feelings rooted deep in the soul. Thus we read in An Deutschlands Jugend the wonderful sentences:

The nations with whom national memories were identified in moments of celebration do not live any longer. The Italians are not Romans, the French are not Franks, the Germans are not Germanic peoples. The mixture with subjugated and with one’s own unknown strata has transformed the peoples not only fundamentally but also, far more than one is inclined to admit, made similar to one another. The intellectual and physical differences of the proletarians of Europe, who already make up the predominant masses of the nations, and therefore are also the only ones who conduct wars, are seen to be very small. From the movement towards regrouping that in Germany covers the last five centuries arises the very visible change of our people.[27]

These foolish reports of miscegenation one can read also in historical works that are otherwise useful. We must reeducate ourselves there too, as everywhere. We need not speak further about it here. But perhaps about the fact that the present nations still in celebratory moments, in moments of action — this concept that the Jew cannot comprehend — are one with their memory of the fatherland. Rathenau contests that. Has he not heard anything about 3 Februrary 1813?[28] Did he not experience the first days of August 1914?[29] Well, his racial comrades will recognise that this memory, as a supremely powerful noble force, holds the national body together in an indivisible unity when the awakened German soul rises.

To kismet as a worldview corresponds centralism as a life concept. (This centralism indeed is the same — as may be mentioned incidentally here — as the Roman in its influence on us Westerners, but is nevertheless, already differing in its form, essentially different from it in its character because the Roman centralism arises from the worldview of fatalism. Fatalism and kismet have, as I shall show, different origins.) Rathenau has given a great example of Jewish centralism through the building up and expansion of the war economy. He created it, as he himself has elaborately described, and, in spite of resistances arising from strong Western feeling, brought it to fruition. The circumstance that its removal from the nation was felt as a salvation, even if so many propagandists maintain the opposite, did not teach him a lesson. His plans for the building up of our collapsed fatherland culminate once again in centralism. We observe the same, with an especially clear kismet stamp, in his outlines of an international economic union.

His literary attack on Richard Wagner arises from the same worldview; he calls him a pest of the German nation because through his bold heroic characters, his praise of Siegfried, his glorification of the brave man, who banishes misery everywhere with violent action, had helped to direct the thought of the nation onto false paths. For Rathenau it is incomprehensible that these warrior figures did not create the nation but the nation created these warrior figures. He will never understand that in them the life-feeling of the Westerner is reflected: action and loyalty. Here kismet and planetary worldview face each other in mutual incomprehension.

*   *   *

Internationalism gives the Jew the stamp of his character to such a degree that it is noticeable even in the field of art. Heine and Börne are examples of this. That Heine was not a creative mind but understood and exploited German feeling in a rationalist way is immediately clear. Individual creation is sacred to every man. Indeed, he is often shy, through fear of scorn, of distributing his small works before the public. He hides them quietly in his chamber but he also feels that they are his work, a piece of his life, that he carefully protects from dirt and gossip. In this way did great mathematicians like Gauss[30] and Cantor[31] keep their powerful creations secret for years. Heine’s work lacks this inwardness, this feeling of the sacred. His songs are poisoned, as he himself once said. Ugly appendages contaminate the pure air that his fine, apparently deeply felt verses breathe. Apparently. They are the work of the understanding, otherwise he could not have proceeded in this manner.

In the field of music many Jewish names can be named, for the Jew likes music very much. But precisely in the conception of our noblest art is it shown so clearly that he cannot experience it inwardly. One may name many Jewish conductors, but they are all highly praised by their own racial comrades. None of them is capable of rendering a work of Bach or a Beethoven symphony with total inwardness. Music for the Jew is only tones and technique. And since we poor Germans from tender childhood onwards have been trained in foreign systems, to external forms, since, for that reason, most have lost the capacity to judge from their own inner life, they parrot what Jewish critics write in Jewish newspapers. If they do not feel the flippancy of an Offenbach,[32] they glorify the prolific Halévy[33] and enthuse about Leoncavallo and Bizet, who are presented to them as Frenchmen and Italians.

From a comparative cultural standpoint Meyerbeer’s[34] works are especially noteworthy. In Robert le diable,[35] and Les Huguenots,[36] German music is approximated to the French understanding, in Le Prophète[37] and l’Africaine,[38] it becomes international. In Robert le diable, he first frees himself from the Rossinian school and reveals his character, apart from the songs, whose composition preserves the Italian stamp. This does not arise from some creative vision but is based on clever calculation of effects. In the Huguenots, about which Friedrich Wilhelm IV said scornfully, or indignantly, ‘Protestants and Catholics kill one another and the Jew makes music of it’, the Meyerbeerian style is carried to its extreme. This music awakens dissatisfaction in anybody who is capable of experiencing music with devotion because here the external means of producing effects are heaped up excessively, because here the exaggerated raffinement with which he seeks to make an impression on the listeners is expressed even in the details. That blows like an icy wind over every warm heart that is receptive to sacred experiences. For, genuine music must speak to the heart not to the understanding; genuine music is religion set to music. The Jew is a master only in presentation. That is his nature. Richard Wagner’s words in his work, Das Judentum in der Musik,[39] are always true of his music:

Here nothing has been developed for centuries out a fullness of inner life but everything has, as in Jewry in general, remained rigidly frozen in shape and form. But a form that is never quickened by renewal of its content decomposes; an expression whose content has for a long time not been felt to be alive becomes senseless and distorts itself.

So long as the musical art had in itself a need of real organic life … there was nowhere a Jewish composer; it was impossible for an element totally foreign to this living organism to take part in the forms of this life. Only when the inner death of an organism is apparent do the elements lying externally obtain the power to master it but only to decompose it.

*   *   *

Already Spengler pointed to the fact that Hertz,[40] the only Jew among the great physicists, attempted to resolve the difficulties into which his science had fallen through the deployment of the concept of force. He contradicts his kismet worldview; The same phenomenon, combined with the materialistic worldview, finds a major expression in Einstein’s relativity theory.

Time has very little, directly nothing at all, to do with mathematics. We shall speak more of that later. In this context it suffices to point to Spengler’s apt explanations, of which a couple of sentences may be cited:

In the terms ‘time’ and ‘destiny’, life itself is, for one who uses them instinctively, touched in its deepest core, the whole of life, which is not to be separated from the lived experience. But physics, the understanding, must separate them. That which is experienced, separated from the living action of the observer, becomes an object, dead, inorganic, rigid — that is now Nature as mechanism, that is, as something to be exhausted mathematically. In this sense natural knowledge is a measuring activity.

Consequently, it knows time only as extension; consequently, it is forced to conceive of movement as a mathematically determinable quantity, as a denomination of the pure numbers obtained in experiment and set down in formulas. ‘Physics is the total and simple description of movements’ (Kirchhoff).[41] That was always its intention. But a movement within Nature conceived according to the understanding is nothing but that metaphysical entity in which the experience of the observer itself — through which alone a consciousness of a continuous succession arises — emerges. The momentary act of knowledge in itself causes a timeless condition that is consequently free of movement. That is ‘becoming’. Only from the organic series of these actions is there produced the impression of a movement. The content of this term touches the physicist not as an intellect but as a whole man whose constant vital function is not Nature but the entire world. That is the eternal quandary of all physics as the expression of a soul. All physics is the treatment of the problem of movement in which the problem of life itself lies — not as if it would one day be resolved, but even though it is irresoluble.[42]

Physics is the doctrine of laws that prevail in lifeless things. Presumptuous with a feeling of brimming power, it has to approach the solution of questions that can only grasp but not recognise spiritual experience, intellectual views — questions that mock explanation because they are answered by the a priori of our worldview. This effort had to suffer a shipwreck. That is the deep significance of the doctrine that mass increases with speed and, at the speed of light, is infinitely great, a doctrine that broke ground only at the moment when materialism had reached its high point in science, when its storming pioneers believed that they would be able to deduce final things through the understanding with the help of electromagnetism. In the field of physics, it corresponds to that which the world war was in the political and economic: the revolution of the organic against the mechanical. The same is true of Lorentz’s[43] relativity remarks. Both are symbols of the Western worldview. We shall speak more of that later.

Einstein’s doctrine is something quite different. It is a reflection of Jewish views, of the thought of a pure rationalistic man. His worldview prohibits him — as we were able so well to observe in the case of Spinoza and Marx — to stop where the Westerner comes up against his a priori. He builds up his system without consideration of the emotional values; removes without qualms the obstacles of the unconscious because he cannot at all understand them.

Western physics instinctively took into consideration the inner contradiction into which it had been led through the addition of the concept of time into its formulas by attributing to time a very independent role. It was absolute. It was considered as identical for all valid frameworks. It flowed through space as an eternal unchanging current. This conception, which was raised to an unquestionable principle of belief, enabled it to measure the processes of motion. Einstein changed that with one stroke. He attributed to time a slavish dependence on motion; in other words, he opposes most seriously the basic Western view hidden in the term ‘time’, the feeling of action. He separates not only the living, creative, organic from the lived, the dead, but subordinates it to the latter.  He writes:

In fact, according to classical physics, time is an absolute, that is, independent of the situation and the condition of motion of the framework. This is expressed in the last equation of the Galilean transformation t1=t.[44] Through the relativity theory, the four-dimensional way of the observation of the world[45] is offered since, according to this theory, time is robbed of its independence, as the fourth of Lorentz’s equations of transformation instructs us.

Here lies the key to the oddities that Einstein presents to us. Just the circumstance that our physicists and mathematicians are almost all rationalists and are no longer creative-religious minds could allow them to neglect this source of error that strikes anyone viewing things in a spiritual way. Time is life itself. It cannot be robbed of its independence, or life is killed. Then everything stops, including science. Here therefore is to be placed the lever of the person judging. Einstein’s premise is false, is basically perverted.

It is not my task to refute Einstein, which — as emerges from what has been said — can never be accomplished in a mathematical way but only in philosophically. I wish at the moment only to point to the cultural comparison why Westerners will never understand him and in this way explain the apparently incomprehensible phenomenon why he and his opponents — of whom the most significant is the Heidelberg physicist Lenard[46] — always talk at cross purposes. But I would like to point to one circumstance that is produced automatically from that which has been said. Einstein is especially proud of his discovery of the ‘relativity of synchronicity’ and describes vividly how this idea seized him quite suddenly. His followers shout to the world with cries of victory that therein lies the superhuman powerful deed. They do not know, or are silent about, the fact that already Kant, indeed in a strikingly powerful manner, presented this idea and that, further, the personal comparison of the astronomers already a long time ago realised the knowledge of the relativity of synchronicity. This ‘personal comparison’ has been precisely investigated by Bessel (Abhandlungen, Vol.3).[47] His researches lead him to the conclusion that no observer ‘can be certain of stating absolute moments of time’. This phenomenon is inexplicable to him, but its determinations are a sign of the penetrating insight that processes that are separated by measurable times — by measurable extensions, according to what was said earlier — can be synchronous to the observer or also seem to follow one another immediately.

But Einstein maintains something quite different from the ‘relativity of synchronicity’. He maintains the dependence of time on motion and, indeed, on mechanical motion. But, now, the ‘relativity of synchronicity’ is — and that is the salient point that has been overlooked up to now – dependent on the fact that living things change their position, in other words, motion is dependent on life, whereby I ignore the fact that sensory perceptions likewise presuppose living things. The favourite examples of the travelling train whose speed can be transferred relatively to the track cannot belie this. So why does the train travel? Who produced it in general? Only living beings, more precisely only Westerners, who thereby symbolised their views of time and action. The dependence of motion on life becomes clearer still when we refer to an example of Einstein’s. A train finds itself in motion relative to the tracks. On its closed roof a ball is rolled back and forth, whereby it is ignored that this movement of the ball can be originated only through the direct or indirect effect of living beings. The ball’s movement can then be transferred relative to the tracks. But how is it when, instead of the ball, a man runs back and forth constantly? Can his self-motion born vitally be set physcially equivalently to the movement of the ball? That would doubtless be false. But, further, if this man, as a result of his over-exertion due to the running, suddenly falls dead. Then his movement stops with his life. His life-span has run its course. Can this life-span be transferred relatively to the track?

Einstein’s followers draw this conclusion. They must do so in order to save the doctrine of their master. Mathematicians however should have made use here of an old form of argumentation that says: I start from an unknown premise — for the relativity of time is a supposition that is neither established by Einstein nor one that can be established for all time — calculate correctly and come to a correct conclusion. Therefore the premise is correct. In the special case at hand I reach a nonsensical conclusion, consequently the premise is false and the doctrine of Einstein worthless. Relative is only that which has become, the dead, space, extension. Within the realm of physics, there are only relative movements, as the ‘classical relativity principle’ of Newton already showed for translated movements. If the Einsteinian doctrine is considered an extension of this Newtonian relativity principle, as its application to the great speeds of light and electricity, one can say something about it, even speak of a scientific service of Einstein’s. On the other hand, it can never raise its present claim to the role of a universally valid natural law and wish to draw supra-mechanical life into it because it then leads to monstrosities. The hardest task of Western physics – in total opposition to Einstein — consists in removing time from its formulas. Whether it seeks to do that, whether the attempt is successful, even the specialist physicist cannot decide today.

The example cited by me of the man running back and forth on the roof and finally collapsing dead suffices — both on account of the self-motion and of the life-span conditioning it — to throw the Einstein theory overboard. Materialists who imagine that they can explain life from death, who think that in it only mechanical laws prevail, will contest that. For all others, that is, for all clear-thinking Westerners, on the other hand, this small proof is conclusive and sufficient. It would have to be so for Einstein too if he were able to think in a way other than mechanical-materialistically. For Einstein himself writes:

Every universal natural law must be so constituted that it passes over into a law of precisely the same structure when one introduces, instead of the space-time variable r,v,z,t of the original system of coordinates K, a new space-time variable r’,v’,z’,t’ … If a universal natural law were discovered that does not correspond to that condition, at least one of the two fundamental premises of the theory would be refuted.

Now, in life there prevail not just one but very many such laws. Life is a flat refutation of the Einsteinian theory and must be, as is seen from the true nature of time.

Spinoza says that worldly things relate to God the way the characteristics of a geometric figure do to their concepts, as a proposition to an axiom, as an inference to a principle. Spinoza confuses the logical mathematical result with the effect in reality. He becomes a slave of mathematics. We find something similar in Einstein. He turns the relationship of mathematics and physics upside down. The physicist — I recall the former bookbinding assistant Faraday,[48] who was not a mathematician at all — seeks to establish laws through experiments and derives his formulae from these results. Einstein, on the other hand, proceeds from mathematics, especially from the Lorenz transformations, and prescribes laws to Nature. That corresponds completely to his worldview. Only this knowledge makes comprehensible his sentence: ‘This is a definite mathematical condition that the relativity theory prescribes to a natural law.’ Further, the cultural alienness of character of Einstein in the West emerges clearly in the case of the arrogant rejection of mathematical axioms, which are nothing but our worldview moving over solid bodies. It is a sign of scientific decline that Einstein, on the question of the truth of certain principles of our mathematics, could write with impunity the sentence that it is ‘not only unanswerable by the geometrical method but is generally nonsensical.’

In his doctrine of the relativity of movement we find again in perhaps the most marked form the Jewish worldview, kismet and materialism. For the time being I ignore the representation of four-dimensional space, of the Minkowski[49] universe, and use the term ‘infinite space’. We Westerners think it filled with geometric lines along which forces move. The great commander of experiments summarises this idea in the sentence: ‘I assume in any part of space, no matter it if is, in the common language, empty or filled with matter, nothing really but forces and lines along which they are exerted.’ These lines run, as is expressed here unobjectionably, independently of matter. Any other idea is impossible for us. The concept of force forms the foundation of our physics. It is the a priori of our planetary worldview. It is senseless if we break our head about the nature of gravitation, of centrifugal and centripetal forces. For us they are a given. The forces, whose nature we neither can nor wish to determine, influence one another and disturb their paths mutually. The first law of motion, which is also known under the name of the law of inertia to those who are not trained in natural science, speaks unequivocally about this: Every time that a body moves non-uniformly, that is, its movement changes either in direction or speed, this change can be attributed to the influence of another body. This influence of bodies on one another is called force. Force is the cause of a change that a movement experiences, whether it be in direction or speed or both. Instead of this concept of force, of the entire content of our cultural soul, the Einstein doctrine places something quite different. Of course, it does not deny inertia but explains it as compelled conduction. This compulsory conduction determines the direction and — what is totally incomprehensible to us — the speed of a body. It provides it with its ‘natural motion’, from which it can be drawn out only through external influences. It is, according to the Einstein doctrine, comparable to an electrical field that likewise corresponds once again to the Jewish worldview and sharply contradicts the Western. Indeed, in it, Einstein glimpses the evidence for the fact that the lines imagined by our physics, the geometric structure, are in truth real material paths. According to his doctrine they are operative forces in whom a power is innate that can, under certain circumstances, lead to frightful disturbances. The field of conduction stands, accordingly, in constant mutual interaction with matter and changes according to its circumstances. What Einstein calls force we would characterize as power.

By transferring these ideas to the planetary orbits, he comes to the conclusion that even the planetary bodies are subject to the forced conduction, of which gravitation is only a part. He presents the bold opinion that gravity is only a result of compulsion that should belie the difficulties that the planetary orbits offered to the Galilean doctrine. For, the planetary bodies must indeed move in straight lines and may not move in elliptical paths. The followers of Einstein are particularly proud of this discovery.

It cannot be represented in a more unequivocal way — what has escaped observation up to now — that we today possess two physics: a Jewish one built up in a rational way, but not creatively formed on the principles of our worldview, and a Western one. The former as a symbol of the materialistic, kismet-directed worldview and the latter of the Faustian planetary.

That even the third fundamental characteristic, the international, is not lacking in Einstein is obvious. It emerges in the discussion of the question that is raised in conjunction with his theory: Is the Copernican or the Ptolemaic system correct? Our answer corresponds to our worldview, to the evaluation of our standpoints. It says: for us Westerners only the Copernican is correct. Our innermost selves revolt against the acknowledgement of Ptolemy’s epicycles.[50] For him and the members of his cultural circle the former system was correct. An agreement between the two is impossible. It is out of the question that we, in the sense of the Einstein theory, sometimes place ourselves on a Ptolemaic standpoint and at others on a Copernican according to which of the two suits our purposes.

So long as Einstein saw in his doctrine an attempt at an explanation of the Michelson[51] conclusions, so long as there was a debate about it in the circle of a few specialist researchers who are able to follow him in detail and with judgement, there was no reason to deal with them publicly. Today it is different. Einstein raises a claim to be taken seriously. Good, that should happen: The Einstein relativity theory possesses an extraordinarily high value for that science which in the future will bloom with an unimagined beauty that does not yet exist in the scholarly world — the science of comparative culture.

But that is not all. Until recently the Einstein character was made the object of glorification in a simply repulsive manner. With or against his will does not matter. Now it has suddenly become remarkably quiet. Perhaps because important voices have exposed him as a plagiarist. Essays that begin as follows are no longer possible: ‘When you see Einstein do not forget that you stand before the greatest man of the century!’ In a leading Social Democrat newspaper a new work considered to be nationalist was praised in a book review that was supposed to familiarize even the simplest man with this theory and it was pointed out that it was the duty of every person to familiarize himself with this powerful work. Just imagine: a doctrine that presupposes even in its point of departure a considerable amount of physical and mathematical knowledge is presented to our workers who, even if through no fault of theirs, can hardly follow the development of the law of gravity or of the Archimedean principle of buoyancy, that is, laws that fall within their horizon and that can be explained through visible experiments. That only confusion is sowed in their heads is clear. For the editors it is not a matter of making the treasures of our science accessible to the people — which is not possible without years-long strenuous study of it — but of praising Einstein because he is a Jew. The people should learn to think that +Jewry has brought forth the greatest mind on earth. In view of this state of affairs I declare: A theory that maintains that force can exist independently of matter but itself possesses matter, that, for example, a body gets heated because to its matter the matter of force enters has for us Westerners the worth of the entertainment section of a carnival newspaper.

Perhaps this judgement may seem all too harsh to many readers who have been confused by the illustrated local representations of the ‘liberating action’ of Einstein. So some examples may follow that show where the relativity theory of motion leads. It teaches that time is dependent on motion. That is why, as Einstein himself explains, the clocks in a moving train go slower than in a stationary one. Here are revealed clearly the consequences of the confusion of the concepts of time and extension. The hour of the clock face is the twenty fourth part of that lifetime that appears to us as a day and a night. On this lifetime, and on the clock participating in its course, the movement of the train does not have the least influence. The followers of Einstein do not perceive this. They relate relativity not only to the standpoint of the observer of a process taking place in death but make it the master of his life. Thus it is recommended to everybody who wishes to live long to become fast train drivers because then his life-clock will go slower. In the thousand-year Reich one will let the great men live, not loftily, but long, by setting them in a Zeppelin built by themselves and letting them go round the earth in a crazy speed until they, having become older than Methuselah,[52] resort to a Steinach rejuvenation treatment. [53] Of course, thereby they must take into account that they are visibly crumpled and take care that a gust of wind does not sweep them away because they have become featherlight in the course of the travel. For, all mass becomes smaller with increasing speed and all weights decrease. Einstein does not notice that with this result of his doctrine he runs into an irresoluble contradiction with his principle of the independence of the natural laws – because the Jewish natural laws are totally different from the Western.

But, one may object, these examples have been dragged in by their hair. But do not get angry. That is not the case. Let us quote an enthusiastic champion of the Einstein affair. On page 22 of Pflüger’s[54] Das Einsteinsche Relativitātsprinzip, we read:

Like the progress of the clocks even the temporal course of all natural phenomena is influenced. With bold imagination one will say: one lives in different warps at different speeds so that of two twins one, whom one had taken after birth to the realm of another warp, would seem after his return to still look rather like a schoolboy whereas his brother is an old man with white hair.

And such nonsense is thrown among the masses with a market cry. Perhaps it now becomes clear of what sort the ‘liberation’ by Einstein is. It is, in the field of physics, the same thing that the ‘liberating’ Bolshevism is in the field of politics — a jail for non-Jews. The Einstein doctrine — it could be maintained in the West — would let our science and therewith our entire life be levelled out permanently.

Even in essays that are considered scholarly one encounters the one-sided representation as if the Einstein doctrine had now finally solved the three difficult questions regarding the causes of the perihelion movement of Mercury, the deviation of light rays when passing over heavenly bodies, and the supposed shifts in the spectrum. To that it should be answered that the perihelion movement is well explicable by two theories that are rooted in Western thought, that the Western explanation of the deviation of the light rays is satisfactory, whereas the Einstein calculations deviate so far from the observed phenomena that they are not explanations, and that the shifts in the spectrum, in spite of all the talk recently about it, are quite uncertain.

4

Like everything, even the Einstein fanfare has a good side. It has stirred up the people so much that the mood has been transformed, with the emergence of disillusionment, into its opposite. The people will recognize where it must lead to when our universities are further Judaised with frenzied speed. In the institutions that we create for the promotion of our cultural life the Jew has at most something to look for as a student. As a teacher, no matter whether at the primary, secondary or high school, only men thinking and feeling in a genuine German way should be employed. We cannot poison our youth with materialistic, internationalist and kismet ideas. The words of a teacher have an effect throughout one’s life. Precisely for that reason does the Jew push into our educational system in order to, from here, fill politics, economics and jurisprudence with his mentality in a permanent manner. For, one who has the youth has the future. To what extent he is aware of the scope of his action is proved by his great efforts in the orientation to this goal. I recall the case of Löwenstein as well as the concealment of the origin of Jewish teachers and university lecturers through conversion to Christianity or — what is precisely the same thing to them — to liberalism.

We Germans can learn something great from the Jew: the tacit and never stressed closedness to the outside world. If the members of this race, corresponding to their utilitarian culture, are at loggerheads with one another, they still all work together with admirable solidarity for the conquest of the world and the consolidation of the Jewish power. They know that the Westerner, in the final analysis, always searches for and inquires about spiritual values. That is why the most insignificant work that arises from their circle — no matter whether a book, essay, painting or musical composition or a scientific accomplishment — is so loudly praised. How deliberately they go about this is proved — to give just one example — by the performance of Toller’s work, Masse Mensch,[55] in a private performance before the Nuremberg trade unions. They hammer into the people day in and day out its intellectual ‘significance’. They transfer the principles of their commercial life — market shouting — to all fields and support one another. Thereby their gift for acting, the power of their press and the power of their money likewise come in handy. To us Germans it is not yet clear that we sit intellectually in the ghetto. No essay that is unpleasant to the Jew is published. The Jewish newspapers, that is the majority, do not accept it and the others fear the threat that is always repeated: suspension of advertising. This suspension is — as anybody who has an insight into the press system knows — enforced unscrupulously.

Instead of many, I shall cite only the example of a Bavarian Centre Party newspaper, which, on account of a communication of only two lines that displeased Jewry, received within a few days the cancellation of permanent advertisements to the amount of 30,000 marks. The couple of anti-Semitic newspapers do not get through to the nation. Their readers are constituted of circles that anyway know in what a frightful situation we find ourselves. It will serve the benefit of all, and not least Jewry, if a change occurs here. Things are heading to a point where a sudden awakening will follow that will be frightful for the guilty. Only the Westerner can read the soul of the Westerner. The Jew deceives himself if he thinks that he will have the masses permanently behind him or can later subjugate them permanently. Matters are still in progress. They will end with the liberation from centralism, from fatalism as well as from kismetism. If one succeeds in the last moment in setting the development onto peaceful tracks, all participants, also the Jews, fare well. If one does not, then there will follow a frightful collapse. Not of the West. It is too vital for that. On the contrary, it will heal itself quickly. The coming decades will bring it an unexpected efflorescence.


[1] See my English edition, Eugen Dühring, The Jewish Question as a racial, moral and cultural question, with a world-historical answer (Ostara Publications, 2019).

[2] Isaiah 49:23: ‘And kings shall be thy nursing fathers, and their queens thy nursing mothers: they shall bow down to thee with their face toward the earth, and lick up the dust of thy feet; and thou shalt know that I am the Lord: for they shall not be ashamed that wait for me.’ (All notes are by the translator.)

[3] Volk.

[4] See Karl Marx, ‘On the Jewish Question’ (1844): ‘The Jews have emancipated themselves insofar as the Christians have become Jews.’

[5] This praise of the lyricism of the psalms is found also in Eugen Dühring’s Die Judenfrage (1881), Ch.III.

[6] Solomon sent for help from the king of Tyre to build his temple (see, for example, I Kings 5, 1-11).

[7] The Turkish word for destiny.

[8] Exodus 20.

[9] Matthew 22 35-40 (This – Jesus’ second choice of two great commandments – refers to a passage in Leviticus 19:18. The other commandment that Jesus chooses is ‘Ye shall love the Lord your God with all your heart’).

[10] Exodus 34:7.

[11] Ibid.

[12] Cf. Tacitus, Germania, ch.40.

[13] Exodus 32:10-14.

[14] Wikipedia: Spinoza’s metaphysics consists of one thing, substance, and its modifications (modes). Early in The Ethics Spinoza argues that only one substance is absolutely infinite, self-caused, and eternal. He calls this substance “God”, or “Nature”. He takes these two terms to be synonymous (the Latin the phrase he uses is “Deus sive Natura”). For Spinoza, the whole of the natural universe consists of one substance, God, or, what is the same, Nature, and its modifications (modes).

It cannot be overemphasized how the rest of Spinoza’s philosophy—his philosophy of mind, his epistemology, his psychology, his moral philosophy, his political philosophy, and his philosophy of religion—flows more or less directly from the metaphysical underpinnings in Part I of the Ethics.

[15] See, for instance, Spinoza, Ethics, I, Prop.XVII.

[16] things

[17] bodies

[18] See Ethics, I, Definition 4.

[19] Zur Kritik der Hegelschen Rechtsphilosophie was an unpublished manuscript that Marx wrote in 1843.

[20] Karl Marx, ‘Letter to is his father’, 10 November, 1837, published in Die neue Zeit, I (1897).

[21] This early work has not survived.

[22] Karl Marx, Capital: A Critique of political economy, 1867.

[23] Jean Jaurès (1859-1914) was a French socialist leader.

[24] The Second International was formed in 1889, the Third (Comintern) in 1919.

[25] Walther Rathenau (1867-1922) was a German Jewish industrialist and politician who served as Foreign Minister of the ‘Weimar’ Republic in 1922.

[26] Hugo Stinnes (1870-1924) was an industrialist and member of the Reichstag from 1920.

[27] An Deutschlands Jugend was published in 1918.

[28] The date on which a Prussian volunteer corps was created to fight Napoleon, who was defeated in the Battle of Leipzig in October 1813.

[29] The German Empire declared war on the Russian Empire on 1 August 1914.

[30] Carl Friedrich Gauss (1777-1855) was a distinguished German mathematician and physicist.

[31] Georg Cantor (1845-1918) was a German mathematician of Jewish origin who helped in the development of the set theory.

[32] Jacques Offenbach (1819-1880) was a German Jewish composer of French operettas.

[33] Jacques Fromental Halévy (1799-1862) was a French Jewish composer of operas including La Juive (1835).

[34] Giacomo (Jakob) Meyerbeer (1791-1864) was a German Jewish composer of operas who was influential in both Berlin and Paris.

[35] Robert le diable (1831) was one of Meyerbeer’s first successful operas.

[36] Les Huguenots was first performed in 1836.

[37] Le Prophète was composed in 1849.

[38]  L’Africaine was Meyerbeer’s last opera, performed posthumously in 1865.

[39] Das Judenthum in der Musik (Jewry in Music) was first published by Wagner anonymously in 1850 and, in 1869, under his own name. In this essay he points out the shortcomings of Jewish composers, especially Meyerbeer and Mendelssohn.

[40] Heinrich Hertz (1857-1894) was a German Jewish physicist who made significant contributions to the study of electromagnetic waves.

[41] Gustav Kirchhoff (1824-1887) was a German physicist noted for his researches in electrical circuits and spectroscopy.

[42] Oswald Spengler, Der Untergang des Abendlandes, I, Ch.6.

[43] Hendrik Lorentz (1853-1928) was a Dutch physicist noted for the ‘Lorentz transformation’ of Einstein’s special theory of relativity, which concerns the relationship between space and time.

[44] In the special theory of relativity the Galilean transformation is replaced by the Lorentz transformation.

[45] As if one could speak at all of four-dimensionality in the sphere of the dead. (Dickel’s note.)

[46] Philipp Lenard (1852-1947) was a Hungarian German physicist who made significant contributions to the study of cathode rays. He attacked Einstein’s theories as ‘Jewish physics’.

[47] Friedrich Bessel (1784-1846) was a German astronomer and physicist. His treatises were edited in three volumes of Abhandlungen (1875-1876) by Rudolf Engelmann.

[48] Michael Faraday (1791-1867) was an English scientist who made notable contributions to the study of electromagnetism and electrochemistry.

[49] Hermann Minkowski (1864-1909) was a German Jewish mathematician who invented the concept of four-dimensional space that is now called ‘Minkowski spacetime’.

[50] Hipparchus, the Greek astronomer of the 2nd c. B.C., as well as Claudius Ptolemaeus, the Hellenistic astronomer of the 2nd c. A.D., employed geometrical models involving epicycles to explain variations in the speed and direction of heavenly bodies.

[51] Albert Michelson (1852-1931) was a German Jewish physicist known for his study of the speed of light. His Michelson-Morley experiment was influential in the development of Einstein’s special theory of relativity.

[52] In Genesis 5:27 Methuselah is mentioned as a grandfather of Noah and said to have lived for 969 years.

[53] Eugen Steinach (1861-1944) was an Austrian physiologist who developed a method of human rejuvenation.

[54] Alexander Pflüger (1869-1946) was Professor of Physics at the University of Bonn. His book, Das Einsteinsche Relativitātsprinzip, was published in 1920.

[55] Ernst Toller (1893-1939) was a German Jewish playwright and Social Democrat who served as head of the Bavarian Soviet Republic for six days in April 1919 before he was ousted by the Communist Party. When the Bavarian Soviet Republic was defeated by the Freikorps in May 1919, he was sentenced to five years in prison. His play Masse Mensch was written in 1921 while he was serving his sentence.

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Alexander Jacob PhD https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Alexander Jacob PhD2024-06-03 08:46:372024-06-03 11:36:48Otto Dickel on the Jews: An excerpt from The Resurgence of the West, Ch.4: Jewry

Interview with Kevin Barrett on Jewish Hyper-ethnocentrism

June 2, 2024/14 Comments/in Featured Articles, Jewish Ethnocentrism/by Kevin MacDonald

Kevin Barrett interviewed me on my article “The Extreme Hyper-Ethnocentrism of Jews on Display in Israeli attitudes toward the Gaza War.”

 

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Kevin MacDonald https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Kevin MacDonald2024-06-02 07:41:062024-06-02 09:29:31Interview with Kevin Barrett on Jewish Hyper-ethnocentrism

THE MEDIA GUIDE TO SHOOTING JOGGERS

May 30, 2024/4 Comments/in Africans and African Americans, Featured Articles, Media Bias/by Ann Coulter
THE MEDIA GUIDE TO SHOOTING JOGGERS

I did not think I could hate The New York Times more.

But thanks to Gregory Mantell’s amazing new book, “Special Victim Status, The Era of Woke Journalism,” I do! Mantell’s carefully researched book provides hundreds of new facts about the press’s fanatical propaganda on race.

Coincidentally, this week is the four-year anniversary of George Floyd’s death, and I think the traditional gift is paper. You know what would make a great anniversary gift?  This book.

Nothing shocked me more than Chapter 3 on the Ahmaud Arbery case.

If you follow the news, you know that Arbery was the innocent Black jogger chased down by three racist rednecks in Georgia and shot dead merely for “jogging while black.”

Arbery’s killers, Travis and Gregory McMichael, were convicted in about six minutes and sentenced to life in prison without possibility of parole. Plus 20 years, just to be safe. Eight months later, they got bonus life sentences in separate federal hate crimes prosecutions. A neighbor, William “Roddie” Bryan Jr., who happened to be there, got 35 years (state) plus life (federal).

Quite a turnabout for a case that three prosecutors refused to take after concluding there was no crime. But our media can perform miracles!

Mantell contrasts the media’s treatment of Arbery’s killing with their take on the murder of Christopher Lane, a White jogger shot and killed by a Black man in Oklahoma.

Arbery: RACIST HATE CRIME, COMMITTED BY HATEFUL RACISTS!

Lane:

— “the simplest of motives — boredom.” — The Washington Post

— “a tale about teenagers from broken families, lives complicated by drugs and poverty, who seemed idle.” — The New York Times

The facts of the Lane shooting are pretty simple:

Lane, a 22-year-old Australian studying at East Central University in Oklahoma on a baseball scholarship, went for an afternoon run on Aug. 16, 2013, in a town that’s 2.5% black, and was shot in the back by a black teen, Chancey Luna, driving by in a car with two other boys. Lane died, blood gushing from his mouth, before the ambulance arrived.

Days earlier, one of the teens charged with Lane’s murder tweeted, “With my n*ggas when it’s time to start taken life’s.”

The facts of Arbery’s shooting are also simple, only made complicated by the media’s lies.

Mantell writes:

“The McMichaels said they attempted to make a citizen’s arrest to take Arbery into custody [after catching him again trespassing in neighbor Larry English’s house late at night]. Bryan, who followed behind the McMichaels in his own truck, caught part of the incident on his cellphone camera. In the video, Arbery punched Travis, and they fought over the gun; during the struggle, Travis shot and killed Arbery.”

But “from the start, both the Times and the Post pushed the false narrative by Arbery’s family and attorney (who were not present during the incident) that Arbery had simply been out jogging through the neighborhood …”

Indeed, a Times reporter wrote that “even if Arbery had been trespassing in the house, it doesn’t justify his shooting.” (Say, can we get Malachy Browne to write an article on Officer Michael Byrd’s deadly shooting of Ashli Babbitt for trespassing at the Capitol on Jan. 6?)

Mantell notes a few omissions from the Times’ and Washington Post’s “jogging while black” accounts:

— “Convenience store employees reported Arbery was known as ‘the jogger’ because he would stretch and pretend to warm up outside the store and then run in and out quickly, stealing stuff. … The employees said they tried to have police give the man a criminal trespass warning, but he always ran off before they could.”

— “On August 21, 2018, according to Burke County witness reports and Burke County Sheriff bodycam video, a Black woman who was married to a sheriff deputy called for help after seeing Arbery in her backyard and looking in her car windows. Sheriff deputies also later mentioned he was trying to steal a dog from the same house … When officers arrived to give Arbery a warning about criminal trespassing, Arbery claimed he had been out jogging and threatened to ‘whoop the officer’s ass.’”

— “On October 23, 2018, a Black woman called Burke County Sheriff deputies when she saw Arbery go into a vacant mobile home across from her house … When the sheriff arrived, Arbery ran away from deputies and falsely claimed he had been out jogging.”

— “Arbery was arrested and charged with ‘misdemeanor obstruction for running when given lawful commands to stop.’”

Following his pattern, before “jogging” the night he was shot, Arbery had apparently been burgling English’s house.

But “both the Times and the Post (and other media) continued to falsely report claims that nothing had ever been taken from English’s house in which Arbery had been caught on video trespassing on multiple occasions.”

In fact, Mantell says, “the Post and the Times knew about several 911 calls made in October and November 2019 which directly contradicted those claims … In one [of several calls] English told the dispatcher, ‘we had some stuff stolen from there’ in the last incident … The first time they stole everything out of the boat ‘that wasn’t tied down.’ The next night, November 18, 2019, English called 911 again, reporting that the same black guy who was there about a week or a week and a half ago was back.”

The media simply treated as gospel English’s post-hoc, not-under-oath, scared-stiff statement that nothing had been stolen. More likely, English noticed what had happened to the Atlanta Wendy’s where police had shot a black man in the parking lot in June 2020.  (Reuters: “Protesters burn down Wendy’s in Atlanta after police shooting.”)

Tellingly, English “admitted in court he had been greatly troubled by death threats he received.”

No matter. The only relevant fact to the media was this:

“[T]he neighbor Bryan accused Travis McMichael of calling Arbery a ‘fucking n*gger’ after killing him — and when racist messages were found on Travis’ cellphone — both papers devoted breathless headlines and stories to the news. This was reported as absolute proof that the killing of Arbery was racially motivated.”

But, oddly, the media had zero interest in the racist tweets posted by James Edwards, one of the Black teens involved in Lane’s shooting, such as:

“90% of white ppl are nasty. #HATE THEM.”

“Ayeee I knocced out 5 woods since Zimmerman court!:) lol sh*t ima keep sleepin sh*t!#ayeeee.” (“Wood” is a racial epithet for a white person.)

Another discrepancy noted by Mantell:

“[W]hile the Times pointed out that Lane’s killer had white friends, it didn’t worry about whether the McMichaels or Bryan had any black friends, though Travis McMichael had risked his own life years earlier to save a black man from drowning (according to a later “48 Hours” report).”

Yeah, “later” — after the media’s propaganda campaign had successfully led to multiple life sentences.

There’s much, much more in this chapter alone, but I’ll end with one more proof of what Mantell means by “special victim status”:

“As of January 15, 2023, Arbery was mentioned in 773 articles in the Post and 955 in the Times. … [O]n May 8, 2020 … the Times ran 14 articles and the Post ran 13 articles about Arbery on that single day. That was more coverage than the Times and the Post gave to Lane’s killing in two years — from his murder to the sentencing of his killers.”

[NOTE: THE AUTHOR, GREG MANTELL WILL BE INTERVIEWED ON MY SUBSTACK ON JUNE 1!]

COPYRIGHT 2024 ANN COULTER

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The Extreme Hyper-Ethnocentrism of Jews on Display in Israeli attitudes toward the Gaza War

May 28, 2024/18 Comments/in Ethnocentrism, Featured Articles, Jewish Ethics, Jewish Ethnocentrism, Jewish Moral Particularism, Jewish Traits/by Kevin MacDonald

If you know anything about traditional Jewish ethics (i.e., Jewish ethics before a great deal of intellectual work was performed aimed at providing a rationale for Judaism as a modern religion in the West—apparent in the Wikipedia article on Jewish ethics), you know that pre-Enlightenment Jewish ethics was entirely based on whether actions applied to the ingroup or the outgroup. Non-Jews had no moral worth and could be exploited or even murdered as long as doing so did not threaten the interests of the wider Jewish community. I have written a great deal on Jewish ingroup morality, beginning with the Chapter 6 in A People That Shall Dwell Alone:

Business and social ethics as codified in the Bible and the Talmud took strong cognizance of group membership in a manner that minimized oppression within the Jewish community, but not between Jews and gentiles. Perhaps the classic case of differential business practices toward Jews and gentiles, enshrined in Deuteronomy 23, is that interest on loans could be charged to gentiles, but not to Jews. Although various subterfuges were sometimes found to get around this requirement, loans to Jews in medieval Spain were typically made without interest (Neuman 1969, I:194), while those to Christians and Moslems were made at rates ranging from 20 to 40 percent (Lea 1906-07, I:97). Hartung (1992) also notes that Jewish religious ideology deriving from the Pentateuch and the Talmud took strong cognizance of group membership in assessing the morality of actions ranging from killing to adultery. For example, rape was severely punished only if there were negative consequences to an Israelite male. While rape of an engaged Israelite virgin was punishable by death, there was no punishment at all for the rape of a non-Jewish woman. In Chapter 4, it was also noted that penalties for sexual crimes against proselytes were less than against other Jews.

Hartung notes that according to the Talmud (b. Sanhedrin 79a) an Israelite is not guilty if he kills an Israelite when intending to kill a heathen. However, if the reverse should occur, the perpetrator is liable to the death penalty. The Talmud also contains a variety of rules enjoining honesty in dealing with other Jews, but condoning misappropriation of gentile goods, taking advantage of a gentile’s errors in business transactions, and not returning lost articles to gentiles (Katz 1961a, 38).[ii]

Katz (1961a) notes that these practices were modified in the medieval and post‑medieval periods among the Ashkenazim in order to prevent hillul hashem (disgracing the Jewish religion). In the words of a Frankfort synod of 1603, “Those who deceive Gentiles profane the name of the Lord among the Gentiles” (quoted in Finkelstein 1924, 280). Taking advantage of gentiles was permissible in cases where hillul hashem did not occur, as indicated by rabbinic responsa that adjudicated between two Jews who were contesting the right to such proceeds. Clearly this is a group-based sense of ethics in which only damage to one’s own group is viewed as preventing individuals from profiting at the expense of an outgroup. “[E]thical norms applied only to one’s own kind” (Katz 1961a, 42).

Evolutionary psychologist/anthropologist John Hartung, referenced above, has continued his work on Jewish ethics on his website strugglesforexistence.com; note particularly “Thou Shalt Not Kill … Whom?.” The Jewish double ethical standard has been a major theme of anti-Semitism throughout the ages, discussed in Chapter 2 of Separation and Its Discontents; these intellectuals are good examples:

Beginning with the debates between Jews and Christians during the Middle Ages (see Chapter 7) and reviving in the early 19th century, the Talmud and other Jewish religious writings have been condemned as advocating a double standard of morality, in addition to being anti-Christian, nationalistic, and ethnocentric, a view for which there is considerable support (see Hartung 1995; Shahak 1994; PTSDA, Ch. 6). For example, the [Cornell University] historian Goldwin Smith (1894, 268) provides a number of Talmudic passages illustrating the “tribal morality” and “tribal pride and contempt of common humanity” (p. 270) he believed to be characteristic of Jewish religious writing. Smith provides the following passage suggesting that subterfuges may be used against gentiles in lawsuits unless such behavior would cause harm to the reputation of the entire Jewish ingroup (i.e., the “sanctification of the Name”):

When a suit arises between an Israelite and a heathen, if you can justify the former according to the laws of Israel, justify him and say: ‘This is our law’; so also if you can justify him by the laws of the heathens justify him and say [to the other party:] ‘This is your law’; but if this can not be done, we use subterfuges to circumvent him. This is the view of R. Ishmael, but R. Akiba said that we should not attempt to circumvent him on account of the sanctification of the Name. Now according to R. Akiba the whole reason [appears to be,] because of the sanctification of the Name, but were there no infringement of the sanctification of the Name, we could circumvent him! (Baba Kamma fol. 113a)

Smith comments that “critics of Judaism are accused of bigotry of race, as well as bigotry of religion. The accusation comes strangely from those who style themselves the Chosen People, make race a religion, and treat all races except their own as Gentiles and unclean” (p. 270).

[Economist, historian, sociologist] Werner Sombart (1913, 244–245) summarized the ingroup/outgroup character of Jewish law by noting that “duties toward [the stranger] were never as binding as towards your ‘neighbor,’ your fellow-Jew. Only ignorance or a desire to distort facts will assert the contrary. . . . [T]here was no change in the fundamental idea that you owed less consideration to the stranger than to one of your own people. . . . With Jews [a Jew] will scrupulously see to it that he has just weights and a just measure; but as for his dealings with non-Jews, his conscience will be at ease even though he may obtain an unfair advantage.” To support his point, Sombart provides the following quote from Heinrich Graetz, a prominent 19th-century Jewish historian:

To twist a phrase out of its meaning, to use all the tricks of the clever advocate, to play upon words, and to condemn what they did not know . . . such were the characteristics of the Polish Jew. . . . Honesty and right-thinking he lost as completely as simplicity and truthfulness. He made himself master of all the gymnastics of the Schools and applied them to obtain advantage over any one less cunning than himself. He took a delight in cheating and overreaching, which gave him a sort of joy of victory. But his own people he could not treat in this way: they were as knowing as he. It was the non-Jew who, to his loss, felt the consequences of the Talmudically trained mind of the Polish Jew. (In Sombart 1913, 246)

… Pioneering German sociologist Max Weber (1922, 250) also verified this perception, noting that “As a pariah people, [Jews] retained the double standard of morals which is characteristic of primordial economic practice in all communities: What is prohibited in relation to one’s brothers is permitted in relation to strangers.”

A common theme of late-18th- and 19th-century German anti-Semitic writings emphasized the need for moral rehabilitation of the Jews—their corruption, deceitfulness, and their tendency to exploit others (Rose 1990). Such views also occurred in the writings of Ludwig Börne and Heinrich Heine (both of Jewish background) and among gentile intellectuals such as Christian Wilhelm von Dohm (1751–1820) and Karl Ferdinand Glutzkow (1811–1878), who argued that Jewish immorality was partly the result of gentile oppression. Theodor Herzl viewed anti-Semitism as “an understandable reaction to Jewish defects” brought about ultimately by gentile persecution: Jews had been educated to be “leeches” who possessed “frightful financial power”; they were “a money-worshipping people incapable of understanding that a man can act out of other motives than money” (in Kornberg 1993, 161, 162). Their power drive and resentment at their persecutors could only find expression by outsmarting Gentiles in commercial dealings” (Kornberg 1993, 126). Theodor Gomperz, a contemporary of Herzl and professor of philology at the University of Vienna, stated “Greed for gain became . . . a national defect [among Jews], just as, it seems, vanity (the natural consequence of an atomistic existence shunted away from a concern with national and public interests)” (in Kornberg 1993, 161).

 So we should not be surprised to find that a great many Jews view Palestinians as having no moral worth. They are seen as literally not human, as noted by the prominent Lubavitcher Rebbe Schneerson:

We do not have a case of profound change in which a person is merely on a superior level. Rather we have a case of…a totally different species…. The body of a Jewish person is of a totally different quality from the body of [members] of all nations of the world…. The difference of the inner quality [of the body]…is so great that the bodies would be considered as completely different species. This is the reason why the Talmud states that there is an halachic difference in attitude about the bodies of non-Jews [as opposed to the bodies of Jews]: “their bodies are in vain”…. An even greater difference exists in regard to the soul. Two contrary types of soul exist, a non-Jewish soul comes from three satanic spheres, while the Jewish soul stems from holiness.  (see here)

Different species have no moral obligations to each other—predator and prey, parasite and host, humans domesticating cattle and eating meat and dairy products.

This ethic differs radically from Western universalism as epitomized by Kant’s moral imperative: “Act only according to that maxim whereby you can at the same time will that it should become a universal law.”  Moral universalism is fundamental to Western individualism: Groups per se have no moral status—the exact opposite of Judaism.

Jews may often present themselves as the height of morality, but appearances can be deceiving. From my review of Yuri Slezkine’s The Jewish Century:

In 1923, several Jewish intellectuals published a collection of essays admitting the “bitter sin” of Jewish complicity in the crimes of the Revolution. In the words of a contributor, I. L. Bikerman, “it goes without saying that not all Jews are Bolsheviks and not all Bolsheviks are Jews, but what is equally obvious is that disproportionate and immeasurably fervent Jewish participation in the torment of half-dead Russia by the Bolsheviks” (p. 183). Many of the commentators on Jewish Bolsheviks noted the “transformation” of Jews: In the words of another Jewish commentator, G. A. Landau, “cruelty, sadism, and violence had seemed
alien to a nation so far removed from physical activity.” And another Jewish commentator, Ia. A Bromberg, noted that: the formerly oppressed lover of liberty had turned into a tyrant of “unheard-of-despotic arbitrariness”…. The convinced and unconditional opponent of the death penalty not just for political crimes but for the most heinous offenses, who could not, as it were, watch a chicken being killed, has been transformed outwardly into a leather-clad person with a revolver and, in fact, lost all human likeness (pp. 183–184). This psychological “transformation” of Russian Jews was probably not all that surprising to the Russians themselves, given Gorky’s finding that Russians prior to the Revolution saw Jews as possessed of “cruel egoism” and that they were concerned about becoming slaves of the Jews.

At least until the Gaza war, Jews have successfully depicted themselves as moral paragons and as champions of the downtrodden in the contemporary West. The organized Jewish community pioneered the civil rights movement and have been staunch champions of liberal immigration and refugee policies, always with the rhetoric of moral superiority (masking obviously self-interested motivations of recruiting non-Whites who could be relied on to ally with Jews in their effort to lessen the power of the erstwhile White majority by making them subjects of a multicultural, anti-White political hegemony; here, p. 26ff).

This weighs heavily on my mind. This Jewish pose of moral superiority is a dangerous delusion, and we must be realistic what the future holds as Whites continue to lose political power in all Western countries. When the gloves come off, there is no limit to what Jews in power may do if their present power throughout the West continues to increase.  The ubiquitous multicultural propaganda of ethnic groups living in harmony throughout the West will quickly be transformed into a war of revenge for putative historical grievances that Jews harbor against the West, from the destruction of the Second Temple by the Romans to the events of World War II. This same revenge was fatal to many millions of Russians and Ukrainians. It’s the fate of the Palestinians that we are seeing unfold before our eyes. Two recent articles brought this home vividly.

Megan Stack in The New York Times:

Israel has hardened, and the signs of it are in plain view. Dehumanizing language and promises of annihilation from military and political leaders. Polls that found wide support for the policies that have wreaked devastation and starvation in Gaza. Selfies of Israeli soldiers preening proudly in bomb-crushed Palestinian neighborhoods. A crackdown on even mild forms of dissent among Israelis.

The Israeli left — the factions that criticize the occupation of Palestinian lands and favor negotiations and peace instead — is now a withered stump of a once-vigorous movement. In recent years, the attitudes of many Israelis toward the “Palestinian problem” have ranged largely from detached fatigue to the hard-line belief that driving Palestinians off their land and into submission is God’s work. …

But Israel’s slaughter in Gaza, the creeping famine, the wholesale destruction of neighborhoods — this, polling suggests, is the war the Israeli public wanted. A January survey found that 94 percent of Jewish Israelis said the force being used against Gaza was appropriate or even insufficient. In February, a poll found that most Jewish Israelis opposed food and medicine getting into Gaza. It was not Mr. Netanyahu alone but also his war cabinet members (including Benny Gantz, often invoked as the moderate alternative to Mr. Netanyahu) who unanimously rejected a Hamas deal to free Israeli hostages and, instead, began an assault on the city of Rafah, overflowing with displaced civilians.

“It’s so much easier to put everything on Netanyahu, because then you feel so good about yourself and Netanyahu is the darkness,” said Gideon Levy, an Israeli journalist who has documented Israel’s military occupation for decades. “But the darkness is everywhere.” …

Like most political evolutions, the toughening of Israel is partly explained by generational change — Israeli children whose earliest memories are woven through with suicide bombings have now matured into adulthood. The rightward creep could be long-lasting because of demographics, with modern Orthodox and ultra-Orthodox Jews (who disproportionately vote with the right) consistently having more babies than their secular compatriots.

Most crucially, many Israelis emerged from the second intifada with a jaundiced view of negotiations and, more broadly, Palestinians, who were derided as unable to make peace. This logic conveniently erased Israel’s own role in sabotaging the peace process through land seizures and settlement expansion. But something broader had taken hold — a quality that Israelis described to me as a numb, disassociated denial around the entire topic of Palestinians.

“The issues of settlements or relations with Palestinians were off the table for years,” Tamar Hermann told me. “The status quo was OK for Israelis.”

Ms. Hermann, a senior research fellow at the Israel Democracy Institute, is one of the country’s most respected experts on Israeli public opinion. In recent years, she said, Palestinians hardly caught the attention of Israeli Jews. She and her colleagues periodically made lists of issues and asked respondents to rank them in order of importance. It didn’t matter how many choices the pollsters presented, she said — resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict came in last in almost all measurements. …

or nearly two decades — starting with the quieting of the second intifada and ending calamitously on Oct. 7 — Israel was remarkably successful at insulating itself from the violence of the occupation. Rockets fired from Gaza periodically rained down on Israeli cities, but since 2011, Israel’s Iron Dome defense system has intercepted most of them. The mathematics of death heavily favored Israel: From 2008 until Oct. 7, more than 6,000 Palestinians were killed in what the United Nations calls “the context of occupation and conflict”; during that time, more than 300 Israelis were killed.

Human rights organizations — including Israeli groups — wrote elaborate reports explaining why Israel is an apartheid state. That was embarrassing for Israel, but nothing really came of it. The economy flourished. Once-hostile Arab states showed themselves willing to sign accords with Israel after just a little performative pestering about the Palestinians.

Those years gave Israelis a taste of what may be the Jewish state’s most elusive dream — a world in which there simply did not exist a Palestinian problem.

Daniel Levy, a former Israeli negotiator who is now president of the U.S./Middle East Project think tank, describes “the level of hubris and arrogance that built up over the years.” Those who warned of the immorality or strategic folly of occupying Palestinian territories “were dismissed,” he said, “like, ‘Just get over it.’”

If U.S. officials understand the state of Israeli politics, it doesn’t show. Biden administration officials keep talking about a Palestinian state. But the land earmarked for a state has been steadily covered in illegal Israeli settlements, and Israel itself has seldom stood so unabashedly opposed to Palestinian sovereignty.

There’s a reason Mr. Netanyahu keeps reminding everyone that he’s spent his career undermining Palestinian statehood: It’s a selling point. Mr. Gantz, who is more popular than Mr. Netanyahu and is often mentioned as a likely successor, is a centrist by Israeli standards — but he, too, has pushed back against international calls for a Palestinian state.

Daniel Levy describes the current divide among major Israeli politicians this way: Some believe in “managing the apartheid in a way that gives Palestinians more freedom — that’s [Yair] Lapid and maybe Gantz on some days,” while hard-liners like Mr. Smotrich and Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir “are really about getting rid of the Palestinians. Eradication. Displacement.”

The carnage and cruelty suffered by Israelis on Oct. 7 should have driven home the futility of sealing themselves off from Palestinians while subjecting them to daily humiliations and violence. As long as Palestinians are trapped under violent military occupation, deprived of basic rights and told that they must accept their lot as inherently lower beings, Israelis will live under the threat of uprisings, reprisals and terrorism. There is no wall thick enough to suppress forever a people who have nothing to lose.

*   *   *

Ilana Mercer is a Jewish woman from South Africa who has posted on various conservative sites. Here she states the unmentionable about Israel—and by implication, a very wide swath of Jews living in the West: that sociopathy toward non-Jews is entirely mainstream among Jews. No one should be surprised by this. My only quibble is that real sociopaths have no guilt and even take pleasure in harming others without regard to their religion or ethnicity. But these same Jews who are reveling in slaughtering Palestinians are Jewish patriots and love their own people. But they have an extreme form of ingroup morality—a morality that is intimately linked to what I call Jewish “hyper-ethnocentrism” (e.g., here).

Ilana Mercer at Lew Rockwell.com: Sad To Say, but, by the Numbers, Israeli Society Is Systemically Sociopathic.

In teasing out right from wrong, discriminate we must between acts that are criminal only because The State has criminalized them (mala prohibita), as opposed to acts which are universally evil (malum in se). Israel’s sacking of Gaza is malum in se, universally evil. Gaza is clearly an easy case in ethics. It’s not as though the genocide underway in Gaza could ever be finessed or gussied up.

Yet in Israel, no atrocity perpetrated by the IDF (Israel Defense Forces) in Gaza is too conspicuous to ignore. One of the foremost authorities on Gaza, Dr. Norman Finkelstein, calls Israel a Lunatic State. “It is certainly not a Jewish State,” he avers. “A murderous nation, a demonic nation,” roars Scott Ritter—legendary, larger-than-life American military expert, to whose predictive, reliable reports from theaters of war I’ve been referring since 2002. That the Jewish State is genocidal is not in dispute. But, what of Israeli society? Is it sick, too? What of the Israeli anti-government protesters now flooding the streets of metropolitan Israel? How do they feel about the incessant, industrial-scale campaign of slaughter and starvation in Gaza, north, center and south?

They don’t.

In desperate search for a universal humanity—a transcendent moral sensibility—among the mass of Israelis protesting the State; I scoured many transcripts over seven months. I sat through volumes of video footage, searching as I was for mention, by Israeli protesters, of the war of extermination being waged in their name, on their Gazan neighbors. I found none. Much to my astonishment, I failed to come across a single Israeli protester who cried for anyone but himself, his kin and countrymen, and their hostages. Israelis appear oblivious to the unutterable, irreversible, irremediable ruin adjacent.

Again: I found no transcendent humanity among Israeli protesters; no allusion to the universal moral order to which international humanitarian law, the natural law and the Sixth Commandment give expression. I found only endless iterations among Jewish-Israelis of their sectarian interests.

For their part, protesters merely want regime change. They saddle Netanyahu solely with the responsibility for hostages entombed in Gaza, although, Benny Gantz (National Unity Party), ostensible rival to Bibi Netanyahu (Likud), and other War Cabinet members, are philosophically as one (Ganz had boasted, in 2014, that he would “send parts of Gaza back to the Stone Age”). With respect to the holocaustal war waged on Gaza, and spreading to the West Bank, there is no chasm between these and other squalid Jewish supremacists who make up “Israel’s wartime leadership.”

If you doubt my findings with respect to the Israeli protesters, note the May 11 droning address of protester Na’ama Weinberg, who demanded a change of government. Weinberg condemned the invasion of Rafah and a lack of a political strategy as perils to both hostage- and national survival. She lamented the “unspeakable torture” faced by the hostages. When Weinberg mentioned “evacuees neglected,” I lit up. Nine-hundred thousand Palestinians have been displaced from Rafah in the last two weeks. Forty percent of Gaza’s population. My hope was fleeting. It soon transpired that Weinberg meant citizens of Israeli border communities evacuated. That was the extent of Weinberg’s sympathies for the “slaughter house of civilians” down the road. Hers was nothing but a lower-order sectarian sensibility.

The grim spareness of Israeli protester sentiment has been widely noticed.

Writing for Foreign Policy, an American mainstream magazine, Mairav Zonszein, scholar with the International Crisis Group, observes the following:

‘The thousands of Israelis who are once again turning out to march in the streets are not protesting the war. Except for a tiny handful of Israelis, Jews, and Palestinians, they are not calling for a cease-fire or an end to the war—or for peace. They are not protesting Israel’s killing of unprecedented numbers of Palestinians in Gaza or its restrictions on humanitarian aid that have led to mass starvation. (Some right-wing Israelis even go further by actively blocking aid from entering the strip.) They are certainly not invoking the need to end military occupation, now in its 57th year. They are primarily protesting Netanyahu’s refusal to step down and what they see as his reluctance to seal a hostage deal.’

Public incitement continues apace. Genocidal statements saturate Israeli society. The “lovely” Itamar Ben Gvir has provided an update to his repertoire, the kind chronicled so well by the South Africans (this one included). On May 14, to the roar of the crowd, Israel’s national security minister urged anew that Palestinians be voluntarily encouraged to emigrate (as if anything that has befallen the Palestinians of Gaza, since October 7, has been “voluntary”). He was speaking at a settler rally on the northern border of Gaza, in which thousands of yahoos watched the “fireworks” on display over Gaza, and cheered for looting the land of the dead and dying there.

“It’s the media’s fault,” you’ll protest. “Israelis, like Americans, are merely brainwashed by their media.”

Inarguably, Israeli media—from Arutz 7, to Channel 12 (“[Gazans need] to die ‘hard and agonizing deaths’), to Israel Today, to Now 14 (“We will slaughter you and your supporters”), and the lowbrow, sub-intelligent vulgarians of i24—are a self-obsessed, energetic Idiocracy.

These media feature excitable sorts, volubly imparting their atavistic, primitive tribalism in ugly, anglicized, Pidgin Hebrew. And, each one of these specimen always has a “teoria”: a theory.

Naveh Dromi is a lot more appealing in visage and voice than i24’s anchor Benita Levin, a harsh and vinegary South African Kugel. Dromi is columnist for a Ha’aretz, the most highbrow of Israel’s (center-left) dailies. Ha’aretz once had intellectual ballast. In her impoverished Hebrew, Dromi has tweeted about her particular “teoria”: “a second Nakba” is a coming. Elsewhere she has rasped a-mile-a-minute about “the Palestinians as a redundant group.” Nothing crimsons her lovely cheeks.

Such statements of Jewish supremacy pervade Jewish-Israeli media. But, no; it’s not the Israeli media’s fault. The closing of the Israeli mind is entirely voluntary.

According to a paper from Oxford Scholarship Online, the “media landscape in Israel” evinces “healthy competition” and declining concentration. “[C]alculated on a per-capita basis,” “the number of media voices in Israel,” overall, “is near the top of the countries investigated.”

Israel has a robust, and privately owned media. These media cater to the Israeli public, which has a filial stake in lionizing the Israel Defense Forces (IDF), in which each and every son and daughter serve. For this reason, avers Ha’aretz’s Gideon Levi, in his many YouTube television interviews, the military is the country’s golden calf.

Mainstream public opinion, Levi insists, molds the media, not the obverse.

Levi attests that right-wing and left-wing media are as one when it comes to the subject of the IDF and the Palestinian People. And in this, Israeli media reflect mainstream public opinion. It is the public that wishes to see nothing of the suffering in Gaza, and takes care never to disparage or doubt the IDF. For their part, military journalists are no more than embeds, in bed with the military.

At least until now, Israelis have been largely indifferent to their army’s orgiastic, indiscriminate bloodletting in Gaza. Most were merely demanding a return of their hostages, and the continuance of the assault on Gazans, punctured by periodic cease fires.

So, is Jewish-Israeli society sick, too?

When “88 percent of Jewish-Israeli interviewees” give “a positive assessment of the performance of the IDF in Gaza until now” (Tamar Hermann, “War in Gaza Survey 9,” Israel Democracy Institute, January 24, 2024), and “[a]n absolute majority (88%) also justifies the scope of casualties on the Palestinian side”; (Gershon H. Gordon, The Peace Index, January 2024, Faculty of Social Sciences, Tel Aviv University)—it is fair to conclude that the diabolical IDF is, for the most, the voice of the Jewish-Israeli commonwealth.

Consider: By January’s end, the Gaza Strip had, by and large, already been rendered uninhabitable, a moonscape. Nevertheless, 51 percent of Jewish-Israelis said they believed the IDF was using an appropriate amount (51%) or not enough force (43%) in Gaza. (Source: Jerusalem Post staff, “Jewish Israelis believe IDF is using appropriate force in Gaza,” January 26, 2024.)

Note: Polled opinion was not split between Israelis for genocide and Israelis against it. Rather, the division in Israeli society appeared to be between Jewish-Israelis for current levels of genocide versus those for greater industry in what were already industrial-levels and methods of murder.

Attitudes in Israel have only hardened since: By mid-February, 58 percent of this Jewish cohort was grumbling that not enough force had been deployed to date; and 68 percent did “not support the transfer of humanitarian aid to Gaza.” (Jerusalem Post Staff, “Majority of Jewish Israelis opposed to demilitarized Palestinian state,” February 21, 2024.) [One wonders if the Biden admin’s humanitarian pier — the one that drifted into the sea shortly after it was installed — was sabotaged.]

Scrap the “hardened” verb. Attitudes in Jewish Israel have not merely hardened, but bear the hallmark of societal sociopathy.

When asked, in particular, “to what extent should Israel take into consideration the suffering of the Palestinian population when planning the continuation of the fighting there,” Jewish-Israelis sampled have remained consistent through the months of the onslaught on Gaza, from late in October of 2023 to late in March of 2024. The Israel Democracy Institute, a polling organization, found that,

‘[D]espite the progress of the war in Gaza and the harsh criticism of Israel from the international community regarding the harm inflicted on the Palestinian population, there remains a very large majority of the Jewish public who think that Israel should not take into account the suffering of Palestinian civilians in planning the continuation of the fighting. By contrast, a similar majority of the Arab public in Israel take the opposite view, and think this suffering should be given due consideration.’ (Tamar Hermann, Yaron Kaplan, Dr. Lior Yohanani, “War in Gaza Survey 13,” Israel Democracy Institute, March 26, 2024.)

Large majorities of the Israeli Center (71 percent) and on the Right (90 percent) say that “Israel should only take into account the suffering of the Palestinian population to a small extent or should not do so at all.”

Let us, nevertheless, end this canvas with the “good” news: On the “bleeding heart” Israeli Left; “only” (I’m being cynical) 47 percent of a sample “think that Israel should not take into consideration the suffering of Palestinian civilians in Gaza or should do so only to a small extent, while 50 percent think it should consider their plight to a fairly large or very large extent.” (Ibid.)

In other words, the general run of the Jewish-Israeli Left tends to think that the plight of Gazans should be considered, but not necessarily ended.

On the facts, and, as I have had to, sadly, show here, both the Israeli state and civil society are driven by Jewish supremacy, the kind that sees little to no value in Palestinian lives and aspirations. …

*   *   *

Again,  any student of Jewish history, Jewish ethics, and Jewish hyper-ethnocentrism should not be surprised by this. The existential problem for us is that we have to avoid the fate of the Russians, the Ukrainians, and the Palestinians. Jews in power will do what they can to oppose the interests of non-Jews of whatever society they reside in, whether by promoting nation-destroying immigration and refugee policy or — when they have absolute power — torture, imprisonment, and genocide.

The contrast between the hyper-ethnocentric Israeli media described by Mercer and the anti-White, utopian, multicultural media in the West, much of it owned and staffed by Jews, couldn’t be greater. Whereas the Israeli media reflect the ethnocentrism of the Israeli public, the media in the West do their best to shape public attitudes, including constant and ever-increasing anti-White messaging — morally phrased messaging that is effective with very large percentages of White people, especially women, likely for evolutionary reasons peculiar to Western  individualist cultures (here, Ch. 8). The state of the Western media is Exhibit A of Jews as a hostile elite in the West.

It should be obvious at this point that Western cultures are the opposite of Middle Eastern cultures where ethnocentrism and collectivism reign. Westerners have far less of the ingroup-outgroup thinking so typical of Jewish culture throughout history.

Individualism has served us poorly indeed and has been a disaster for Western peoples. Nothing short of a strong ingroup consciousness in which Jews are seen as a powerful and very dangerous outgroup will save us now.

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Kevin MacDonald https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Kevin MacDonald2024-05-28 08:29:482024-05-29 07:28:59The Extreme Hyper-Ethnocentrism of Jews on Display in Israeli attitudes toward the Gaza War

Britain’s technocrats: The economics of truth

May 26, 2024/9 Comments/in Costs of Multiculturalism, Featured Articles, Immigration/by Mark Gullick

Economics is tailor-made for technocrats. It revolves around systems, and systems are everything for our current hyper-managerial class of social engineers. Once a system is in place, whether it works or not takes second place to its complicated maintenance. The subsequent problem for the technocrat task force is how that system is presented to non-specialists, particularly when it does fail, and the answer is always obfuscation by complexity. Part of technocratic best practice is to introduce as much complexity as it takes to protect the economic system from the comprehension of ordinary citizens. By performing this act of consecration, the technocrat becomes the equivalent of the priest in the medieval church, the only one in the congregation who can understand Latin.

I am not an economist. In fact, economics A-level is the only examination I have ever failed. But we all have a basic understanding of economics founded on our everyday use of money. In the same way, although we are not all psychologists, we have a basic understanding of psychology gleaned from our interactions with others. The word itself, “economics”, has its roots in the Ancient Greek oikonomos, which referred to domestic economy or what would have been called until recently good housekeeping. But economics has become something far different from merely balancing the household books. I have never found a definitive source for this quote, although it is sometimes credited to Bernard Lewis:

“Astrology became astronomy. Alchemy became chemistry. I wonder what economics will become.”

Whatever mutations economics is going through, its effects on ordinary people are becoming increasingly difficult for governments to spin to a British public who are seeing economic decline first hand. No matter how desperately spin-doctors and policy advisers try to manipulate tractor production figures, ordinary folk can see the state of the farm.

Inflation is the obvious example. It is a relatively easy concept to grasp, and is difficult to hide from people who go shopping. Its true severity is masked as much as possible, and this is the technocrat in action, mastering the dark arts of changing the everyday perception of reality. Governments use highly rigged economic data, and constantly tinker with calibration. “A change in the way inflation is measured” is a technocratic catchphrase and never an indication of greater transparency. But mopping up after the results of money-printing is only part of the government’s mission. There are also the failed projections, the inaccurate forecasts, the plain old broken promises. They will have adversely affected ordinary people, and it is the technocrat’s task to persuade them that it hasn’t, not really. If it has, the blind hand of economic forces can be summoned to bear the responsibility. The technocrat is absolved. Systemic breakdown is never a fault of technocracy.

All definitions of an economy broadly agree on the term as an expression of the financial infrastructure associated with the production and provision of goods and services. The economy is also an early-warning device, alerting the attentive reader to the likely economic weather ahead. It is a highly complicated version of a barometer or a weathercock. Failure to pay attention to the vagaries of the weather, as every farmer will know, can mean ruination, and it is no good wailing over your spoiled crops if you failed to protect them against the storm. That, however, does not stop technocratic apologists from essays in hindsight. Examples are plentiful, but I’ll focus on one from the United Kingdom.

For reasons noted, the British people are not known for rushing out to read reports on government economic policy hot off the presses, and so they may have missed a recent report from The Centre for Policy Studies, a Right-of-center think-tank. The Report is entitled Taking Back Control, and the always strident Daily Mail’s headline sums up the document’s conclusion. “Mass migration does NOT boost the economy”, it thunders in a piece about the report. “You don’t say,” seems the politest response to this bombshell, but there is another question. Who thought it would?

The International Monetary Fund and the World Economic Forum both believe that migration is economically beneficial to those countries which host immigrants, so it has globalist legitimacy for governments to apply it as a basic principle. The WEF talks of migration as “a model for sustainable growth for all”. Always with the models, another key piece of technocrat apparatus. The model to which mass migration is a technocratic response is that with ageing populations in the West and birth-rates below replacement level, younger people must be imported into Western countries in order to work in certain otherwise under-employed areas. They will then pay income tax, and the public weal will increase accordingly. Anyone who believes this problem has been solved in Britain by years of mass migration probably already works for the Home Office.

Taking Back Control was co-written by Robert Jenrick, who has the experience to know his subject, having been Minister for Immigration in 2022/3. Jenrick resigned from the government, however, over the Rwanda scheme to fly immigrants to that African country for processing, citing his dissatisfaction with the legal challenges that have stalled the whole project. Jenrick and his co-author, fellow ex-minister Neil O’Brien, present a stark picture, and the main analysis of Taking Back Control confirms that:

“Large-scale migration has not delivered significant growth in GDP [Gross Domestic Product] per capita, and has increased the strain in our capital stock, from roads and GP surgeries to housing”. [Italics added].

The authors do not mean “our”. They are referring to the lot of people who most likely will never read their report, not their own technocratic class but ordinary people. While the national economy seems to be moving out of recession in the UK, economies at a local level — the one that involves real people — are struggling to absorb mass immigration concerning which they were never consulted. The list of strains on the system is not encouraging: 89% of the increase in the UK housing deficit is due to illegal immigration (with the rest presumably resulting from legal immigration); this has the effect of price increases in the housing market and a knock-on rise in rental prices. Migrants from the Middle East, North Africa and Turkey are twice as likely to be economically inactive than their British equivalents. Immigration rates are to grow steadily in the coming years. Housing, hospitals, schools and infrastructure are all adversely affected by open borders, as Britain’s effectively are. The list continues, and an unavoidable truth begins to suggest itself; If the technocrats thought that immigration would boost the economy, and it didn’t, then they were badly wrong, and the price of their mistakes is all of the above and the rest of the list in Taking Back Control. And that list is not complete.

Taking Back Control, for all its economic data, fails to factor in hatred toward the traditional White British majority so common among current UK elites.

Nor does it factor in crime. It’s as though the extra policing, legal resources, possible emergency medical care for perpetrator and victim, penal detention and possible compensation that come as part of the immigration package is all available “free”. Trauma nurses don’t need paying, they do what they do for kicks, and lawyers all work pro bono. This is all the more curious an omission as Jenrick has called for a database on immigrant crime broken down into ethnicities (such as the Danish government publishes); the UK government currently claims it holds no such data.

Immigrants commit crime in disproportionate numbers and so will cost more to police. In Germany, 60% of suspects in cases involving violence are foreign migrants. The taxpayer, of course, ultimately pays for this, and with British income tax at a post-World War 2 high and local council taxes rising steadily across the country, a boosted economy is certainly not what the taxpayer is seeing as a result of mass migration.

However, there are co-axial economies which are being boosted by immigration, just not the national one into which people pay. Someone is making money from immigration. Hotel owners whose properties have been bought or rented at competitive prices by the Home Office, companies such as Serco which administer these hotels for the comfort of immigrants, and of course the people smugglers. Their business model is excellent, and their economy has certainly been boosted by Britain’s failure to secure its border.

Neil O’Brien rounded out Taking Back Control in a piece for Conservative Home. But, again, the problems pin-pointed and the solutions offered are nothing that has not been said for the past decade in what remaining pubs there are in Great Britain. Mr. O’Brien offers up the optimum immigration/economy model once more:

Immigration on [a large] scale is very often presented as an unalloyed good for the economy. On one level, this is correct: a larger workforce will lead to higher GDP, all else being equal. [Italics added].

Equal to what? Let’s take one inequality. In the last decade of nominally Conservative government, nine million people have migrated to the UK with 5.7 million migrating the other way for a net immigration total of 3.3 million, or a third of a million a year, close to a thousand people a day. Firstly, the social capital represented by those leaving as against that of the arrivistes will not be equal, and so increased immigration will lead to decreased social capital. O’Brien seems reluctantly dismayed that utopia has a glitch in the system:

If large-scale, relatively low-skilled migration has been great for the living standards of British residents, it doesn’t seem to be showing up in the data. While immigration can undoubtedly be enriching in many ways, the promised economic benefits have not materialized.

They most certainly have not and, while the remit of Taking Back Control is the British economy, that is not the only yardstick of “the living standards of British residents”. “It’s the economy, stupid”, was a cute jingle, but it’s not just the state of the national economy which is the Pole Star for people’s lives. People’s living standards cannot be exhaustively checked off against the flow-charts of their income and outgoings, their own personal oikonomos. Quality of life is not fiscal.

Ordinary folk who have never read a government report in their lives will be acutely aware of the adverse effects of mass migration, and not because their share portfolio has taken a bit of a beating or economic performance indicators are a little disappointing. Britain, philosophically speaking, is often called the home of empiricism, and its people are well equipped to understand immigration on an empirical level. They see it and they suffer from it. It’s not data, it’s real.

Hospital waiting lists have spiked even if a patient can get an appointment with their GP for a referral in the first place. Ambulance waiting times have got so bad people are advised to drive the patient to hospital themselves where possible. Dentists are over-subscribed many times over. Schools are becoming a Babel-like assortment of different languages, with a resulting slowing of the educative process. Public transport specifically for migrants has been laid on in some areas, diverting vehicles and drivers from regular routes. NHS translators may be required at public expense, further slowing down medical care. All of this inflicts costs economically, certainly, but the social cost is what affects people’s well-being.

Then there is the darker side of immigration.

There is not a sophisticated, intellectually jazzy way of saying this. With increased immigration of the ethnic type arriving in the UK, British parents increasingly fear for the safety of their children. Some immigrants have shown already that sexual proclivities which have long been normalized in their countries of origin have traveled with them. And they have traveled to a country in which one of the greatest scandals — and greatest cover-ups — in the nation’s history involved immigrants or their offspring, and the abuse of young White and Sikh children. Known as the “grooming gang scandal”, it is one of the great collusions between British media and the state to protect immigrants. Many migrant holding centers are being placed near schools, boosting the anxiety levels of parents and children. It’s not just the economy.

Another co-axial economy doing very nicely as a direct result of illegal immigration is money-laundering. The boom in Turkish barbershops, vape shops, candy stores, manicure parlors and other cash-intensive retail outlets all follow the same business model as the big boys, mostly Russians in London. London has long been the nerve center for laundering money, and this received an accelerant after the Soviet Union fell as a new and hastily formed group of oligarchs needed to get their money out fast. London welcomed them, its banks and the London Stock Exchange more than happy to help. Today’s new breed of money-mover — many of them literally young Turks — exploit the fact that the British business laws relating to retail establishments are laughably porous, and so Potemkin businesses abound. So plenty of money is flowing healthily through or around the British economy but, again, there is not much boosting of the overall economy going on.

These are all an economic layman’s snapshots of a great deception, that Britain could import — or simply allow in — millions of immigrants, and not only would they bring their colorful clothes and favorite recipes to enrich us all culturally, but they would eventually, soon, enrich us all financially as well. It was all a miserable lie. It wasn’t the truth. That comes later.

In 1986, a comment was made during the famous “Spycatcher” trial. The trial concerned a book written by a former employee of MI5, Britain’s domestic intelligence agency, which threatened to compromise Margaret Thatcher’s government. During an exchange that verged on the epistemological, British Cabinet Minister Sir Robert Armstrong was questioned by barrister Malcolm Turnbull (later to become Prime Minister of Australia) on the difference between a misleading impression and a lie:

“Turnbull: What is the difference between a misleading impression and a lie?

Armstrong: A lie is a straight untruth.

Turnbull: What is a misleading impression? A sort of bent untruth?

Armstrong: As one person said, it is perhaps being economical with the truth”.

Sir Robert may have been referring to Edmund Burke, who used the phrase “An oeconomy of truth” in the first of his Letters on a Regicide Peace, but the phrase resonates today in a world in which, while information proliferates, the truth becomes more obscure. The British government, about to change hands politically, has certainly been economical with the truth about the economy, and used it to justify mass immigration.

But did the technocrats really just get it wrong, or is the purpose of the mass importation of hordes of fighting-age men part of a darker purpose? I suggest that it was always about replacing the historic White British population motivated by hatred for them. TOO has had many articles on how Jewish elites have championed mass, multicultural migration to the UK via media and have an outsize financial presence in both major parties, as Tobias Langdon has repeatedly shown (e.g., here). They are certainly part of it, as well as the individualist narcissistic, Whites like Tony Blair who willingly go along with it motivated by the prospect of fame and fortune. A pathetic state of affairs that neither party seem willing to correct.

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Mark Gullick https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Mark Gullick2024-05-26 11:56:262024-05-27 17:15:58Britain’s technocrats: The economics of truth

“Noticing” by Steve Sailer

May 25, 2024/12 Comments/in Featured Articles, General/by Howe Abbot-Hiss

Noticing: An Essential Reader
Steve Sailer
Passage Publishing Co., 2024

Politically incorrect data blogger Steve Sailer has just released a new book of essays on a variety of taboo subjects which is well worth reading. Most pieces in this collection are already available from various outlets including VDARE and Taki’s Magazine. Unfortunately, Noticing: An Essential Reader 1973-2023 does not actually cover 50 years of essays as the subtitle implies. The earliest is from 1992, but any but the most obsessive fans will still find something here they have not seen before.

Before readers contact their lawyers I should mention that Sailer did in fact publish something in 1973, namely a brief letter to the editor of National Review which he reproduces in the introduction. However, this was before he finished high school, and he did not begin publishing for pay until around 1990. As he explains, he had an interest in data such as baseball statistics from a very young age. This initially led him to work in data analysis for a marketing research company, but he also noticed broader patterns in human affairs.

As a child he was very impressed by Daniel Patrick Moynihan, a presidential advisor who hosted a seminar at Harvard covering the latest data on the question of school funding and school performance. A study commissioned by the Johnson administration known as the Coleman Report had come to a politically incorrect conclusion: when it came to doing well in school, money was far less important than other factors, whether cultural or genetic, on the part of the students themselves. Sailer’s writing career has largely followed similar lines, as he rejects the standard dogma that all people are equal. However, he also rejects the idea that, as he paraphrased a sociologist of the time, “people aren’t equal, and I just can’t stand it.” Instead he has made a career of calmly and politely noticing facts which the current elite brands as racist, sexist, and so on.

One of the less expected areas of human biodiversity covered here is cousin marriage, which is very common in the Muslim world but quite unusual in the West. His essay on the topic was written in the context of the invasion of Iraq in 2003, which it was often claimed would bring the country freedom and democracy. There was some public skepticism of the idea that Iraq would become a “Jeffersonian democracy,” but few were willing to explain why, as that would be racist. Sailer explains that through the longstanding custom of inbreeding, Muslim countries have become especially unsuited to our system of government.

All people have a natural instinct to prefer those who are genetically similar to themselves, but how strong this instinct is varies depending on how similar they are. Due to high rates of inbreeding over many generations, Muslims tend to be more similar to their extended families than White people in the West are. Compared to their own families, even their neighbors are relatively alien to them. This leads to the highly clannish mindset reflected in the Arab expression “me against my brother, my brother and me against my cousin, my cousin and me against the world.”

Individualist Western societies, by contrast, have historically had relatively weak family ties apart from close relatives, and they have depended on a common national identity — “me and nation,” if not necessarily against the world, at least having their own distinct culture and shared interests. Without this, there is little basis for any sense of the common good, and thus for trust between the people and the government, or even between members of the same community. Instead there is constant conflict between different clans, tribes or sects.

In such an environment, what appeal can there be in concepts such as impartial justice or free and fair elections? They may have elections, but these will only be tribal warfare by other means. Why should the loser feel bound to respect the results? If one group has power, they will only use it to enrich themselves and abuse others. This is what we seen in many “nations” in the Middle East and Africa. Of course, there may be other reasons for this as well — the average IQ is significantly lower in these regions than in the West, and low IQ is correlated with corruption and nepotism, but Sailer leaves the subject of intelligence for other essays.

Another unexpected topic is golf course design. This is not a subject that appeals to mainstream journalists for several reasons. It would be hard to frame the sport as “inclusive”— not only do many golf courses cost over $10 million to construct, but many are the property of “exclusive clubs accused of racism, sexism, and anti-Semitism.” Golf players tend to be White, male, gentile, and straight, with the architects being largely Scotsmen.

There is also the question of aesthetics. Modern artists and architects often aim to be offensive, creating something deliberately unattractive to most viewers. Sailer argues that the appearance of golf courses, by contrast, reflects common human instincts. He refers to one study in which people from 14 countries were surveyed about what they would “like to see in a painting.” The two artists who commissioned the polls then produced the “most wanted painting” for each country based on the responses. Most of the resulting works were landscapes, and shared the common elements of lakes, grass, trees and hills or mountains. As Sailer puts it they “look remarkably like golf courses.” Other research has confirmed that people “respond strongly to landscapes with open, grassy vegetation, scattered strands of branchy trees, water, changes in elevation.” One theory is that this reflects the African savannah on which the first hominids evolved, to which we still have an instinctive attachment.

Speaking of Africa, Sailer covers Black-White differences in several essays. His writing on IQ mentions the 15-point difference between the Black and White averages, while other pieces cover Black advantages in athletics. His attitude toward Blacks may be jarring to some White readers. He effusively praises Black athletes and celebrates the desegregation of sports. Blacks are in some ways “superior” as he puts it, while Whites are merely more “nerdy.” Some of his comments endorsing interracial marriage are likely to raise the blood pressure of readers of any color. However, there is no reason to believe any of this is insincere, and it makes it difficult for the normie reader to dismiss his writing as motivated by “hate” or “White supremacism.”

The topic most likely to be already familiar to readers is the much higher crime rate among Blacks as compared to White Americans, but the author addresses this in a particularly original way in one essay. In 1999, a less politically correct time, the liberal magazine Slate published a debate between Sailer and economist Steven Levitt over the latter’s theory that the legalization of abortion had reduced crime. Levitt compared crime rates in 1985 and 1997 and concluded that abortion had prevented many future criminals from being born.

As Sailer explains, the theory was superficially plausible, as Blacks had three times the abortion rate of Whites while having eight times the murder rate. However, there was a major spike in crime in the intervening years in connection with the popularity of crack cocaine and the associated gang warfare. In 1993 the murder rate among 14-to-17-year-olds, who were born in the 1970s after Roe v. Wade, was 3.6 times the rate for the same demographic in 1984. The contrast was even higher for Black males in particular. Sailer argues that the same cohort had lower crime rates by 1997 partly because so many of them were already in jail or dead.

There is a surprisingly balanced section dealing with Jews included here. The first of this group of essays is a review of psychologist Richard Lynn’s The Chosen People, a book analyzing Jewish accomplishments in various fields in an admiring manner. Lynn found Jews dramatically overrepresented in Nobel Prizes and numerous professions, as well as in counts of prominent individuals. He attributed this to the high average IQ of the Ashkenazi, the majority ethnic group among Jews globally, which based on numerous studies he estimated at 110. However, he conceded that their intelligence alone would only account for them being overrepresented by about 2 to 1 in the professions, and yet the actual ratio is often much higher. Lynn attributes this to “strong motivational and work-ethic qualities,” and cites data suggesting Jewish students are more likely to aspire to both a high income and a high status in society.

The next essay however follows from the first in an unexpected way, although it was written earlier. If Jews have been so successful, why is it still taboo to say so? Sailer notes that the mainstream representation of Jews is still that of a vulnerable minority. He cites a 2006 article by Jewish commentator Noah Millman who was surprised to hear a rabbi admit in a sermon that Jews had a great deal of influence in the US. Millman was used to hearing Jewish leaders argue that Jews should identify with other supposed victim groups because they themselves are in a weak position — historical victims who might be persecuted again in the future. Yet as Sailer points out, Jews are only 2% of the US population and yet made up 35% of those on the 2009 Forbes 400 list of the country’s wealthiest individuals. Almost half of The Atlantic’s list of the 50 most important pundits were Jewish. Sailer credits this contradictory state of affairs to a Jewish elite who seem quite intolerant of criticism or even noticing on the part of gentiles, for reasons that are left to the imagination.

Another essay makes similar points while returning to the subject of golf. Sailer covers the common complaint that Jews were unfairly excluded from White Anglo-Saxon Protestant country golf clubs, and so were forced to establish their own organizations. He goes into depth on the subject and makes several interesting points. First, it is unlikely that many Jews would have preferred WASP country clubs to their own. Like most people of any ethnic group, they enjoyed being surrounded by their own kind. Their own clubs were exclusive as well, with a 1962 report by the Anti-Defamation League, of all people, coming to the conclusion that Jewish clubs actually discriminated against Christians more than vice versa. Jewish establishments reflected the cultural preferences of Jews— in comparison with their WASP counterparts they focused more on eating than drinking and clubhouses than golf courses. Many were even better funded than their gentile equivalents.

Second, although many Jews were indeed rejected from country clubs due to their origins, this often had nothing to do with gentiles. Many cities had two Jewish country clubs, one German and one Russian, with the German one generally being considered the superior one. German Jews for many years excluded Russian Jews, whom they considered crass and uncouth.

How, then, did the country club myth develop? Sailer argues that just as the Israeli government whips up public hostility towards neighboring countries as a means of distracting from domestic issues, Jewish elites in the US promote an exaggerated image of hostile gentiles in an attempt at “healing gaps within the Jewish community by castigating Christians.” Unfortunately neither the Anti-Defamation League nor the Southern Poverty Law Center has filed for bankruptcy in the time since these essays were written, so the basic dynamic remains unchanged.

Sailer ends the book with an interesting piece entitled “What If I’m Right.” Here he covers the implications of his observations in a typically modest manner. Many liberals claim that if noticing were to be normalized, this would justify drastic policies such as slavery or even genocide. Sailer finds this baffling, although he gives them the benefit of the doubt in assuming they are not projecting their own desire to commit such acts. Instead he posits that they feel a haughty sense of superiority to other Whites based on their own IQs, so they assume that recognition of such differences between races would mean similar contempt on the part of Whites toward Blacks.

As many of his essays clearly show, this is not the case. He is surprisingly sympathetic toward minorities even while being blunt about their shortcomings. Obviously he takes an interest in these issues because he would prefer to see less crime and fewer untimely deaths, not because he means to exalt Whites or vilify other races. If anything, he has embarrassingly little attachment to his own race. As Scott Greer has already pointed out, he would do better to take an interest in Whites as such, rather than the colorblind “citizenism” he currently advocates. The latter could further erode Whites’ ability to take their own side while being increasingly outnumbered and overwhelmed by other groups.

Steve Sailer has produced a well-written set of essays which can introduce a non-ideological reader to the facts we are not supposed to notice about human nature. Denial of these facts has been the basis of disastrous policies, as he has often pointed out. But even aside from policy, it is degrading to attempt to believe lies, particularly regarding critical facts of life. Sailer’s book should be uplifting and enlightening to anyone exposed to the modern mendacity around diversity and equality.

 

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Howe Abbot-Hiss https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Howe Abbot-Hiss2024-05-25 07:35:562024-05-25 07:35:56“Noticing” by Steve Sailer

The Political Cesspool: 20th Anniversary Conference

May 24, 2024/6 Comments/in Featured Articles/by Brad Griffin
From Brad Griffin’s The Occidental Dissent via The Political Cesspool. Missed this one, regretting  it.

May 20, 2024 Hunter Wallace Audio, Conservatism, Podcasts, Politics, Populists 31

When James Edwards asked me to speak at The Political Cesspool’s 20th Anniversary Conference earlier this year, I accepted on the spot and cleared my schedule. I knew that it would be a fantastic event. I knew that the finest people that I have met in the movement would be there.

I’ve been critical of the movement on this website, but it has always been from the perspective of love and as an insider. I have been a card carrying member of the Council of Conservative Citizens and League of the South. I have been to dozens of conferences over the course of the past 15 years. I marched into Charlottesville. I’ve been around since the White Nationalism 1.0 days. I saw the rise and fall of the Alt-Right. I’m as deeply involved as ever in whatever we are calling ourselves these days. I’m so deeply involved in the movement that my sons are Gordon Baum’s grandsons. I have watched children grow up and old war horses be buried. I count the leaders of the movement as my closest associates.

The truth is that the leaders of our movement, most of them anyway, are all smart, solid, productive, interesting, wonderful people like James Edwards. It is always a pleasure to be in the same room with them. I can’t speak highly enough of the core of the movement where most people have known each other in real life for decades. You encounter so many cranks and morons online. It is the fine people who I know offline who keep my spirits up. It is essential to develop and nurture these relationships.

The Dissident Right is like the Palace of Versailles. There are so many wings of it which are adjacent to the main building. There are innumerable rooms and gardens where the various subcultures are each doing their own thing. We cross paths with each other. Sometimes we get into arguments over the various points of division. People travel from room to room. James Edwards is unifying figure who is known and liked by nearly everyone. The Political Cesspool conference is a place where White Nationalists, White advocates, Alt-Right people, unreconstructed National Socialists, paleocons, populists, Patriots, Southern nationalists, Southern heritage activists and so on can all feel at ease and have a good time.

When I walked through the door of our hotel, I felt rich, fulfilled and among friends. It was emotional. It wasn’t just the 20 year anniversary of The Political Cesspool. It felt like passing a milestone in my life as well. I have been active for roughly the same amount of time. I have spent my entire young adult life in this scene. I am entering middle age now. I have a wife and two kids. I knew I would be seeing a lot of old friends. I knew that I would be meeting people who I know from the internet, but who I haven’t had the pleasure to meet yet in real life. I knew there would be people there who were at my wedding and who are like family to me. I knew there would be other bright people there who I hadn’t met yet. I knew there would be people there who I haven’t seen in years or who I saw in the blur of Charlottesville.

The 20 year anniversary of The Political Cesspool got me thinking about our ideological journey, not just about political shifts in the culture which I could measure in numbers in my speech, but in the origins and the trials and triumphs that we have all experienced. I thought about my most memorable experiences. I thought about my regrets and mistakes which are numerous. I thought about all the things for which I was grateful. I thought about the areas in which we were successful and the challenges ahead of us. I thought about all the stories that I have a few of which I enjoyed talking about over whiskey.

The title of my speech was “Paleoconservatism: From the Margins to the Mainstream.” It was about how critiques of conservative orthodoxy from men like Pat Buchanan, Sam Francis and Peter Brimelow in the 1990s and early 2000s have resonated and seem to be gaining a larger audience on the Right. Identity issues have become more salient and now animate the Republican coalition. We live in a time when Joe Six Pack is radicalized enough to storm the Capitol, but also one in which the Republican House has held nearly thirty votes in two months on Israel and “fighting anti-Semitism” on Ivy League campuses.

Warren Balogh of Modern Politics and formerly the National Justice Party circled back to Pat Buchanan’s run on the Reform Party ticket in 2000 in which he defeated Donald Trump. Warren and James Edwards started out in politics in the Buchanan Brigades. I had no idea what Warren was going to speak about, but he also traced our cause back to those crucial years and was able to describe it in greater detail in terms of his first hand personal experience. Paleoconservatism looked finished in the early 2000s. The George W. Bush administration is where history began to bend back in our direction.

Tim Murdock of White Rabbit Radio described his experiences working with Bob Whitaker and their role in injecting the term “anti-White” into the discourse. Bob Whitaker was always trying to use new technology to impose terminology and thus ideology on spaces outside the White Nationalist echo chamber. I will never forget the interview that I did with Tim on White Rabbit Radio in January 2022 which I called “The Tipping Point.” I had spent the first year of the Biden administration tracking the mass radicalization of conservatives across multiple polls. It was clear to me that something huge was happening in the wake of Trump’s defeat in the 2020 election, but the significance of this wasn’t registering in the wider movement. Tim is one of the few activists who thinks like I do. I define success as our ideas, values, criticisms and concepts permeating the Right. Thus, I saw it as a watershed moment when the “anti-White” genie was let out of the bottle by Tucker Carlson, even if it was being used in boilerplate conservative rhetoric. Whites were given permission to think racially. We anticipated even greater triumphs in the years ahead like the mainstreaming of the Jewish Question. All of this has come to pass in less than two years.

Nick Griffin of the British National Party addressed the conference via video. He was scheduled to attend and had booked his flight and hotel room, but was denied entry into the United States. He spoke about how the political window to turn things around through democratic means had closed in Britain. Much like the Republican Party in the United States, the Tories have spent the last 25 years successfully absorbing, containing, redirecting and dissipating the energies of the Right. As in the United States, mass immigration has reached an all-time high in Britain under Conservative rule, which guarantees a majority-minority Britain by mid-century which will one day resemble Syria or Lebanon. In spite of this bitter defeat, Nick remains optimistic. He spoke at length about the collapse of the post-World War II liberal world order and how it is happening militarily in Ukraine, economically through de-dollarization, culturally through extreme polarization and morally through the end of the Holocaust card thanks to Gaza. Historically, we are at the end of an epoch which has been defined by Germany’s defeat in World War II.

Mark Weber of the Institute of Historical Review and Jared Taylor of American Renaissance were our next two speakers and both spoke about how America deserves to fall at this point. Uncle Jared told us that the America which fought the War Between the States was gone. Similarly, the nation which had reconciled and moved beyond sectionalism to become a Great Power in the 20th century was gone too. We now live in a country which prefers to demonize its founding stock and deconstruct its culture. We live in a country which renames schools and topples men like Robert E. Lee from pillars. It is not our country anymore. We occupy the same geographical space with hostile aliens including those who are related to us. It doesn’t matter who wins the next election because it is too late to “Take Back America.” Instead, we should be thinking about how to salvage a part of it through migration and secession.

Sam Dickson spoke at length about the media shapes the news cycle through selectivity and repetition to fit its preferred narrative. We have all heard the names of George Floyd, Michael Brown, Trayvon Martin, Emmett Till and so on. No one remembers the names of White victims of even the most gruesome crimes like Daniel Williams who was recently raped to death by black inmates in an Alabama prison. I personally remembered that horrific story, which happened here near Montgomery, but not the name. It didn’t stick with me because I haven’t heard it repeated a thousand times. Lies which are repeated a hundred times like the notion that our current system is based on “white supremacy” are earnestly believed by millions of people. The American education system is also based on lies like this. We recently celebrated the 70th anniversary of the Brown decision which failed to erase academic racial gaps.

LISTEN HERE:

Hour One

Hour Two

Hour Three

We closed out the evening with a live three-hour broadcast of The Political Cesspool. I was interviewed along with the other speakers and many of the attendees. Jaye Ryan was interviewed. Unfortunately, I missed Dr. Michael Hill’s speech on Sunday which closed out the conference, which was in South Carolina. I was done in by a familiar foe … exhaustion from traveling, staying up too late drinking and socializing with friends over the previous two evenings. We also brought the baby who wanted to sleep in.

The conference was well done. Hats off to James for throwing such a great event. By the time of the 30 year anniversary, we need to shoot for being so mainstream and normalized that such an event could be open to the public and even our enemies wouldn’t see the point of trying to shut us down. Those tactics aren’t working at a time when tens of thousands of people are participating in Twitter Spaces.

Note: I would like to give a shout out to my new friends at Antelope Hill Publishing. Thanks for the coffee! Check them out!

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Brad Griffin https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Brad Griffin2024-05-24 11:29:272024-05-24 11:29:27The Political Cesspool: 20th Anniversary Conference
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