Jewish Aggressiveness

Tucker Carlson’s most forthright statement yet on Israel

Video here.

Carlson says some good things here. His main blind spot is castigating the American political class f0r their support of Israel (toward the beginning), but very little on how Jewish activism, Jewish media and Jewish money shape the attitudes of political elites. He notes well into his comments that AIPAC should register under the FARA as a foreign lobby but nothing on all the money, pressure and media support Israel gets from the American Jewish community or how politicians (whose only goal really is to get elected) are in fear of them.  (Jeffrey Sachs doesn’t help when he says in the second part of the persentation that the American Jewish community is hopelessly divided on Israel—without any attempt to discuss where the power lies. Clearly it’s not with Jewish Voice for Peace or Mondoweiss.) He also notes Netanyahu’s comment that Isreal dominates American politics:

I think the good news is that the government of Israel, in particular, the prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, has pushed it too far. And he did that in part by running around telling people what he thought was true, apparently, I control Donald Trump. I control the United States Congress. I control the United States. He said that to political allies. And opponents in his country said it to foreign heads of state. Fact. I control these people. Don’t you worry. And by the way, if you kick me out of office, the next guy probably won’t have the level of control that I have. He’s made that case. Openly, verbally, he said it out loud. And that was too much for our president [who then said that he “would not allow” Israel to annex the West Bank].

We’ll see what happens when push comes to shove on West Bank annexation. Trump changes his mind all the time.

Amazingly, he states that IDF officers were at the Pentagon during the 12-day June war with Iran making loud demands: they “enraged American Pentagon staff by just barging into meetings, giving orders, making demands, and nobody did anything about it.” Aggression doesn’t even  begin to describe it. And he states (correctly) that Israel roped the U.S. into wars in Iraq and Syria, noting the “Clean Break” manifesto by Richard Perle, David Wurmser, Douglas Feith, and other neocons that advocated for regime change throughout the Middle East. (See Karen Kwiatkowski’s similar comments [beginning at around 15:00] on Israelis “barging through” into the Pentagon to Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld’s office and not having to sign in during the Iraq war.”)

He talks about Netanyahu’s term, the “woke Reich,” as if anyone who criticizes Israel is a Nazi. He notes the 1967 USS Liberty outrage where Israel bombed and strafed a U.S. naval ship, killing 34 and wounding 171, and he mentions Israel spying on America and selling military secrets and technology to China. He uses Nikki Haley, Mike Johnson, and Lindsey Graham as paradigmatic examples of slavish fealty to Israel.

And he disputes the theology of Christian Zionism, still important for many American idiots. The chosen people are those who choose Christ. Here Tucker seems to be latching on what he terms a Christian revival (fueled at least partly by Charlie Kirk) to get his message out. I believe that he thinks that there is a Christian community in the United States that can ultimately be mobilized to take their own interests in  ending foreign interventions and rolling back immigration and multiculturalism.

He also claims that in the last two years the U.S. has given Israel $30 billion (i.e., not the $3.8 billion/year as usually noted) and that U.S. largesse to Egypt is also the result of Israeli influence.

And he notes Netanyahu’s comment that social media is the big problem in the U.S. and suggests that the real reason there was so much concern about China owning Tik Tok was the desire for censorship on behalf of Israel, especially on Tik Tok and X. But he doesn’t mention that censorship on behalf of Israel is exactly what will happen when Larry Ellison gets control of Tik Tok’s algorithm after the deal is consummated; nor does he mention Ellison’s neocon credentials.  Or the fact that Ellison’s protégé, pro-Israel fanatic Bari Weiss, will run CBS. after Ellison’s Paramount bought it. Netanyahu also implied that pressure should be brought on Elon Musk to censor X. Very important that Musk not cave in to such demands.

All this should infuriate Americans, and that is his purpose. It’s great to see a major mainstream conservative with a huge audience talking like this. We are definitely seeing more and more of this (e.g., from podcasts by people like Candace Owens and Judge Napolitano), and that is a good sign indeed. One can only hope that Americans come to be infuriated by Jewish activism and influence on destructive domestic policies like immigration and multiculturalism born ultimately by Jewish hatred toward the people and culture of the West.

Tucker [00:00:00] There’s a lot going on in the world right now, but if you’re on social media, and of course you are, because it’s really America’s only remaining news source, you know there’s only one story going on, and it’s Israel. Everyone online is arguing about Israel. And really they fall into one of two camps, generally speaking. So probably the more aggressive side are the deranged Taliban-level ethno-narcissists who are telling you that any criticism of the secular government of Israel is tantamount to blood libel against the Jewish people. And if you think that maybe it was not a great idea to arm Joseph Stalin, the greatest murder in history, then you’re a Holocaust denier! Shut up! And then on the other side, a group every bit as obsessed with Jews are the people who hate Jews, who are telling you that anyone who’s Jewish is bad by virtue of being Jewish. It’s a blood thing. Two things are interesting. One, there are very few kind of conventional Christian voices saying, wait a second, This is a secular government, another country. And it has probably nothing to do with my religion or anybody’s religion. And we should never judge people on the basis of their immutable qualities because guilt and virtue are not passed down genetically. But almost no one is saying that. So you really have the ethno-narcissists and the anti-Semites. And they’re at war with each other. That’s the online picture. What’s even more interesting and maybe even more distressing is that in the U.S. Government… The conversation, while much more muted, is a mirror of this in that a lot of the conversation is about Israel. Israel, a tiny country in the Middle East. Not critical to our national security, by the way. But the conversation, the bandwidth, is consumed by questions of Israel. So wherever you stand on Israel, whether you’re on one of the two sides just described or neither one of them, you know in your gut that this is bad. If a country like ours, supposedly the most powerful in the world, is devoting all of its time internally to conversations about Israel, it’s probably not going in a good direction. There’s probably a lot being neglected in favor of this very specific boutique conversation about this tiny little country. It’s just not good for anybody, including Israel, by the way. So what’s the antidote to this? How do you fix it? Here are four things you can do. The conversation about Israel and the relationship with Israel a lot healthier than it currently is. Here are the four. The first is get some global perspective on what we’re talking about. The United States is a nation of 350 million people. It has some of the deepest natural resources in the world. That would include energy and water, agricultural products. The United States, however it’s managed… Is a powerhouse globally and always will be because its strength is inherent. It’s a huge decisive country in the scope of world history. The United States makes things happen. Israel is not an insult, merely an observation. By contrast is a tiny and inherently insignificant country, at least geopolitically, in that it has only 9 million people and no natural resources, no meaningful natural resources. So it is insignificant. It is also physically tiny. It’s about the size of New Jersey, famously, but it has a much smaller GDP than New Jersey. It is a much small economy than the state of New Jerseys, it has an economy about the size the state Arizona and almost one half the economy of the state Massachusetts or Illinois. It just doesn’t really matter, actually. If you’re looking at a map and thinking through, you know, where does power politics go? Israel’s not even on the list, again. It’s tiny. It’s got The population of Burundi, it’s got a smaller population than Belgium. What is this anyway? And yet, despite its objective insignificance, it is the focus of the conversation, but it’s also the focus the spending. So right now, as we speak tonight, there are two THAAD missile batteries in Israel. That’s one quarter of the world’s total supply of THAAd missile batteries. THAAD missile batteries are American made, very high tech. Missile battery that takes incoming missiles out of the sky. And one quarter of the world’s entire supply of these is in Israel right now manned by U.S. Troops, by Americans. In uniform or not, they are American military personnel and they are manning these batteries to protect Israel. And that shouldn’t surprise you because since October 7, 2023, which is a little less than two years ago, the United States has spent at minimum $30 billion defending Israel. Huge. And for some perspective, the entire Israeli military budget before October 7th was about $25 billion. So the United States has put at least $30 billion into defending Israel in less than two years. Over the course of its existence, a little less than 80 years, the United States has put $300 billion, at least those are just the on books numbers, into supporting Israel, $300 billion. Israel is by far, no one comes close, the largest recipient of U.S. Aid over time and currently. So anyone who says, oh, it’s just a drop in the bucket. It’s totally insignificant, is lying or doesn’t know the numbers. By the way, number two is Egypt. So why are we spending so much money in Egypt? Well, we’re doing it at the request of Israel. So you could probably add that to the tally. It’s not an attack. It’s merely perspective. We are spending our time, our money. And we’re taking enormous risks on behalf of a country that geopolitically is not significant. The interesting thing is, most Americans have no idea that this is true. They don’t know how disproportionate our attention to Israel and our spending on Israel is relative to the rest of the world. And if you want some sense of how disproportion it, India and China combined, neither of which is a strong ally at the moment, combined represent more than a third of the entire world’s population, both arrivals economically, both arrivals militarily, at least potentially. And our relationship with them has gotten worse or is at the very least languished because of our relationship with Israel, because of the bandwidth consumed by tending to it. And also because of some of the inevitable conflicts that have arisen because of support for Israel, which is engaged in an extremely controversial, which is to say hated war in Gaza, which it’s not even really a war. It’s a massive displacement of people and killing on a grand scale of unarmed people, of unarm combatants. Of civilians, of women and children. And the world sees this and the world rejects it and the world hates it. And so Israel’s really last remaining ally of size other than the UK is the United States. And so there’s a huge cost to this. But again, most Americans have no perspective on just how disproportionate our commitment is because they marinate in lies about this relationship, mostly from our political class, also from the media, but really if you were to lay the blame on one group in the United States, it’s our elected leaders who continuously lie to us about the nature of this relationship, its significance. And they do it generationally. They’ve been doing it for many decades here. And this is just one example, but the most fun to watch. This is Nikki Haley at the Republican presidential primary debate, 2023 describing the United State’s relationship with the state of Israel. Watch.

Nikki Haley[00:07:44] The last thing we need to do is to tell Israel what to do. The only thing we should be doing is supporting them and eliminating Hamas. It is not that Israel needs America. America needs Israel.

Tucker [00:07:59] It is not that Israel needs the United States. The United States needs Israel. How could that possibly be true? It is in no sense true. In fact, it’s one of those lies that’s not three degrees off the truth. It is a complete inversion of the truth and the truth, which is obvious to anyone who looks at the numbers or is paying any attention at all is that Israel could not survive without the United states. That’s not an argument for. Pulling all aid to Israel. It’s just an acknowledgement of the physical reality. Israel fights its wars with American backing, with the guarantee, the implied defense guarantee that we have provided for so many years since at least 1973, 50 years. And its social services are made possible, which are quite generous, made possible by American subsidies. In other words, every dollar that goes to the Israeli military from the United States is a dollar that. The nation of Israel can spend on its own people. And so there is no world in which America needs Israel more than Israel needs the United States. And of course, Nikki was, Haley was never asked to explain how exactly that could be true. What are you talking about? Governor Haley, not one person asked her that question. And no one asked her the question because anyone in whose mind that question appeared. Would have paused for fear of being attacked as an anti-Semite for asking a question about geopolitics. That has been the state of play in the United States for my entire life over 50 years. Politicians make nonsensical statements. Nobody wants to even ask a follow-up question for fear of being intact. It is a state of perpetual intimidation. Everybody’s afraid of Israel, afraid of the topic, afraid in some cases of the state itself. We have not had an honest conversation about this ever. Certainly not in my lifetime. And that suits the Israelis just fine. And if you’re wondering why there’s an awful lot of lunatic anti-Semitic comment about Israel online, you have to wonder how much of that is organic. Some of it, of course, there are always haters, but how much of it is not organic at all? How much of is of that the lunatic, all Jews are evil. How much of that is being ginned up on purpose to make legitimate questions about the US government’s relationship with the government of Israel seem like crackpot stuff, like hate, like David Duke level lunacy, probably some because it serves their interests. Now that is a criticism of the state of Israel and it’s incredibly sophisticated propaganda campaign, which again, the rest of us been marinating in for a long time. But the true villain here, I would argue is not the state of Israel, the Jews, it’s the United States. It’s our leaders who are putting up with this. Israel is a small country with very limited resources and it is doing its best to serve its own interests. You’d think every country would act that way and most do, but there are some that don’t and ours would top that list. And so the true shame here, the actual villain in the story is the leadership of the United States that is putting up with serial humiliation for decades. And for what reason? So if there’s someone to be mad at, it’s our leaders. And that leads to the second thing that we can do to fix this truly unhealthy relationship, this poisonous relationship, which is getting worse by the way, it is breaking our society into pieces. It’s. Truly hurting the Trump administration. The second thing we can do after getting global perspective on what we’re actually talking about here, a tiny country that is in the deepest sense, insignificant to the United States. The second day we can, do is get some freaking self-respect and stop being ordered around by a client state. That’s not good for us. It’s not for them. It’s good for anybody. It’s like being screamed at by your children. No normal parent would allow that because it’s totally destructive. It’s not good for you. And it’s not good for the child. And that is exactly the relationship that we have with the state of Israel, in fact, not in theory. In fact, it is a huge country and a tiny country. The huge country supports the tiny country and that’s a pretty nice thing to do and whether it’s wise or not as a whole separate conversation, but if you’re going to have that relationship apparent to a child, you cannot be yelled at, humiliated, spied upon, bossed around by the child by the person in the inherently subordinate position. You can’t do that. You can be shamed into ignoring things that are quite clearly not the behavior of a subordinate ally to a big brother ally. For example, spying on the country that makes your economy and your defense possible, which the Israelis have been doing for generations. That’s a fact. One of them very famously was caught, Jonathan Pollard, who’s an American citizen, taking real secrets, like actual military secrets. And sending them to Israel, which promptly sent a bunch of them to the Soviet Union, which was our arch rival, our foe at the time. And that happened. And he went to prison and then somebody got out of prison and went to Israel where he continues to denounce the United States and anyone who says anything about it is attacked. Oh, you’re an anti-Semite. There’s nothing to do with anti-semitism. That’s insulting. Why would we ever put up with that? Well, we put up, with the attack on the USS Liberty that everyone’s so afraid to talk about clearly targeted on purpose. By a country we’re supporting, Israel, and it’s somehow shameful to say that. Why? Why is it shameful to see that? Who knows why it’s shameful to say that, but it shouldn’t be. And until we have some self-respect, not anger or hate, but just dignity, it will continue in June. For example, during the 12 day war, such as it was with Iran, the US and Israel versus Iran, bombing on all sides, during that short conflict. IDF officers in the Pentagon, foreign military officers in the Pentagon. And by the way, they’re not the only foreign military officers in The Pentagon, to be clear. There are NATO officers there from other countries, British, but there are a bunch of Israeli Defense Force officers in The Pentagon that week. And during that week, ask anyone who works at the Pentagon, they enraged American Pentagon staff by just barging into meetings, giving orders, making demands, and nobody did anything about it. How can a foreign military officer barge into military headquarters, even if invited to barge, into a meeting and start demanding, we want this, we want that. You need to get on this. The more you allow that kind of deeply unhealthy behavior, the more you’re going to get. And that’s exactly what has happened. Because of the weakness of our leaders, we have incited predators in a foreign country to take advantage of us. Oh, that’s such an anti-Israel thing. It’s not anti-israel at all. It’s a demand that the people whose job it is, whose sacred duty it is to defend and represent us, our leaders both at The Pentagon and all throughout the US government. That they do that, that they stand up and defend us against. Potential threats against all foreign countries to the extent they need to, and that they do not prostrate themselves before a foreign nation. That’s just basic. Why have a government, especially a strong government, if it’s taking orders from another weaker government, and that is the state of play. And it has been for a very long time. They’re not even pretending to such an extent that the Prime Minister of Israel goes on television to openly participate in, meddle in internal American politics, taking sides, attacking people, Americans. You wouldn’t think it would be his business. He’s not an American leader. He’s, not even an American citizen going on television to attack Americans because they’re not fully on board with sending. Billions more to a country of 9 million people. And in case you think that’s an overstatement, here is the Prime Minister of Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu, commenting on American politics.

Benjamin Netanyahu[00:16:30] They talked about the woke right. He said, I call it the woke, reich. That’s a brilliant, the woke right. Because these people, you know, they’re not any different from the woke left. I mean, they are insane. They’re the reason, but they’re actually meeting on some of the things we have to fight back. How do we fight back our influencers? I think you should also talk to them. If you have a chance to that, that community, they are very important. And secondly, we’re going to have to use the tools of battle. And the most important ones are the social media and the most important purchase that is going on right now is class. Tik Tok, Tik Tok number one, number one. And I hope it goes through because it’s a, it can be consequential and the other one, what’s the other one that’s most important. X, very good. And you know, so we have to talk to Elon. He’s not an enemy. He’s a friend. We should talk to him. Now, if we can get those two things, we get a lot and I could go on on other things, but that’s not the point right now. We have to fight the fight.

Tucker [00:17:45] It’s almost unbelievable that he said that on camera. Imagine this is a foreign leader bragging about how he’s censoring Americans. Again, this guy runs a country of 9 million people. That’s totally dependent on our tax dollars to exist. And here he is on camera and he’s a sophisticated guy. He, of course, he knows that he’s being filmed saying. Anyone who opposes me in the United States, who opposes more aid to Israel or opposes getting sucked into war with Iran, which does not serve American interests, that person is not simply mistaken or wrong. I’m not going to bother to explain why that person is wrong. That person is a Nazi part of the woke Reich, a Nazi. And the only way to fix it is by preventing Americans in the last country on earth with guaranteed freedom of speech. Prevent Americans from hearing the other side. And so we push Congress to force a TikTok sale, which is true, by the way. And when that happened and various members of Congress like, no, really, it’s about China. There were people online and said, no. I think it’s really about Israel. You kind of wish it was about China here. He is just admitting no, no we push the US Congress to censor. In the United States to commit censorship in the United States, because we think it’s bad for us. And we need to talk to Elon. The only reason we have free speech in the United States right now is because of Elon Musk. By the way, a naturalized American, a foreigner who looked at the United states and said, what’s great about that country? People can say what they believe because they’re not slaves. They’re not subjects of the state. They’re citizens of a nation that they own. Free speech is central to the entire idea of America. In fact, it’s really the only thing that sets us apart from any other country on earth. It’s not our market economy. It’s freedom of speech. And here’s this guy, a foreign head of state, who let me restate, is totally dependent on our tax dollars to exist, is saying Americans don’t have that right. And he’s going to do some kind of secret pressure campaign on Elon Musk to censor X because it bothers Israel. You know, that’s the point at which you just say, no, absolutely not. That is not allowed. But since no one has said that, it has continued. And that’s why when you go on social media, you see person after person taking that guy’s line, that guy line, repeating foreign government talking points on social media as Americans. Oh, you’re you can’t say that. It’s true. It’s 100 percent true. And it’s also totally counterproductive, by the way. This is not a sophisticated propaganda campaign. This is a brutal and brutish propaganda campaign where anyone who disagrees with anything is immediately slandered and smeared. Megyn Kelly, who’s got to be the single most moderate person on the question of Israel, said a hundred times and means it, by the way, I like Israel. I’m not against Israel, you know, but maybe it’s not a great idea to get sucked into one of their wars. We’ve done that. Let’s not do it again. Nazi immediately called her an anti-Semite and won’t stop. Meanwhile, the actual anti-semites, and there certainly are some online, never get criticized by Bibi or anyone else in his orbit. That’s kind of interesting, isn’t it? I wonder why that is when you have actual anti Semites doing videos, making fun of Auschwitz, but they get a pass. Hmm. Maybe things are not quite as they seem. But normal people who harbor no hate toward anyone or try not to are immediately slandered in a way that makes it, in some cases, hard for them to have jobs if they deviate even a little bit. So what’s the effect of this? Not that it’s up to me to tell Israel how to run its propaganda campaigns, but the effect just noticing is that it turns allies into enemies. You can agree on 98% of things, but if you think maybe it was a bad idea to bomb Doha. Qatar, the site of the largest military base in the Middle East, which exists to protect Israel, if you think it was a bad idea for the Israeli government to bomb Doha, then you’re a what? A Nazi? Just in point of fact, by the way, Hamas was originally in Qatar because the Israeli Government asked them to accept Hamas. That air base exists to protect Israel, by way. That was such a reckless and demented move that Mossad in Israel opposed it and wouldn’t participate in it because they thought it was too reckless. So to say that there is quite a bit of latitude for debate in Israel is an understatement. Mossad refused to participate in that, but as an American on social media, if you’re like, I think it’s a little crazy that our ally is bombing another one of our allies without even telling us and then lying and pretending that they had permission from the president to do this, which they did not. If you say that you’re a Nazi, you’re part of the woke Reich. This can’t continue. It’s too crazy. It’s counterproductive for them and it’s deeply destructive of our political conversation and of our country itself. And the good news is that the humiliation, which has gone, I mean, give you one more example of the humiliation which is almost beyond belief. So Israel’s our greatest ally. We should never ask anything of them. Of course, you heard Nikki Haley. You hear all of them say exactly the same thing. Protecting Israel is the most important thing. They’re our only real ally. If they’re only real ally, why does Israel have a long history of transferring military technology, including American military technology, to China, to China? Most people have no idea that’s true. It is true. Why is China running the port of Haifa, Israel’s biggest port? Really? If they are such a close ally. And of course the answer is because from Israel’s perspective, we’re not a close ally, we are a country that has been willing to help them, but when you only have nine million people and a defense budget, you know, you take help where you can get it. So the loyalty is not requited. It’s one way. And I think the good news is that the governor of Israel, in particular, the prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, has pushed it too far. And he did that in part by running around telling people what he thought was true, apparently, I control Donald Trump. I control the United States Congress. I control United States. He said that to political allies. And opponents in his country said it to foreign heads of state. Fact. I control these people. Don’t you worry. And by the way, if you kick me out of office, the next guy probably won’t have the level of control that I have. He’s made that case. Openly, verbally, he said it out loud. And that was too much for our president. And so in one of the great moments, it was a cool shower on a hot day. President Trump. Push back, not directly, but you can watch this clip and see that he’s had enough. Here is President Trump the other day asked about Israel’s plans to annex the West Bank. Watch.

Reporter [00:25:06] Did you promise leaders this week that you would not allow Israel to annex the West Bank? Is that something that you

Trump[00:25:11] I will not allow Israel to annex the West Bank. No, I will not allow it. It’s not going to happen.

Reporter [00:25:16] Did you speak with Netanyahu about this?

Trump [00:25:18] Yeah, but I’m not going to allow it, whether I spoke to him or not, I did. But I’m not allowing Israel to annex the West Bank. There’s been enough. It’s time to stop.

Tucker [00:25:28] I will not allow it. He’s not just talking about the West Bank there, obviously. These are political people. They understand when your poll numbers fall dramatically, particularly among the young men who helped make you president, you have to ask, why is that? And it’s about this issue because it’s too humiliating and people who don’t want to see their government bossed around by a tiny foreign power are not haters. They don’t hate any ethnic group. They just don’t want to be humiliated. And by the way, why should they be humiliated? That’s the core problem right there. That’s why Donald Trump has lost support over this Israel question. And he knows that and he’s pushing back. And there’s just no question from that clip whatsoever. So the third thing I think that would be very helpful to restore health and balance to the relationship between the United States and Israel. Is restore the concept of citizenship in the United States. If you’re an American citizen, it means something. The first thing it means is equality. You are equal to every other citizen. There’s no hierarchy of citizenship. All citizens are equal. Each gets one vote. Each gets justice before the law. That’s the promise of the United States and each gets to say exactly what he thinks. Period. Restore the value of citizenship. And the very first thing you would do if you cared about that and you should because the country can’t continue without it. After you expelled everyone who’s not a citizen from the country, which should happen immediately, they should be deported immediately for our own survival. But after doing that, the first thing you would do is not allow dual citizenship. Why would you allow that? You’re a citizen of two countries. Can you really serve two masters simultaneously? By the way, it’s not just Israelis who have dual citizenship. They’re all, every nationality has dual citizenship in this country. It’s not just Israel and it shouldn’t be allowed for a single moment. What is that? Whose side are you on? Don’t accuse me of dual loyalty. Well, you’re a dual citizen, whether it’s Argentina or Mali or Israel, not allowed. And moreover, you are not allowed to serve in a foreign military without losing your American citizenship. You’re fighting for another country. How can that be allowed? How can you retain your citizenship? By the way, why aren’t you serving in our military? Every country has a different perspective on the world and that grows from a whole bunch of different things, their history, their language, their size, their resources. But each country is different and each country is a different set of priorities. And if you’re fighting in a military for a country, you are not serving America’s priorities. You’re taking up arms on behalf of foreign power. You’re done. This would seem to be obvious. Many Americans have fought in Israel, in Gaza. Many Americans are fought in Ukraine, by the way, and a lot of other countries for foreign militaries. Lose your citizenship immediately. Of course. Obviously. It’s amazing that even exists. An APAC has to register under FARE, the Foreign Age and Registration Act of the 1930s. Of course, it’s a foreign lobby. There are a million of them, but it’s only APAC that doesn’t register. And it’s only APACT that is somehow above criticism. It’s a foreign lobby. It is acting on behalf of foreign government and its interests. Again, it is one of many, but it is the only one that doesn’t have to register. And of course, it should register immediately. You should know who is giving money to your politicians. You should know who is influencing them. There should be a record of that, as there is with any other nation, any other lobby of a foreign power, and only APAC is exempt. What is the effect of that? It makes everyone paranoid. Doesn’t make people like Israel more. When a topic cannot be spoken about, and when anyone who raises it is called a Nazi, the woke Reich, or dismissed as a Holocaust denier, anti-Semite or whatever, slandered in some way like that, it doesn’t make the problem go away. It festers and people go crazy and get angry and become resentful and all that. There’s no reason to conduct any business like that in secrecy. It doesn’t make things better at all. It doesn’ make the person doing it stronger. It makes him weaker actually in the end. The last thing that I think we need to do to restore balance between the relationship between the United States and Israel and to restore some sanity to the public conversation on this topic is to get our theology right. This is not a message aimed at Israelis or Jews. This is a message aimed at Christians who are the largest group of Israel supporters in the United States. Their view of Israel is colored not just by sentimental attachment, which is fine, or trips to Israel. Great, no problem. But by a Christian heresy, the oldest of the Christian heresies, which is that God somehow prefers some people based on their DNA. And of course the whole point of Christianity is that that is no longer true, that there is no chosen people. The chosen people are people who choose Jesus. That is the Christian message right there. It’s not an anti-Semitic message by the way. It’s the Christian message. It’s a core Christian message. And yet there are many. Many self-described representatives of the Christian faith, the world’s largest, who are daily sending a different message. And we should be very clear. Whatever this is, it’s not Christianity. It is heresy. And among the many examples we could pick, we’re going to go, because we couldn’t control ourselves, with Lindsey Graham. Watch.

Lindsey Graham [00:30:45] To people in my party, I’m tired of this crap. Israel is our friend. They’re the most reliable friend we have in the Mideast. They’re a democracy surrounded by people who would cut their throats if they could. This is not a hard choice if you’re in America. It’s not a hard choice if you’re a Christian. A word of warning. If America pulls the plug on Israel, God will pull the plug on us.

Tucker [00:31:17] God will kill you if you don’t support Bibi Netanyahu. That’s what he’s saying. And there are cheers, unfortunately. Cheers when he said that God will kill you. He will pull the plug on you, like a quadriplegic in intensive care. You’re going to flatline unless you support the secular, abortion on demand government of Israel. That’s the Christian perspective, really. That God loves some people more because of their DNA. That is not the Christian message. That’s the opposite of the Christian message, the Christian message is universal. That’s the whole point of it. The chosen people in Christianity are those who choose Jesus. The entire New Testament is that story and anyone who says otherwise has not read it or is lying. God does not prefer you because of your DNA or anyone else because of their DNA. Period. So the fact that people can stand up in the United States in 2025 and say something like that. And by the way, not even make the case. Just invoke the power of God as a weapon. He will kill you. He’ll pull the plug on your country unless you go along with this. We need more war. Listen to yourself. And it’s not just Lindsey Graham. It’s the Speaker of the House, Mike Johnson. It’s a lot of people, some of whom are very nice people. People have dinner with them. They seem perfectly normal. But this is a heresy and it’s deranged. And you know it’s deranged because it is a justification for killing the innocent. And in Christianity, if there’s one thing that’s crystal clear, it’s that Christians cannot abide the killing of the innocent, people who have done nothing wrong cannot be killed. That’s a sin. You are not allowed to do that. Period. And if you find anyone leveraging the message of Jesus to justify the killing of innocence, that person is committing heresy. So those are the four things I think that we probably should do right away to restore some balance and health, reduce the craziness in the relationship and the conversation about Israel. But now for an update and where exactly things are in a complex and dynamic moment globally with regard to Israel, our old friend, Mr. Sachs is here. Oh, Jeff, thank you so much.

Jeff Sachs [00:33:34] Thank you, Tucker. And thank you for really what a remarkable statement you just made and how many important things you said.

Tucker [00:33:43] Well, it’s just bad and it doesn’t need to be bad. And I just I think this is one place where I do agree with the neocons, some of whom are, you know, they are ethno-narcissists, a lot of them, but they’re right when they say if the national conversation is all about Jews and people are all met, like, that’s just not good for anybody. I don’t think that’s good. We need to deescalate and pull back. We need to deracialize this right away, right away and make it sane. And otherwise, what’s going to happen? Anyway, that’s enough lecture for me.

Jeff Sachs [00:34:13] No, no, no. But it’s it’s an important point because the whole issue about Israel is not about Jews, by the way. Exactly. The Jews in the United States completely divided on this issue as are non-Jews. This is not about Jews. This is about a state and what it’s doing right now. It’s history and American interest. And I think you said that all extremely clearly.

Tucker [00:34:40] Do you think there’s been a lot of talk today about another war with Iran? Do you think that that’s coming?

Jeff Sachs [00:34:50] I think it’s very likely because Netanyahu is absolutely intent and he has been intent for nearly 30 years. It’s nearly 30 years since he first became prime minister in 1996 in dragging the United States into a prolonged war with Iran. And he dragged the United States, and it’s a shame that the United States government went along with it. But he dragged the United States into a war with Iran just recently, and it’s extremely dangerous. And of course, he wants to do it again. It’s been part of Netanyahu’s policy to pull the United States into repeated wars. This is why this whole relationship is so completely dysfunctional. Netanyah, who back in 1996. With American political advisors, actually came up with a a document called Clean Break. Clean Break is a very strange, but very clear statement of what has trapped the United States for nearly 30 years. Clean Break says, well, Israel’s never going to compromise with its Palestinian Arab population in its midst and in the Palestinian lands. It’s going to control all of those lands, and it’s going to control or expel or kill or ethnically cleanse the Palestinian population. And that’s going to create unrest, and it is going to create a militant reaction. And then what Clean Break says is, yes, that’s going to happen and we will go to war against any other country in the region that supports opposition to greater Israel. That is Israel’s control over all of Palestine. There’s just one footnote to that. When Netanyahu said we will go to war, what he meant was the United States will go to war for us. So Netanyah, who has been the great champion of pushing America into endless wars for the last three decades. He was the big cheerleader of the Iraq War. People may remember that or they can refresh their memories. Devastatingly wrong war sold on completely phony pretenses that Netanyahu cheerlead. And one can even go online and find his testimony to Congress in October 2002 about how wonderful this war is going to be and how it’s going to lead to a breakout of freedom throughout the Middle East. He’s full of it and he’s been full of it for. Nearly 30 years, but he has had many wars in sight that he has actually dragged the United States into the war in Syria, which goes on and started with Obama in 2011 ordering the or assigning the CIA the task to overthrow the Syrian government was again at Netanyahu’s and Israel’s behest. Absolutely extraordinary. The ongoing wars in Lebanon, in Syria, in Iraq, the recent so-called 12 day war with Iran, which was a disgrace and a great danger. Even the wars in in East Africa, in Sudan, in Somalia and in Libya were pushed by Netanyahu. Needing to that, we need to overthrow regimes that support opposition to Israel’s control over the Palestinians. And in 2011, just to take another case because Obama did double duty that year, he went to war with Syria in a completely weird way of assigning the CIA the overthrow. But he also launched a war against Libya to overthrow Muammar Gaddafi. This was the Obama Hillary Clinton teamwork to drag America into more wars. This has its roots in Netanyahu’s doctrine, which is we will control all of Palestine. This will lead to unrest. It will lead to militancy. It will led to suffering of the Palestinian people. So what? But it will lead to challenges to Israel, and we will confront those by overthrowing the governments that support the militancy against Israel’s control over Palestine. And the U.S. Has played along until today. And I have to say, even though we saw just that tape of President Trump. Saying that, no, Israel will not annex the West Bank. First of all, don’t hold your breath because we’ve not yet seen an American president for 30 years that has resisted Israel. And I am still. Fearful that Trump is the same, because frankly. What we have right now, and Netanyahu said so, Israel’s involved in seven wars right now. It’s disgusting. They’re all over the Middle East in war. They’re in war in Gaza. They’re in war in the West Bank. They’re in war in Lebanon. They’re in war with Syria. They’re in war Iraq. They’re in war with Iran. They’re at war with Yemen. So far, the United States has funded, armed and diplomatically supported all of this. And the United States has absolutely not and in this government, and it’s true of the previous ones as well, not said a word about the state of Palestine, which is absolutely key to peace. There needs to be a state for the Palestinian people alongside a state for the Israelis. This is international law. It’s absolutely obvious to almost every country in the whole world. But the United States listens to Netanyahu. And by United States, I don’t mean the people, because just as you said, the American people are against all of this, by the way, by large majorities. This is not. Being driven by American public opinion, this is our American political class telling Americans what to believe, not what Americans actually believe. Americans want the United States to recognize the state of Palestine. The United States public opposes what Israel is doing by large majorities. This is the political class. But unfortunately, it includes the White House and it includes the Congress. And it hasn’t stopped yet. And the situation in the Middle East is explosive. And Netanyahu is working overtime to pull us into yet another war.

Tucker [00:43:02] May I ask you, you said a moment ago that no American president has ever constrained Israel in a meaningful way. I think George. In the modern period. Yeah, George H.W. Bush kind of tried. And there was talk of an assassination attempt against him. And he lost, of course, after one term. But why do you why do you think that is? Why is a country of nine million people able to dictate terms to a country of three hundred and fifty million people?

Jeff Sachs [00:43:32] Well, first of all, there’s no legitimate reason for that. In other words, there is no intrinsic U.S. Interest in any way, whether it’s military or security or economic for this to be the case. There is no moral reason for this to be the case, in other words. One could support Israel without supporting Israel’s. Reckless extremism and militarism and all its wars. And so there’s no reason for the United States government to have given a blank check, actually handed our military and our intelligence over to Israel to tell us what to do. There’s no legitimate reason for this. The question why this is the case is, of course, I think to all of us, even no matter how much on the inside we are or how many decades we’ve watched this, a bit of a mystery. Because I’ve seen this close up for more than 50 years. And if you ask me, am I really sure? Netanyahu, who was a absolutely disgusting warmonger, who has dragged us into terrible wars, who is committing massive war crimes. Why he gets 57 standing ovations in the U.S. Congress. If you ask me in my heart, do I really understand that? Is it the APEC lobby, the Israel lobby? Well, partly. Is it blackmail by Israel? Because there’s no doubt a lot of credible claims of Epstein and more about blackmail. Is it that? Is it direct bribes? Is it fear of American politicians? Is it the mainstream media, which, for a lot of reasons owned by a lot billionaires that tend to be rather ardent Zionists? Is it the larger Christian Zionist vote base, which is also a real thing? To tell you the truth, none of it really adds up. I agree. In full, because this is not in America’s interest. It’s not in American’s interest to be isolated in the world together with a murderous, rogue state, which is sad to say what the Israeli government has become. It is the most lawless state. The whole world right now, it’s committing massive war crimes. It is, as Netanyahu said, at war in seven fronts. If you’re at war and seven fronts, that’s pretty weird. That shows you don’t have diplomacy. You have war as a policy. And of course, Netanyah who does have war as a poli. And, you know, Tucker, I am at the UN a lot, so I. I’m in the UN Security Council a lot, listening or participating in UN sessions. And the UN, the Israeli politicians come and they yell at the whole rest of the world. And they yell at them in the most vulgar, stupid. Poor aisle. Absolutely imbalanced and irrational way. And then the U.S. Representative says, yes, yes. We we are with Israel. So if you ask me why this is fundamentally. First, it’s disgusting. Second, it is no rational basis. And third, if it is the money, the lobbying, the mass media propaganda, I’d be. Really strange beliefs of some people, whatever it is, even all of that, for my mind, doesn’t add up because a president of the United States should be able to figure this out a little bit better, that this is absolutely not in America’s interest. And we do not have a military that is to be handed out to another country to do whatever reckless things that country is doing. And right now, Israel is not only doing reckless things. It is committing a genocide. And that is not my opinion. That is the opinion pervasively of both scholars and specialists in this matter and in Israeli human rights organizations, in countless observers inside. Israel and observers all over the world. The U.S. Is actually, and I’m sorry to say it, complicit in genocide right now. A president should be able to figure this out. And they don’t. And so when you ask me this question, I can give you a list of answers, but somehow it doesn’t add up for me because this is not so hard to figure out that we are on a terribly wrong track.

Tucker [00:49:36] I agree with you completely. I’ve thought about it a lot. And you don’t have to hate Israel, which I don’t, to ask like why the serial humiliation rituals and no one ever says, you know, Basta, ever. And and I do think there’s people perceive a deep threat. Well, I know that that’s true. I wonder if the attack on Doha, on Qatar and in general the kind of nonstop effort to malign Qatar, Qatar is the most important player in U.S. It’s also deranged. It’s all projection. But I wonder if bombing a close U. S. Ally, kind of critical U. S. Ally in that region, Qatar is a critical U S. Ally, just to be clear. I wonder if that was like too much. I wonder if that was the beginning of the end for Bibi.

Jeff Sachs [00:50:29] I have to say there’s been a lot that should have been the beginning of the end going back 30 years, going back to the Iraq war. And even before that, starving a population in Gaza, as Israel is doing right now, should have been enough even without the bombing of Qatar. But. Yes, Qatar was an extraordinary event. Israel says we don’t have to obey any laws anywhere. We will go anywhere. We will murder anyone. It’s a murder operation, Mossad especially. But also this was the Israeli military in this case. And interestingly, what were they trying to do? According to them in Qatar, they were trying to murder the negotiators of Hamas who were considering a ceasefire proposal. I find it pretty strange that you murder your counterpart negotiators as they’re considering a proposal. But this is actually normal behavior of the Israeli government. They have done this repeatedly now that they murder precisely those who are negotiating. And the United States has been party to this. That’s really. Awful and dangerous and absurd. What was that war in Iran about? It was a disgrace. But what it was about was Israel trying to stop a negotiated solution to the question of Iran’s nuclear program. And people should remember that the. US bombing of Iran took place a couple of days before what was supposed to be the sixth round of negotiations with Iran that were reportedly progressing productively. There were serious things to be discussed. And Israel typically went in and assassinated as many people as it could. That were involved in those negotiations that were in senior reaches of the Iranian government. And then the United States joined in by the United States, I mean, President Trump and the military joined in. In the midst of a negotiating process, Israel murdered the negotiators of Hezbollah. Israel has repeatedly murdered counterparts who would negotiate. Israel’s right murdered its own prime minister who was trying to negotiate a peace, Yitzhak Rabin. This is the mode of operation of this extremist Israeli government that our politicians support to the hilt and they do it. Knowing that what Israel is propounding is an absolutely extraordinary and deadly policy. And just to put it one more time, what Netanyahu and his coalition represent is a claim that is called Greater Israel or Eretz Yisrael Hashlema, which in Hebrew is. The Greater Israel. And the claim is that Israel will control all of the lands that were the British Palestine. Britain, after World War One, took imperial control over Palestine. As usual, Britain left a disaster. This is Britain’s way in the world. Instead of a Palestinian state for the eight million Palestinian Arabs and a Israeli state for the eight-million Israeli Jews, what Netanyahu and his coalition want is that Israel controls all of the land, including, therefore, half the population that are Palestinian Arabs. Of course, they want to expel them. They’re very clear about that. They want them out. They want an Arab-free land of Israel. It’s unbelievably violent and destructive what they’re doing. And this is what we are defending. So, again, Netanyahu came to the United Nations last week. And he was very clear for any of these defenders of Israel in the United States. Netanyahu said there will never be a state of Palestine. Now, are we really signing up to that? Because that’s signing up to mass war crimes, to genocidal actions and to perpetual war for the United states. But honestly, until today, President Trump hasn’t said anything about that. The whole vast majority of the world says, of course, there needs to be a state of Palestine. Are you kidding? There are eight million Palestinian Arabs. What else is there going to be? The International Court of Justice says this. The UN General Assembly says this, the UN Security Council says this except the United States government, which says, no, we protect Israel in this. Murderous path that they’re on.

Tucker [00:57:04] It’s remarkable. It’s nauseating to me and shocking to me that any Christian could support this, especially with the enthusiasm they do. And I, you know, God is going to have to judge them. But I just think that’s.

Jeff Sachs [00:57:19] It’s a little strange, by the way, even when when when. Yes, it is a little stranger when when Senator Cruz, when you asked him about this, he couldn’t even quote the Bible. Right. By the way. He you you asked them and he said, well, God says that I will bless those who bless Israel, which is, by the way not what Genesis says. No, it says I will bless those who bless Abraham. This is a little bit different. And he couldn’t even quote the passage properly. But it was in that name that he said, this is why we have to do it. It’s like you just heard or just we were just listening to Lindsey Graham. They can’t even quote this so-called scripture that’s telling them what to do. It’s so preposterous.

Tucker [00:58:17] Well, and it said its effect is to is to really distort American politics. I thought we agreed during the Russia hysteria of the last administration that it was wrong and illegal, actually, for a foreign government to control our politics. Like, I thought we all agreed on that. I’ve always felt that way. No matter what the government, Russia was not controlling our politics, that was the lie there. But the truth was that’s wrong. And now. It seems like our entire national conversation is about this tiny, totally irrelevant little country with one great city, Jerusalem, but geopolitically irrelevant country. And that’s at the behest of a foreign government who’s openly saying, you don’t agree with us, we’re going to censor you. How can that stand? How can a foreign leader call for censorship of American citizens and then all those little satellite groups, the ADL, APAC, all of them? All push that. And then the Congress obeys. Like, that seems to me that’s got to be a red line.

Jeff Sachs [00:59:21] There’s so many big lies in all that is said day by day. But the biggest big lie in this regard is, as you noted rightly, to say that those who are against Israel are anti-Semites.

Tucker [00:59:37] So exactly.

Jeff Sachs [00:59:38] I happen to be Jewish. I am aghast at what Israel is doing because Israel is a state. It is, first of all, not a religion. And least of all is it a reflection of 2000 years of Jewish culture, which is not what Israel Is about at all, and to say that it’s anti-Semitic to oppose a genocide or to oppose all of these wars that Israel is provoking is obviously a big lie, but that is what is propounded. And it’s really, it’s strange to hear this, especially because… When one understands the history of Israel and the history of Zionism, which is the political philosophy calling for the state of Israel, people should know it’s a little, may sound a little strange in our current context. Religious Jews were against Zionism at the start. This wasn’t even a Jewish religious movement at all. This was a group of basically secular Jews in Eastern Europe, and the rabbis of the day told them, no, don’t do this. This is a bad idea. This is not what Judaism is. This is just going to create… A tremendous amount of trouble. And so this idea that being critical of Israel is somehow being anti-Semitic, which is what is being used as a cudgel against American society right now and against American universities, but pretty much across the board, is not only wrong and absurd, but completely against the true history of these issues. There’s a lot that can be said about it, but one thing that is an illustration of this point. Israel emerged from British imperialism. Actually, the modern Zionism, so-called, which was the idea of creating a Jewish state, was a British Christian idea. In the 19th century, it did not start as a Jewish idea. It was a British Christian idea. In a Jewish tradition of 2,000 years, Jews were to live anywhere, and they were to make their faith anywhere at their local synagogue. They didn’t have to be anywhere in particular. There was no land idolatry. There was just a set of religious and ethical tenets. That was it. And there was not only no mass call to have a Jewish state, that was viewed as heretical, a term that you used earlier. In one of the guiding texts of religious Judaism, the Talmud, there is a part called the Three Oaths, which rabbis in the early centuries AD wrote and compiled, and this part, Ketubot 111, says, don’t return to Israel en masse. Don’t, because it will just create trouble. Live peacefully where you are. That’s actually a Talmudic injunction that the rabbis followed for a couple thousand years, basically. So this whole idea of the modern state of Israel was actually a Christian idea, specifically a British Christian idea. And it was an Anglican reverend. Kind of gave this idea to Theodor Herzl, who was a secular Jew in Vienna in the last years of the 19th century. Well, just without going into all of the detailed history, in 1917, Britain did a typical British imperial thing. During World War I, it promised Palestine repeatedly to different groups. Britain is nothing but deceitful in its imperial methods, so it promised the land of Palestine to the Arabs, first in what are called the McMahon Sharif letters. It promised the Middle East to be divided with the French in what’s called the Sykes-Picot Treaty, and then in 1917. Under lobbying pressure of British and American Zionists or British Zionists who said, let’s bring America into this war, thinking that it would be good, announced in what’s called the Balfour Declaration, that there should be a Jewish homeland in Palestine after World War I. Remember, this was not even British land. This was Ottoman territory, but Britain being the British Empire said, we’re going to determine the fate of this and announce in the Balfour Declaration that there should be a Jewish homeland. Now, there was one Jew in the British cabinet in 1917, Edwin Montagu. What was that one Jew’s reaction to the Balfour Declaration, which was issued by the Foreign Secretary? It was to oppose strongly, strenuously, the Belfour Declaration. What did Montagu say in a famous letter? Why are you doing this? We don’t need a Jewish homeland. Jews are a religion. They’re not a nation. They don’t a nation, and if you do this, you make me seem like I’m not British. I am first British, thank you. I happen to be Jewish, but I’m British. If you say that now, the Jews are in the state of… Palestine, that’s where their homeland is, you’re going to make it seem like I’m less British. And this is how many people have felt over time. And I, as an American, completely, totally resent when Netanyahu says, we’re the state of the Jewish people. Nonsense. That’s even, it’s revolting. I happen to be Jewish, but Israel is not my state. The United States is my state, and it’s revolting to be told otherwise. Who the heck is he to tell me this? Who the heck is the Israeli government to declare such a thing? Complete nonsense. And so the history of all of this is completely different from what is thought and the claim that it is Semitic. To be against the ghastly things that Israel is doing, stopping food shipments into Gaza to starve people, destroying all of the infrastructure to make Gaza a place of two million people unlivable, murdering more than 60 million people, the significant majority of whom are women and children. And then to be told, no, you can’t say you’re against that, that’s anti-Semitic. This is a preposterous propaganda, not a reality. It has nothing to do with this in reality and Zionism is not Judaism, it is a political ideology and the extremist Zionism of Netanyahu and his cronies, Smotrich and Ben-Gavir in particular. Who are murderous members of this government. This is an extremism that is completely disgusting and has nothing whatsoever to do with Jewish beliefs or Jewish ethics.

Tucker [01:08:51] I think one of the reasons that religious authorities in Europe at the time of the Balfour Declaration, some of them thought this was a bad idea, is because the point of being in the land of Israel biblically was because the temple was in Jerusalem on the Temple Mount, right? Where Abraham brought Isaac. And that was the center of the religion until 70 AD when the Romans destroyed the city and the temple. Now, so, and then subsequently, of course, the rise of Islam, Al-Aqsa Mosque, third holiest place in Islam was built on that site and the foundation is called the Western Wall, the Wailing Wall, all of our politicians go to. The question of rebuilding the temple is almost never discussed publicly in the United States, but there is a huge effort, by the way, bankrolled by a lot of Christians, just to be completely clear. In the state of Texas, for example, there’s a whole foundation, a number of foundations designed to abet this. But there is this kind of behind the scenes push to rebuild the temple in Jerusalem, which would require destroying the third holiest place in Islam, the mosque, the Al-Aqsa Mosque. I’ve talked to a bunch of people about this who think that it’s imminent, that it is not crazy to think that that mosque would be blown up in order to make way for the third temple. Do you fear that? If that happens, what happens next?

Jeff Sachs [01:10:13] Well, the extremism on display in Israel is, as I said, the most lawless in the world today. Israel is the rogue state of the whole world. Israel flagrantly violates every limit. Israel goes to war where it wants to. It murders foreign leaders where and when it wants too. It acts with complete impunity and disdain. And Netanyahu thinks that he controls, and maybe he does, the U.S. Government so that whatever he does he thinks he can get away with. So there’s no doubt that there is a third temple movement that is part of this coalition. No doubt that they’re are people in this government who have absolutely no limit, who talk openly about, well, they’ve already said, to make Gaza completely uninhabitable and unlivable. That is ethnic cleansing or genocide or a combination of the two. Well, such people do not have limits. Would this go well? For Israel, no, this would be suicidal. But zealotry can be suicidal, and there’s a lot of zealoty.

Tucker [01:11:47] By the way, the word comes from the region, zealots were suicidal religion extremists.

Jeff Sachs [01:11:53] And it comes from, unfortunately, even the ancient history of Israel. Many people then and today did not think it was the greatest idea to rebel against the Roman Empire. The Jews ended up destroying themselves. Champion a mass suicide in a place called Masada. But to have a belief system where you’re championing mass suicide is a little weird. Maybe the behavior wasn’t so prudent. Maybe it wasn’t so wise to be as completely extremist as you thought. And it’s not so wise for Israel to be completely extremist and disdainful of every other place in the world, thinking that the United States has your back, so to speak. When in fact, as we said, it’s a little strange that the U.S. Politicians do every order of Israel up until now. But the American people are fed up with this. They’re disgusted with this. And eventually in our political system, that tends to move the politics a bit when you have 70% of Americans saying, stop, this is hellish. What Israel is doing is completely terrible. That will eventually even enter the consciousness of our political class. And so if you ask me, are there forces in Israel that could do this? Absolutely. And there are those who would do it tomorrow. This is a coalition government that. Caused Trump to say that annexation is impossible because they were on the verge of essentially annexing the Palestinian lands of the so-called West Bank, the West Bank of Jordan, completely against international law, completely against UN Security Council resolutions, completely against the International Court of Justice, completely against reality because it’s millions of people. Living there that they would have to murder or ethnically cleanse or completely suppress, which apparently they’re ready to do for all of them because they say these are all hateful people and they don’t even count how many people they’re killing in fact. So yes, of course they’re ready to what you said.

Tucker [01:14:55] One of the costs apart from the cost to the American social fabric, which is profound, the cost to the US Treasury, also profound. It does seem like we’re in a moment when the world is completely realigning. I know that you are right in the middle of that and have been your whole life. And so I think you see it a lot more clearly since you’re out of the country so often, but the huge population centers and the economic centers of the world, which would be India, China, to some extent Russia, but. Indonesia, like huge countries, bigger than the United States, economies growing much faster. They all seem to be kind of aligning against the United states and Israel. Or am I imagining that?

Jeff Sachs [01:15:37] Well, let me just say with regard to this Israeli genocide and extremism, almost the entire world knows what’s happening, sees what’s happened and is against what’s happen. In this regard, the only significant state that supports Israel is the United States. So it’s essentially two against the world. As I said, I. Go to the UN a lot and I watch vote after vote and there have been several votes in the last couple of years showing that this is the overwhelming view of the world that Israel needs to end its rogue behavior. It needs to stop the mass murder. It needs stop the starvation. It needs. To return to its borders, stop the wars all around it and enable the state of Palestine to exist and to function. And just to give you a few points on this, in several resolutions calling for a state of Palestine or Palestinian political self-determination, there have typically been out of the 193 UN member states around 180 saying, of course Palestine has the right of political self-determination. And there have typically been eight or at most 10 opposed to that. So around 180 against 10. Who are the 10? The 10 of course are Israel and the United States. And then Micronesia. Nauru. Micro, yeah. Yes, Micronesia, Naur, Vanuatu, Polau, Papua New Guinea. If people wanna follow them on a map, these are tiny dots in the Pacific Ocean. These are states where the U.S. Simply buys the vote because there may be 10,000 people, 12,000 people in Naur or some. Count like that. So the U.S. Just pays for the vote. Or in the case of Micronesia, they’re bound by compact to vote with the United States. And the only countries of any size that have voted any size at all other than these tiny, tiny dots with the U S and Israel have been Argentina, Paraguay, and once in a while a country or two in Europe, that’s it. The whole rest of the world is clear about all of this. And when you add up the populations in the countries on these two sides of the vote, and I’ve done that each time, of course, it’s about 95% of the World population saying, get on with it. Two states, a state of Palestine, a State of Israel. Israel needs to stop its mass murder. It needs to return to the borders of the 4th of June, 1967, according to international law. It needs stop killing or ethnically cleansing or suppressing the Palestinian population. That’s about 95%. And 5% is the U S and Israel. The U S by itself is 4.1% of the World population. Israel’s tiny, like you said, those islands are tiny. You add in Argentina and Paraguay and a couple of others and you get maybe to 5% of The World population, we’re completely isolated in this. And people should also understand there are so many lies that are told, especially as in our own. Zionists dominated mass media that has been recklessly pro Netanyahu and this extremism for a long time. But one of the repeated lies is there’s no one to talk to. There’s no way that there could be a peaceful Palestinian state. There’s not way that the Arabs could ever be a partner in this. Completely ridiculously the opposite. Since 2002, there has been what is called the Arab Peace Initiative, which has said that based on two states, there would be normal relations between the Arab countries and Israel. In other words, normalization and peace based on a state of Palestine alongside the state of Israel. And that has been propounded by Saudi Arabia and the rest of the Arab countries nonstop. It has been supported nonstop by what’s called the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, which is the 57 Muslim majority countries of the world. They say, yes, normalization, two states. Israel stops its rampage. Israel stops it’s delusions of greater Israel. Israel stops, it’s ethnic cleansing and murder of the Palestinian people. Then there can be peace. It’s not even hard. This is what the whole world says. Now the United States has used its muscle, its dollars, its threats. Even giving visas, it denied visas to the Palestine Authority to come to the United Nations last week to be part of the debate about this issue. It wouldn’t even grant visas because the US has been so in lockstep protecting this extremism up until now that we just are stuck. And everything that said that this is anti-Semitic, that there’s no one to talk to, that there is no possibility of peace, it’s all lies. And now about 155 countries formally recognize Palestine, including despite the ardent US pressure of recent months, Britain and France and Australia. And a number of other European countries just last week said there has to be a state of Palestine. But until this moment, the Trump administration won’t say the obvious truth because to this moment we’re still trapped in this hold of this extraordinary giveaway of American foreign policy and the whole American military and intelligence operations to an extremist rogue government.

Tucker [01:23:31] Netanyahu is despised, I think, by a lot of people in the US government bragging that you control Donald Trump. It’s hard to imagine a more self-destructive thing, but he did that a lot, including recently. So I just wonder how long, since he basically serves at the pleasure of the United States, that that country couldn’t exist without, not for a week without US backing. How long can Bibi keep his job if he’s despised by the US government and he’s got a fraction, he’s a lot of political problems within Israel and he is despised the world. How does he keep going?

Jeff Sachs [01:24:19] It is absolutely remarkable. I’m sure that he is despised, but he actually to this day continues to get his way, including in the last few days. Even when President Trump put forward a plan for Gaza, which was a kind of a half a plan, but it had, and it has certain things right. Especially stopping the fighting and disarmament of Hamas, completely right. But it leaves out the most crucial point, which is a state of Palestine to live their lives. That was, of course, Israel’s continued and Netanyahu’s continued power. And what happened was, the administration, President Trump, briefed Arab leaders at the end of last week on this plan. They said, well, there are a number of things that are good with this. And then Trump met with Netanyahu and Ron Dermer, who is one of these forces of right-wing extremism in Israel. And he’s an American born. Advisor to Netanyahu, who was Israel’s ambassador to the United States for a long time. He knows how to pull strings of American politicians wherever those strings and however they arise. And they changed the plan as they met and basically rewrote key parts of what Trump had told the Arabs to say, oh, oh yes, yes, and we should remember that Israel will remain. Control over Gaza. They changed what they had actually briefed the leaders and then unilaterally announced something different. And this is just now being disclosed in recent hours. This is so typical. To this day, there has not been an independent US foreign policy. It doesn’t exist. And so when you ask how long can Netanyahu last, well, we’re still waiting. For the US government to declare its independence, but it hasn’t done so yet. It hasn’t taken the most basic measures to do so. Could it do so? In a blink of an eye. And when President Trump said in the clip that you showed, I won’t allow Israel to annex the West Bank, of course he can determine that. So he’s completely right to say that. It’s both a completely accurate statement. It is the right thing to say what President Trump said, and it’s completely 100%. Within his power to say it, because Israel can’t take one step without the US backing. But President Trump should say along with that that there will be a state of Palestine so there can be peace. And that he hasn’t said because of all of the forces of Israeli control over the White House and Congress. He hasn’t. Virtually all the rest of the world has said. If he says it, there will be peace. He can make peace. He’s right when he says, I won’t allow it. It sounds like bombast. How can the United States say it won’t allowed Israel to do something? Well, the fact is the United states can say it because Israel can’t take one step without the US protection. And just as a very practical matter, Palestine, which is recognized by more than 150 countries, applied 14 years ago for membership in the United Nations. And in that process, you make an application to the secretary general of the UN, then the secretary-general refers it to a membership committee, which is the UN Security Council acting as a membership Committee based on the recommendation of that membership committee than the UN security council. Consider this. So 11 years ago, 14 years ago in 2011, Palestine made its application and the committee of membership said, yes, Palestine has all of the attributes of statehood. It has a permanent population. That’s the Palestinian Arabs. It has boundaries, which are the legal boundaries of the 4th of June, 1967, but not the. Boundaries of Israeli illegal occupation, but the legal boundaries, 4th of June, 1967. And it wants to enter the UN as a UN charter abiding country. Those are the criteria. So the membership committee said, yes, of course Palestine qualifies. At the time. What did the US government do under Obama? Well, Obama was under complete Israel control like all of American presidents are. And so he said to the Palestinians, no, no, don’t push so hard. You’ll get it. You’ll it very soon, but right now just ask to be an observer. You don’t have to be a member. So the Palestinians listened to the. Wonderful president of the United States and they took observer status. Of course, there was no follow-up. This is the endless charade of Israel and American politics. Israel dead set against the state of Palestine, the US doing whatever Israel says. And so it didn’t come up again until last year, 2024. And then. Waiting 13 years and suffering a genocide. Thank you. The Palestinians reapplied. Since they already had the decision of the membership committee, it went straight to the UN Security Council. What happened in the UN security council? This is under Biden. Of course, they vetoed statehood. It was the one veto. So there was a unanimous vote 12 to nothing against. Two abstentions and the US veto. And then it went to the general assembly where I already explained you had an overwhelming vote of the whole world community for Palestinian statehood. But in the UN, you need a membership, a vote of the UN Security Council where the US has a veto. So just to say, not only can president Trump stop. Annexation of the West Bank, as he said he intends to do, bravo. He could also make a state of Palestine within about 10 minutes. He would convene the 15 members of the UN Security Council and lift the US veto. And there would be a unanimous vote of the U.N. Security Council. And Palestine would enter as the 194th UN member state. And on that basis, Israel would have to withdraw because Israel. Would then be in a fight with the whole world, which it can’t be in. So this is quite straightforward. If we wanna make peace, it’s absolutely possible. If we want to follow Israel, we are following the path of perpetual war.

Tucker [01:32:30] Jeffrey Sachs of Columbia University, thank you for taking all this time.

Jeff Sachs [01:32:34] Well, it’s always great to be with you, Tucker. I appreciate it.

Tucker [01:32:38] Thanks a lot. I’ll see you soon. We’ll be back next Wednesday.

The Yoke of Woke: Nathan Cofnas Is Wrong about the Nature and Origins of Wokism

I admire the moral courage of Nathan Cofnas, the Jewish philosopher and race-realist. He stood out against the dominant ideology of Cambridge University and was duly punished for his crimethink. He’s also stood up for the free speech of heretics like Kevin MacDonald, even though he doesn’t agree with MacDonald’s heresies. But I don’t admire the honesty of Nathan Cofnas. It’s hard to admire something that disappears whenever Jewish interests are at stake. For example, here’s Cofnas on what you might call the yolk of woke — the central principles and origins of wokism:

To explain the appeal of leftism — which increasingly takes the form of wokism — you have to explain what wokism is. I argue that wokism is simply what follows from taking the equality thesis of race and sex differences seriously, given a background of Christian morality. Both the mainstream left and right believe that innate cognitive ability and temperament are distributed equally among races, and probably the sexes, too. (Mainstream conservatives acknowledge the existence of physical sex differences, but they rarely chalk up disparities in, for example, mathematical achievement to differences in innate ability — at least not publicly.) As I will explain, wokesters correctly follow the equality thesis to its logical conclusion, whereas conservatives fail to recognize the implications of their own beliefs. Smart people are disproportionately attracted to wokism in large part because it offers a more intellectually coherent explanation for the major issue of our time, which is the persistence of racial disparities. (“Why We Need to Talk about the Right’s Stupidity Problem: To win over the elites, the right needs to challenge the Big Lie that motivates wokism: the equality thesis,” Nathan Cofnas’s Newsletter, 2nd January, 2024)

Nathan Cofnas, who bears an uncanny resemblance to the internet meme Wojak

So Cofnas claims that wokism is “wokism is simply what follows from taking the equality thesis of race and sex differences seriously, given a background of Christian morality.” He’s wrong. Wokism is not a simple phenomenon — not ideologically, not psychologically, not historically. And although I agree that the right has a “Stupidity Problem” and that anti-Semites are often  “emotionally disturbed fools,” I also think that Cofnas has a dishonesty problem. First of all, wokism doesn’t in fact take “the equality thesis of race and sex differences seriously,” as I will shortly show. Second, wokism’s concern about “the persistence of racial disparities” isn’t to end them but to reverse them. It wants to place favored racial groups at the top and Whites at the bottom. In his article, Cofnas doesn’t address what are perhaps the core features of wokism: its hatred of Whites and Western civilization, and its desire to harm the former and destroy the latter. That hatred and that desire can’t be explained by egalitarianism or a “background of Christian morality.” But they can be at least partly explained by Jewish activism and the longstanding resentments of Jews against Whites and the West.

The wickedness of Whiteness

Let’s take Cofnas’ claim that wokesters take “the equality thesis of race and sex differences seriously.” In fact, no, they don’t. They emit rhetoric about equality while simultaneously believing in the innate evil of Whites or men and innate virtue of non-Whites or women. George Orwell called this kind of contradiction doublethink: the simultaneous holding of “two opinions which cancelled out, knowing them to be contradictory and believing in both of them.” But wokism is increasingly less about doublethink on race and more about singlethink. It’s very easy to find wokesters blatantly contradicting “the equality thesis of race”:

A former Seattle city employee has filed a federal civil rights lawsuit alleging he was a victim of anti-White discrimination due to a “racially hostile work environment.” … As part of his RSJI [Race and Social Justice Initiative] training, the lawsuit alleges, Diemert was required to attend a two-day workshop in 2019 called “Undoing Institutional Racism,” during which facilitators declared, “white people are like the devil,” “racism is in white people’s DNA,” and “white people are cannibals.” … “Mr. Diemert’s colleagues used their work emails to berate and entertain violence against him, referring to him as ‘some a—hole,’ the ‘reincarnation of the people that shot native Americans from trains, rounded up jews for the camps, hunted down gypsies in Europe and runaway slaves in America,’ noting that it was not worth addressing his concerns because he would ‘just come back with more stupidity,’ and that someone should ‘get a guy to swing by when Josh is in the restroom and beat him bloody,’” the lawsuit alleges. (Seattle City Employee Sues Over Anti-White Discrimination, ‘Racially Hostile Work Environment,’ Fox News, 29th November 2022)

If wokesters took the “equality thesis” seriously, they wouldn’t make anti-White statements like those. No, they would condemn statements like those. They don’t. The New York Times, a bastion of woke, happily accepted the Korean wokester Sarah Jeong onto its editorial board in 2018 despite her long history of spreading “hate and poison” against Whites in ways that blatantly contradicted the “equality thesis.” At American Renaissance, Gregory Hood has accurately described woke anti-racism as a “Church of the Damned” for Whites. Nothing Whites can do will ever cleanse them of their hereditary taint — their original sin — of racism. In short, wokism operates more and more explicitly on an in-equality thesis of race. Whites are innately wicked (“racism is in white people’s DNA”) and non-Whites are innately virtuous. Orwell said this in 1945:

Among the intelligentsia, colour feeling only occurs in the transposed form, that is, as a belief in the innate superiority of the coloured races. This is now increasingly common among English intellectuals, probably resulting more often from masochism and sexual frustration than from contact with the Oriental and Negro nationalist movements. Even among those who do not feel strongly on the colour question, snobbery and imitation have a powerful influence. Almost any English intellectual would be scandalised by the claim that the white races are superior to the coloured, whereas the opposite claim would seem to him unexceptionable even if he disagreed with it. (“Notes on Nationalism,” Polemic, London, 1945)

Orwell used the terms “intelligentsia” and “intellectuals.” Cofnas uses the term “smart people.” Orwell described their racial beliefs accurately. Cofnas doesn’t. And Cofnas doesn’t mention the central role of some particularly smart people in fomenting the anti-White hatred that is central to wokism. Here is the Ashkenazi Jew Susan Sontag:

The white race is the cancer of human history; it is the white race and it alone — its ideologies and inventions — which eradicates autonomous civilizations wherever it spreads, which has upset the ecological balance of the planet, which now threatens the very existence of life itself. (Partisan Review, 1967)

And the Ashkenazi Jew Noël Ignatiev:

Make no mistake about it: we intend to keep bashing the dead white males, and the live ones, and the females too, until the social construct known as ‘the white race’ is destroyed—not ‘deconstructed’ but destroyed. (See Andrew Joyce’s “Jews, Communists and Genocidal Hate in ‘Whiteness Studies’,” The Occidental Observer, 12th June 2015)

That is the Jewish “Culture of Critique” described by Kevin MacDonald: the anti-White, anti-Western ideology created by highly intelligent Jews and taken up by much less intelligent Blacks and others. In Britain, the Black academic Kehinde Andrews is a woke hero for books like The Psychosis of Whiteness (2023), which implicitly argues for the enslavement and even extermination of Whites. After all, Kehinde believes that rational argument is useless against the psychotic whiteness that has a stranglehold on so-called Western civilization:

Critical Whiteness studies has emerged as an academic discipline that has produced a lot of work and garnered attention in the last two decades. Central to this project is the idea that if the processes of Whiteness can be uncovered, then they can be reasoned with and overcome, through rationale dialogue. This article will argue, however, that Whiteness is a process rooted in the social structure, one that induces a form of psychosis framed by its irrationality, which is beyond any rational engagement. (“The Psychosis of Whiteness: The Celluloid Hallucinations of Amazing Grace and Belle,” Journal of Black Studies, Volume 47, Issue 5, July 2016)

Unlike Jewish Sontag and Ignatiev, Black Kehinde is stupid. Non-Whites like him couldn’t have created and promulgated the ideology they are applying. But they can certainly adopt the ideology and base successful careers on it. Kehinde’s stupidity is apparent in the self-refuting nature of his thesis. If “whiteness” were so psychotically powerful in Britain, he wouldn’t be able to criticize it as he does. Could a book called The Psychosis of Stalinism have been published in 1940s Russia? Or a book called The Psychosis of Islam in modern Iran? Obviously not. And what would happen in modern Britain or America to a book called The Psychosis of Blackness? It would be anathematized as abhorrently racist, as a genocidal assault on “black bodies.”

What wokesters want

Well, Kehinde’s book is “abhorrently racist” by the “equality thesis of race” that Cofnas claims to be at the heart of wokism. But no wokester has condemned Kehinde or pointed out where his logic is pointing. If he is right in his claims about “Whiteness,” it follows that only physical force will successfully “overcome” its “Psychosis.” But what do wokesters like Kehinde really mean by “Whiteness”? They mean the physical existence and autonomy of Whites. To defeat the Psychosis of Whiteness, then, Whites must be enslaved or exterminated. What other conclusion is possible if rational argument is impossible  and “psychosis” arises inexorably from “Whiteness”?

Cofnas says wokesters want equality. I say wokesters want enslavement and extermination. I think history is on my side, not Cofnas’ side. The Bolsheviks preached equality before they seized control of the Tsarist empire. They then practised enslavement and extermination. Here’s a chilling quote by one of the successful Bolshevik leaders: “To overcome our enemies we must have our own socialist militarism. We must carry along with us 90 million out of the 100 million of Soviet Russia’s population. As for the rest, we have nothing to say to them. They must be annihilated.” That was Grigory Zinoviev, who launched “the Red Terror” in 1918 after the assassination of Moisei Uritsky and the near-assassination of Vladimir Lenin. Another prominent Bolshevik, Yakov Sverdlov, promised “merciless mass terror against all enemies of the Revolution” after that attempt on Lenin’s life.

Minority rites

Many millions of Russians and Ukrainians were enslaved or exterminated by communists like those. The pattern was very clear: minorities were taking their revenge on majorities. Zinoviev, Moisei, Sverdlov and many other leading communists were fully Jewish, while Lenin was half Mongol, a quarter German and a quarter Jewish. Josef Stalin was Georgian and won supremacy partly because of Leon Trotsky’s reluctance to be the obviously Jewish leader of what was supposed to be a movement for all mankind. You can see the same over-representation of Jews in the proto-woke Weather Underground, a revolutionary movement in 1960s America that claimed to be pursuing equality but planned to enact extermination. The Weather Underground was infiltrated by an FBI agent called Larry Grathwohl, who later described a meeting at which the disproportionately Jewish Weatherfolk discussed how to secure their revolution:

They also believed that their immediate responsibility would be to protect against what they called the counter revolution and they felt that this counter revolution could best be guarded against by creating and establishing reeducation centers in the Southwest where [they] would take all the people who needed to be reeducated into the new way of thinking and teach them how things were going to be. I asked, well, what is going to happen to those people that we can’t reeducate that are diehard capitalists and the reply was that they’d have to be eliminated. And when I pursued this further they estimated that they would have to eliminate 25 million people in these reeducation centers. And when I say eliminate I mean kill — 25 million people. I want you to imagine sitting in a room with 25 people most of which have graduate degrees from Columbia and other well known educational centers and hear them figuring out the logistics for the elimination of 25 million people and they were dead serious. (“Patriot Larry Grathwohl, 65, Infiltrated Weather Underground, Indicted Bill Ayers,” The American Spectator, 24th July 2013)

People with “graduate degrees from Columbia” are what Cofnas calls “smart people.” And Cofnas says that smart people “are disproportionately attracted to wokism in large part because it offers a more intellectually coherent explanation for the major issue of our time, which is the persistence of racial disparities.” Bolshevism and the Weather Underground prove that smart people often have other and much darker motives for embracing supposedly egalitarian ideologies. The smart people preach equality, then practise enslavement and extermination.

A golem, not a shabbos goy

Jews were disproportionately involved in both Bolshevism and the Weather Underground. Like Marxism in general, communist movements like those are a vehicle for minority resentment against the majority and for minority revenge on the majority. Wokism owes much more to communism than it does to Christianity. And communism foreshadows wokism in another important way. Both movements were created by Jews to serve Jewish interests, then escaped Jewish control. Jews have recently watched in dismay as their “natural allies” among Muslims and other non-Whites have supported the wrong side in the war between egalitarian Israel and hate-filled Hamas. Wokism is escaping Jewish control just as communism did. Georgians like Josef Stalin and Lavrentiy Beria are more examples of the way communism attracted vengeful minorities. But Jews were one of the groups Stalin sought revenge on after becoming leader. Once he had supremacy, he exiled Trotsky and murdered Zinoviev and many other Jewish communists who had learnt too late that he was a golem, not a shabbos goy. Later he murdered Trotsky too. Stalin was a resentful man who tirelessly pursued revenge. That makes him an excellent example of leftist traits identified in this academic research:

In two pre-registered studies, we investigated the relationship of left-wing authoritarianism with the ego-focused trait of narcissism. Based on existing research, we expected individuals with higher levels of left-wing authoritarianism to also report higher levels of narcissism. Further, as individuals with leftist political attitudes can be assumed to be striving for social equality, we expected left-wing authoritarianism to also be positively related to prosocial traits, but narcissism to remain a significant predictor of left-wing authoritarianism above and beyond those prosocial dispositions. We investigated our hypotheses in two studies using cross-sectional correlational designs. Two nearly representative US samples (Study 1: N = 391; Study 2: N = 377) completed online measures of left-wing authoritarianism, the Dark Triad personality traits, and two variables with a prosocial focus (i.e., altruism and social justice commitment). In addition, we assessed relevant covariates (i.e., age, gender, socially desirable responding, and virtue signaling). The results of multiple regression analyses showed that a strong ideological view, according to which a violent revolution against existing societal structures is legitimate (i.e., anti-hierarchical aggression), was associated with antagonistic narcissism (Study 1) and psychopathy (Study 2). However, neither dispositional altruism nor social justice commitment was related to left-wing anti-hierarchical aggression. Considering these results, we assume that some leftist political activists do not actually strive for social justice and equality but rather use political activism to endorse or exercise violence against others to satisfy their own ego-focused needs. We discuss these results in relation to the dark-ego-vehicle principle. (“Understanding left-wing authoritarianism: Relations to the dark personality traits, altruism, and social justice commitment,” Ann Krispenz and Alex Bertrams, Current Psychology, 2023)

Contra Cofnas, wokism is not “simply what follows from taking the equality thesis of race and sex differences seriously, given a background of Christian morality.” Malevolence and hatred are central to wokism. Cofnas also ignores the central role of Jews in wokism. Although Jewish activism was certainly not sufficient to create and empower wokism, I would argue that it was necessary. Cofnas can’t admit that and doesn’t accurately describe what lies at the center of woke. Wokesters don’t in fact take the equality thesis of race and sex seriously. And wokism owes much more to communism than to Christianity.

If you want to remove the yoke of woke, then you have to understand the yolk of woke — the central principles that guide its adherents and power its malevolence. Wokism is driven by hatred of Whites and the West, not longing for equality. That’s why the end-logic of wokism is the same as the end-logic of communism: enslavement and extermination. We’re fortunate indeed that modern wokism has no highly competent leaders like the quarter-Jewish Vladimir Lenin and the fully Jewish Leon Trotsky, Grigory Zinoviev, Lev Kamenev, Moisei Uritsky, Yakov Sverdlov, Genrikh Yagoda, Lazar Kagonovich, Maxim Litvinov, Karl Radek, etc, etc, etc.

Ashkenazic Afterword

Writing about the ethnocentric Ashkenazi Nathan Cofnas reminds me that I owe an apology to the alcoholic Ashkenazi David Cole, whom I criticized in my article “First-Amendment Blues.” I’ve sinned against Cole by both commission and omission. My commission came when I hacked his computer and added some embarrassingly inept insults against myself — Adolf Mentally-Unfitler, Heinrich Dimmler, Reinhard Heydick, Oskar Girlywanger, Horst Wuss-el — to the manuscript of “The Gentile-Jew Death Tango,” his reply to my article.

I knew that Cole would peer blearily at the published text through his latest hangover and attribute all those to himself “not being funny any more” rather than to malicious outside action. Sorry about that, David. I’m not a “sieg heiler” (honest), but I am good at writing like a 12-year-old. And my omission? That came when I failed to acknowledge that by Jewish standards David Cole is remarkably honest about Jewish malfeasance. I think he’s much more honest than I would ever be if I were Jewish myself. He hasn’t matched Larry Auster yet, but maybe he’ll get there in time. As for the genuinely Colean part of the anti-sieg-heiler article: yes, I like the tango metaphor, but I don’t think David has thought it through properly. Maybe he should meditate on “The Human-Mosquito Malaria Tango.” And listen for the sound of one hand clapping. Geddit?

Carl Jung and the Jews

“The Jew truly solicits anti-Semitism with his readiness to scent out anti-Semitism everywhere.”
        Carl Jung, 1934

For a long time I’ve been fascinated by the way in which Jews obsess over deceased, historical figures who made unflattering comments about their race. The more famous and talented, the greater the intensity of the obsession. Such preoccupations have featured previously at The Occidental Observer, for example in the Jewish vendetta against T.S. Eliot, and against his contemporary Ezra Pound. In Anthony Julius’s T.S. Eliot, anti-Semitism and Literary Form, for example, Julius writes that Jews reading Eliot’s poetry are both “appalled and impressed.”[1] They are appalled because they perceive an unjustified critique upon their ethnic group, and they perceive this critique more acutely because of their ethnocentrism. They are impressed, on the other hand, because they appreciate, and are threatened by, the talent of their target, often despite themselves. The ‘attraction’ which brings them back repeatedly to their target arises from the desire to deconstruct and demean that talent, and therefore avenge or mitigate the critique.

Jews are also firmly in the grip of a historically rooted fear or paranoia. The past is ever present for Jews, prompting them into risky and extremely aggressive actions against host populations. The perfect expression of this paranoia can be found in a very recent article in The Guardian by Jewish journalist Barney Ronay. Ronay is currently in Germany to cover the European Football championships, but he can’t seem to focus on sport. He informs his readers that he has “loved being in this warm, friendly place for Euro 2024, a homecoming of sorts. But that doesn’t stop it terrifying me.” He continues:

Here, by way of example, is a non-exhaustive list of German things that have felt terrifying to me, begun on my first day at the Euros when a happy German woman was laughing uncontrollably on a train passing through woodland outside Munich and I realised that happy uncontrollable German laughter is terrifying. German trains are terrifying. German railway sidings are terrifying. There are transport vibes here, fleeing energy. A German forest is terrifying, in particular a German forest clearing. An empty German park at dusk is terrifying. Any German village square is terrifying … What else? German dark wood furniture. A row of parked German bicycles (Where are they going? Will I need one?). German staircases, corridors, suitcases. Most German shoes. All discarded German shoes.

Many of these fears have their origins in tales passed down to Jewish children, and reinforced through Jewish cultural and political groups. Fear is a key ingredient in the cement that binds Jewish ethnocentrism, which is why the ADL invests a lot of money in surveys of anti-Semitism intended to terrify and shepherd the ethnic flock into cohesive action. In Ronay’s case, “Family myth dictates one of my distant uncles was pulled off a train and shot. The bullet passed through his neck, he lay down for a bit, got up and rejoined the resistance.” I applaud his use of the word myth here, but there are many hundreds of thousands of Jewish families which cherish such fantastical boogeyman tales as historical fact. And Jewish fear, and Jewish ethnocentrism, needs its boogeymen, be they obvious ones like Hitler, or more persistent cultural figures such as Eliot or Pound—figures who can still be discussed publicly with a level of respect and admiration. Among such figures we find Carl Jung.

Carl Jung and the Culture of Critique

Although, or perhaps because, Jung was once associated with psychoanalysis, a movement so Jewish that it comprises one of the Jewish intellectual movements highlighted in Kevin MacDonald’s Culture of Critique, the Swiss psychiatrist has increasingly become the focus of condemnation, deconstruction, and criticism in recent years. In the recently-published Anti-Semitism and Analytical Psychology: Jung, Politics and Culture, Jewish academic Daniel Burston writes that:

In today’s world of psychotherapy, one cannot be a Jungian without having to answer the charge that Jung was both a Nazi and anti-Semitic. … His statements on the over-materialistic values of Jewish psychology, and its corrosive effects on the spiritual nature of the psyche, were made in the 1930s. … Psychoanalysts have used it as a reason not to study Jung; other intellectuals use it as a reason to discredit Jung.[2]

In a paragraph that reads a little like something from a horror novel, Jung’s place as a boogeyman is introduced early, with anti-Semitism explained as a mysterious, ghostly and terrifying phenomenon:

After reading this book, perhaps Jungians will grasp why so many Jews think of anti-Semitism as a shape-shifting but deathless adversary that lives forever in the hidden recesses of Christian and Muslim cultures; one that lies dormant for shorter or longer periods, but always returns to torment us through the ages.

Shape-shifting and deathless. Oh my.

Burston draws a distinction between what he calls “low-brow, high-intensity” anti-Semites, and “high-brow, low-intensity” anti-Semites. He explicitly mentions Kevin MacDonald as an example of the latter, and places Jung in this category also. Burston claims that “anti-Semitic intellectuals” like MacDonald and Jung, while non-violent, “will also offer cover or support for less educated, more overt kind of anti-Semites when circumstances require.” The smear is therefore that men like MacDonald and Jung are essentially thugs in suits.

Burston traces Jung’s thought to the neo-conservative movement dominant during his university years, with Jung painted as having imbibed a semi-barbaric quasi-Germanism. “It rejected naturalism and was drawn to symbolism and irrationalism. In politics it questioned democracy and rejected socialism, preferring a Nietzschean elitism. . . . Jung adopted [Eduard von Hartmann’s] critique of modernity [including his] concern about the ‘Judaization’ of modern society. . . . For Jung, Freud became the representative of such a rationalistic, ‘disenchanted’ view of the world.”[3]

By the 1920s and 1930s, supporters of Freud and of Jung increasingly saw each other as opponents in a battle for civilization as each defined it. Because of his anti-materialism and his criticism of many of Freud’s more perverse theories, Freudians, most of whom were Jewish, regarded Jung as an anti-Semite and latterly as “a herald of fascist and Nazi barbarism.” Burston continues in this vein, arguing for a “significant and disturbing link between the dynamics of antisemitism over the centuries and the psychology and politics of Carl Jung.”

A crucial problem that Jews, past and present, have with Jung is that he dared to turn the analytical gaze back on the Jews themselves. While the entirety of psychoanalysis seemed geared towards what Kevin MacDonald termed “a radical criticism of gentile society,” as well as the development of self-serving theories of anti-Semitism, Jung developed a cutting critique of Jews and of what he called “Jewish anti-Christianism,” with many of his observations arising from direct experience with the Jewish psychoanalytic milieu. In other words, Jung put Jewish quacks “on the couch.” In a letter to an associate dated May 1934, Jung explained:

The Jewish Christ-complex makes for a somewhat hystericized general attitude … which has become especially clear to me in the course of the present anti-Christian attacks upon myself. The mere fact that I speak of a difference between Jewish and Christian psychology suffices to allow anyone to voice the prejudice that I am an anti-Semite. … As you know, Freud previously accused me of anti-Semitism because I could not countenance his soulless materialism. The Jew truly solicits anti-Semitism with his readiness to scent out anti-Semitism everywhere. I cannot see why the Jew, like any so-called Christian, is incapable of assuming that he is being personally criticised when one has an opinion of him. Why must it always be assumed that one wants to condemn the Jewish people?

For this affront, Jung is both dangerous and unforgivable in Jewish eyes. Burston is far from unique in wanting to diminish Jung because of his views on Jews. In the late 1990s a similar effort was made by the British Jewish academic Andrew Samuels, who claimed that “in C.G. Jung, nationalism found its psychologist.” The fearful response of Samuels to Jung was to claim that it was Jung who was gripped by a fear of Jews. Samuels tried to put Jung “on the couch” and to psychologize his attitudes to Jews by explaining them as being rooted in feelings of being threatened:

My perception is that the ideas of nation and of national difference form a fulcrum between the Hitlerian phenomenon and Jung’s analytical psychology. For, as a psychologist of nations, Jung too would feel threatened by the Jews, this strange so-called nation without a land. Jung, too, would feel threatened by the Jews, this strange nation without cultural forms — that is, without national cultural forms — of its own, and hence, in Jung’s words of 1933, requiring a “host nation”. What threatens Jung, in particular, can be illuminated by enquiring closely into what he meant when he writes, as he often does, of “Jewish psychology.”

Even in the early 2000s, there seemed to be a divide between non-Jewish scholars keen to keep Jung in the public eye, and Jewish scholars keen to keep him in the gutter. In a letter to the New York Times in 2004, one “Henry Friedman” took issue with Robert Boynton (NYU) and Deirdre Bair (National Book Award winning biographer) for their apparent agreement that Jung was “neither personally anti-Semitic nor politically astute,” thus absolving Jung of some of the worst accusations levelled against him by Jewish critics keen to associate Jung with the ideas of National Socialism. Friedman called this “a further contribution to a misleading attempt to minimize the importance of Jung’s anti-Semitic racism and his contributions to the Third Reich’s genocidal policies.” Friedman continues:

It is pathetic that Jung should be excused from responsibility for his virulent racism and his importance in the Nazi movement. Most important, it is likely that his ideas about psychoanalysis were instrumental in Hitler and Göring’s desire to cleanse psychoanalysis of Freud’s ideas — especially the notion of the Oedipus complex, which apparently offended Hitler’s sensibilities. To conclude that Martin Heidegger was more of a collaborator than Jung serves to divert attention from the serious nature of Jung’s involvement with the Nazis’ anti-Semitic propaganda. Whether he was a worse offender than Heidegger is hard to assess, but as one who wrote papers on the inferiority of the Jewish race, Jung deserves a special degree of condemnation, not the lame excuse granted him by both Bair and Boynton.

Jung’s Attitudes Towards Jews

Jung’s professional and private writings contain a significant amount of material about Jews, and the content is most often highly critical. It is therefore not surprising that Jews should see Jung as a formidable opponent. Jung made many statements which appear to concur with Kevin MacDonald’s assessment that psychoanalysis under Freud was a Jewish intellectual movement. In 1934 Jung received much criticism for an article he published titled The State of Psychotherapy Today, in which he wrote that psychoanalysis was “a Jewish psychology.” Defending himself against accusations of racism for suggesting that Jews and Europeans have a different psychology, Jung explained:

Psychological differences obtain between all nations and races, and even between the inhabitants of Zurich, Basel, and Bern. (Where else would all the good jokes come from?) There are in fact differences between families and between individuals. That is why I attack every levelling psychology when it raises a claim to universal validity, as for instance the Freudian and the Adlerian. … All branches of mankind unite in one stem—yes, but what is a stem without separate branches? Why this ridiculous touchiness when anybody dares to say anything about the psychological difference between Jews and Christians? Every child knows that differences exist.

Jung believed that Jews, like all peoples, have a characteristic personality, and he stressed the need to take this personality into account. In his own sphere of expertise, Jung warned that “Freud and Adler’s psychologies were specifically Jewish, and therefore not legitimate for Aryans.”[4] For Jung, a formative factor in the Jewish personality was the rootlessness of the Jews and the persistence of the Diaspora. Jung argued that Jews lacked a “chthontic quality,” meaning “the Jew … is badly at a loss for that quality in man which roots him to the earth and draws new strength from below.”[5] Jung penned these words in 1918, but they retain significance even after the founding of the State of Israel, since vastly more Jews live outside Israel than within it. Jews remain a Diaspora people, and many continue to see their Diaspora status as a strength. Because they are scattered and rootless, however, Jung argued that Jews developed methods of getting on in the world that are built on exploiting weakness in others rather than expressing explicit strength. In Jung’s phrasing, “the Jews have this particularity in common with women; being physically weaker, they have to aim at the chinks in the armour of their adversary.”[6]

Jung believed that Jews were incapable of operating effectively without a host society, and that they relied heavily upon grafting themselves into the systems of other peoples in order to succeed. In The State of Psychotherapy Today Jung wrote: “The Jew, who is something of a nomad, has never yet created a cultural form of his own, and as far as we can see, never will, since all his instincts and talents require a more or less civilized nation to act as host for their development.” This process of group development often involved ‘aiming at the chinks in the armour of their adversary,’ along with other flexible strategies.[7]

Jung also believed (in common with a finding in Kevin MacDonald’s work) that there was a certain psychological aggressiveness in Jews, which was partly a result of the internal mechanics of Judaism. In a remarkably prescient set of observations in the 1950s, Jung expressed distaste for the behavior of Jewish women and essentially predicted the rise of feminism as a symptom of the pathological Jewess. Jung believed that Jewish men were “brides of Yahweh,” rendering Jewish women more or less obsolete within Judaism. In reaction, argued Jung, Jewish women in the early twentieth century began aggressively venting their frustrations against the male-centric nature of Judaism (and against the host society as a whole) while still conforming to the characteristic Jewish psychology and its related strategies. Writing to Martha Bernays, Freud’s wife, he once remarked of Jewish women that “so many of them are loud, aren’t they?” and later added he had treated “very many Jewish women — in all these women there is a loss of individuality, either too much or too little. But the compensation is always for the lack. That is to say, not the right attitude.”[8]

Jung, meanwhile, was cautious about accusations of anti-Semitism, and he was “critical of the oversensitivity of Jews to anti-Semitism,” believing “one cannot criticise an individual Jew without it immediately becoming an anti-Semitic attack.”[9] It is certainly difficult to believe that Jung, who basically argued that Jews had a unique psychological profile and had developed a unique method for getting on in the world, would have disagreed with the almost identical foundational premise of MacDonald’s trilogy. In fact, Jung believed that playing the victim and utilizing accusations of anti-Semitism against their critics were simply parts of the Jewish strategy—a useful cover for concerted ethnocentric action in “aiming at the chinks in the armour of their adversary.” For example, after the war, in a 1945 letter to Mary Mellon, he wrote, “It is however difficult to mention the anti-Christianism of the Jews after the horrible things that have happened in Germany. But Jews are not so damned innocent after all—the role played by the intellectual Jews in pre-war Germany would be an interesting object of investigation”[10] Indeed, MacDonald notes:

a prominent feature of anti-Semitism among the Social Conservatives and racial anti-Semites in Germany from 1870 to 1933 was their belief that Jews were instrumental in developing ideas that subverted traditional German attitudes and beliefs. Jews were vastly overrepresented as editors and writers during the 1920s in Germany, and “a more general cause of increased anti-Semitism was the very strong and unfortunate propensity of dissident Jews to attack national institutions and customs in both socialist and non-socialist publications” (Gordon 1984, 51).[i] This “media violence” directed at German culture by Jewish writers such as Kurt Tucholsky—who “wore his subversive heart on his sleeve” (Pulzer 1979, 97)—was publicized widely by the anti-Semitic press (Johnson 1988, 476–477).

Jews were not simply overrepresented among radical journalists, intellectuals, and “producers of culture” in Weimar Germany, they essentially created these movements. “They violently attacked everything about German society. They despised the military, the judiciary, and the middle class in general” (Rothman & Lichter 1982, 85). Massing (1949, 84) notes the perception of the anti-Semite Adolf Stoecker of Jewish “lack of reverence for the Christian-conservative world.” (The Culture of Critique, Ch. 1)

These sentiments echoed comments made in November 1933 to Esther Harding, in which Jung expressed the opinion that Jews had clustered in Weimar Germany because they tend to “fish in troubled waters,” by which he meant that Jews tend to congregate and flourish where social decay is ongoing. He remarked that he had personally observed German Jews drinking champagne in Montreaux (Switzerland) while “Germany was starving,” and that while “very few had been expelled” and “Jewish shops in Berlin went on the same,” if there was a rising hardship among them in Germany it was because “overall the Jews deserved it.”[11] Perhaps most interesting of all in any discussion of Jewish acquisition of influence, it appears that in 1944 Jung oversaw the implementation of quotas on Jewish admission to the Analytical Psychology Club of Zurich. The quotas (a generous 10% of full members and 25% for guest members) were inserted into a secret appendix to the by-laws of the club and remained in place until 1950.[12] One can only assume that, like other quotas introduced around the world at various times, the goal here was to limit, or at least retain some measure of control over, Jewish numerical and directional influence within that body.

Jung was of course operating in a time period in which racial self-awareness was acute on all sides. Kevin MacDonald explains in The Culture of Critique that, within psychoanalysis, there was a clear understanding among Jews that Jung was an Aryan and not quite capable of being in full communion with its Jewish members and leaders. MacDonald writes:

Early in their relationship Freud also had suspicions about Jung, the result of “worries about Jung’s inherited Christian and even anti-Jewish biases, indeed his very ability as a non-Jew to fully understand and accept psychoanalysis itself.” Before their rupture, Freud described Jung as a “strong independent personality, as a Teuton.” After Jung was made head of the International Psychoanalytic Association, a colleague of Freud’s was concerned because “taken as a race,” Jung and his gentile colleagues were “completely different from us Viennese.” (The Culture of Critique, Ch.4)

Conclusion

To the extent that psychoanalysis continues to exist as a movement, or at least as a niche within academia and culture, it’s clear that Jung “the Teuton” continues to haunt Jews with his comments and criticisms, and the split that occurred in the lifetime of Jung and Freud persists in some fashion a century later — a testament to the fact, perhaps, that psychoanalysis was a tool for racial conflict from its inception. Were he alive today, I’m sure Jung would be amused but perhaps not surprised that he continues to feature in the psyche of Jews, as terrifying a boogeyman as uncontrollable German laughter.


[1] A. Julius, T.S. Eliot, anti-Semitism and Literary Form (Thames & Hudson, 2003), 40.

[2] D. Burston, Anti-Semitism and Analytical Psychology: Jung, Politics and Culture (Routledge: New York, 2021).

[3] G. Cocks (2023). [Review of the book Anti-Semitism and Analytical Psychology: Jung, Politics and Culture, by Daniel Burston]. Antisemitism Studies 7(1), 215-222.

[4] B. Cohen, “Jung’s Answer to Jews,” Jung Journal: Culture and Psyche, 6:1 (56–71), 59.

[5] Ibid, 58.

[6] Ibid.

[7] T. Kirsch, “Jung’s Relationship with Jews and Judaism,” in Analysis and Activism: Social and Political Contributions of Jungian Psychology (London: Routledge, ), 174.

[8] Ibid, 177.

[9] T. Kirsch, “Jung and Judaism,” Jung Journal: Culture and Psyche, 6:1 (6-7), 6.

[10] S. Zemmelman (2017). “Inching towards wholeness: C.G. Jung and his relationship to Judaism.” Journal of Analytical Psychology, 62(2), 247–262.

[11] See W. Schoenl and L. Schoenl, Jung’s Evolving View of Nazi Germany: From the Nazi Takeover to the End of World War II (Asheville: Chiron, 2016).

[12] S. Frosh (2005). “Jung and the Nazis: Some Implications for Psychoanalysis.” Psychoanalysis and History, 7(2), (253–271), 258.

Jewish–Hungarian Conflicts and Strategies in the Béla Kun Regime: Review-Essay of ”When Israel is King” (Part 3 of 5)

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After the Jewish activism and strategies to gain power that we have seen so far, it is worth critically analyzing in more detail the persistent and unremitting misrepresentations, distortions and, shall we say, manipulations of a certain aspect of mainstream historiography.  The mainstream narrative is that the blatant Jewish presence among the Bolsheviks does not matter, on the one hand, because they “were not Jews,” and on the other hand, if it is strange that Jews were so prominent in the upper echelons of Communist power, it is only because of discrimination by Hungarians (or Russians, etc.), and it is not the Jews who are to blame for all this—so goes the obvious conclusion of this logic. How much does ethnic identity play a role, and how much does ethnic character matter? Or both at the same time? In the following, these and related elements, are presented and, if necessary, refuted.

Jews and philosemites who deny the Jewishness of the Bolsheviks almost always make sure to quote a half-sentence of Béla Kun, who said at a meeting in 1919: “My father was a Jew, but I did not remain a Jew, because I became a Socialist, I became a Communist.” We will touch on the concept of identity-by-proxy later, but for now, let us look at this quote in its context. Below is the full, relevant part of his speech from the National Assembly of the Councils, delivered on June 21, 1919:

Here in this room, my comrades — I say it openly — there are those who are waiting for the dictatorship of the proletariat to fall, to betray it. (Great noise and shouts: “Shame!”) Here sits a slave judge. How, then, is the Red Army to fight, how is the Red Army to be in the mood, when here at the Council Congress and the Party Congress anti-Semitic agitation, pogrom agitation is taking place? (That’s right! That’s right!) I, comrades, will not be ashamed that, as a Jew, I’ll deal with this issue. My father was a Jew, but I did not remain a Jew, because I became a Socialist, I became a Communist, (True! True!), but it seems that many people who were born in other religions, in Christian religions, remained Christian Socialists. (Minutes, 1919, 204–205)

Kun not only does not deny his Jewishness, but literally refers to himself as a Jew, and then it becomes clear that he is talking about the Jewish religion (contrasting it to those born in “other religions”), which he left behind as a paternal legacy, and chose secular Bolshevism instead, as so many Jews who rejected religion did in the past—while still identifing as Jews and being seen by others as Jews. Moreover, Kun is not abandoning his Jewishness here, but on the contrary: he is fretting, from a Jewish point of view, about the fact that anti-Semitism lurks even in their circles because of the common perception of the overwhelming prominence of Jews, and promises to put an end to it. Moreover, he tells the audience that it is the comrades born into the Christian religion (i.e., not Jewish, Hungarians) who are suspect, as if they were not capable of fully embracing Bolshevism, and thus attacks the typically Hungarian Christian Socialists who are attracted to Socialism. What emerges from all this is rather the image of a Jewish Bolshevik, since it is not anti-Christianity, or anti-Hungarianism, that he is targeting (there were plenty of those at the time), but the mere assumption of anti-Jewishness, which he considers all the more important as a Jew, and which encourages him to take a committed stand (with the approval of others), and is, moreover, suspicious and hostile towards Hungarians and Christians, but not religious Jews. It is revealing that we keep hearing only that one snippet of all this, without critical analysis.

Béla Kun (front) with Tibor Szamuely (back, left)

In any case, Kun’s suspicions were reflected in the statement of Béla Vágó (Weisz), a Commissar, who expressed similar views that day:

When that rural farmer, that priest, or that count, makes anti-Semitic jokes, incites a pogrom, and agitates out there in the Hinterland, then, my dear comrades, the decidedly anti-Semitic spirit which was expressed here at the Congress by some of the delegates contributes very excellently to this agitation. Dear comrades! If an old organized worker has the courage or the folly to say that there are people running around in the country who have not even had their sidelocks properly cut off, then, my comrades, we should not be surprised if they agitate throughout the country that Jews are in power, that Jews want to destroy the whole country and that Jewish rule is destroying this poor Christian Hungary. When such a statement is made, when this spirit prevails among some of the comrades, do not be surprised if this spirit, this agitation and this poison are felt throughout the country in this way.

I have just been in a few places, my comrades, where the wildest counter-revolutionary agitation was going on among the peasants. And do the comrades want to know what the material of this agitation was? The material of the agitation was that while the poor man is starving and miserable, the Commissars are always driving around in their cars here in Budapest, while the working class cannot live, the People’s Commissars are living in splendor and prosperity, and those rascally Jewish kids with sideburns who are sent out into the countryside, who are traveling the country, want to take away the wealth and happiness of the poor man. (Ibid., 210)

Later, Vágó-Weisz shared a thought-provoking speech with the audience. It reveals that, borne out of his frustration about anti-Semitism, he had come up with a strategy. The solution to anti-Jewish sentiment was to force the peasants to serve the Soviet Republic:

The land of the peasant should not be taken away, but his hands and feet should be tied in fetters, and he should be forced to serve the Soviet Republic by the force of dictatorship. (Ibid., 211)

And not in just any way, but by making him see the rich peasant as his enemy, and not the Jew—while it is the Jewish regimes who oppress him with dictatorship. Note the train of thought:

Today the rebellion, today the discontent, is against the Jews. The Jew is the cause of everything, the Jew has taken everything from the poor man, the Jew is the cause of the terrible conditions of subsistence of the landless peasantry working in the countryside. On the contrary, I recommend that there should be no room for much criticism, but that one should go straight out into the village and make the poor peasantry aware that their interests are contrary to those of the rich peasantry, because the whole pogrom agitation, the whole counter-revolutionary fire was started by the landowning peasantry.

A voice: And the clergy! (Ibid.)

Vágó-Weisz then adds: “we must go out into the villages and make the peasantry aware that the class struggle between the rich and the poor must break out there too. The rich peasantry is full of food, its larder is overflowing with fat, ham, wine, bacon (True! True!) and the situation of the poor peasantry can be solved no more by the beating and plundering of the Jews than that of the industrial worker” (ibid.). The Commissar, who personifies the Jewish question in an almost caricature-like manner, would thus solve this anti-Jewish “peasant question” by “placing it only on the basis of the class struggle to be waged in the village” (ibid., 212). He notes that the anti-Jewish sentiment is “outrageous and worrisome” and that the Jew-critical voices at the meeting could be made known to the country, thus “contributing greatly to the incitement against the Jews, instead of the capitalists, instead of the rich peasants, against the dictatorship” (ibid.).

On the same day, the apparently non-Jewish György Nyisztor, Commissar for Agriculture, in his speech, said: “I am convinced that if anti-Semitism gets a foothold here, the proletarian dictatorship is dead” (ibid., 216). He also explains that anti-Christianity from their circles generates very considerable anti-Semitism and counter-revolutionary fervor and that it must be communicated “strictly outwards” that such things will not be tolerated by the authorities, with an emphasis on equality:

It’s not enough to say that there should be no anti-Semitism here, but every snot-nosed kid — and I say the same thing — who is not careful and reckless, must be punched in the mouth. (Loud agreement.) Because then, to say that anti-Semitism is spreading, and one snot-nosed kid insults the religious beliefs of thousands and thousands of people (True! True!) we must fight against this if we want there to be no anti-Semitism (True! That’s right!) not only must they be punished, but it must be written in bold letters that in this country there are no Jews or Hungarians, no one in the proletarian dictatorship because there are no Jews, Christians or Reformed, but only Socialists and Communists. (Agreement!) This, my comrades, must be done, strictly outwardly, not only to punish someone but also to write it in big, bold letters so that they can read that we can act against this. Indeed, in the countryside, even today, it is the evils of carelessness, and the insults against religion, that are the cause of the counter-revolutionaries and counter-revolutionary movements in so many places. (Ibid.)

Note the choice of words: the problem with the anti-Christian person is that he is “not careful and reckless,” and that they have to communicate this principle of equality “strictly outwardly”—the aim of which is “to avoid anti-Semitism.” Anti-Christianity is a mere logistical issue, while anti-Semitism is a real problem, the elimination of which is a concrete goal. After all this, another non-Jew, János Horvát, spoke out in response to the complaints of anti-Jewishness indirectly addressed to him above. Ironically, he says of himself that “anyone who has been in prison for sedition and incitement against the Church, who has trashed the Church itself, cannot be an anti-Semite” (ibid., 218), again showing that the above concern about anti-Christianity was entirely a matter of communication strategy.

In the documents, we find numerous instances of concern about anti-Semitism and proposals for solutions to eradicate it, contradicting the mainstream narrative that these Judeo-Bolsheviks were unconcerned with anti-Semitism (and suggesting that they were unconcerned with their own Jewishness). For example, still on June 21, a member reported that a telegram message was intercepted, in which someone was trying to influence a person delivering food, to stop giving it to Jews. As we learn “When the gentleman arrived, the revolutionary tribunal arrested him” for this (ibid., 222). At their meeting two days later, we learn that the “immediate investigation” into the matter concluded that the message sent had called for the exclusion of “provincials,” not Jews, and that someone somewhere may have transcribed it “probably with a counter-revolutionary purpose” (ibid., 257). This shows that even during the time when they had to deal with serious problems, their paranoia about anti-Semitism persisted.

Manifestations of Not Belonging: the Case of József Pogány-Schwartz

One of Hungary’s most prominent rationalizers of the Jewish involvement in the bloody regime of terror in the last few years has probably been the historian Péter Csunderlik (whose ethnic background is unclear). His few supposedly convincing arguments have been published in almost the same form in several places over several years, albeit as a result of separate grants. According to him:

Despite the fact that the members of the Revolutionary Governing Council of Jewish origin who led the proletarian dictatorship for only 133 days (in an atheist and internationalist political movement) had no “Jewish” identity, the (far-right) discourse tradition that consolidated after 1919 was that the proletarian dictatorship was nothing but a “Jewish dictatorship.” However, the high proportion of Jews in the labor movement is not explained by the conspiracy theory of “Judeo-Bolshevism,” but by the fact that, despite the legal emancipation achieved – the Israelite religion became a recognized denomination in 1895 – Jews continued to suffer discrimination in everyday life. For them, joining the internationalist movement gave them the opportunity to leave behind the disadvantage of being “Jewish,” which, in the eyes of many, was an obstacle to their full integration into society. (Csunderlik, 2020)

Csunderlik makes two mistakes here: one is that he still tries to give the impression that Jewry is only a religious community, thus emphasizing atheism in an attempt to obscure the Jewish character of the Bolshevik system, whereas by now presumably everyone understands that Jews are an ethnicity, first and foremost, and only after that possibly a religion (for genetic research, see among many: Hammer et al., 2000; Ostrer, 2001; Nebel et al., 2001; Need et al., 2009; Hammer et al., 2009; Atzmon et al., 2010; Ostrer & Skorecki, 2013; Carmi et al., 2014, etc.). This particular obfuscation was already obvious a hundred years ago. That an “atheist and internationalist” Jew should not have a Jewish identity is fundamentally ridiculous (see MacDonald 2002/1998, Ch. 3), and presumably many atheist Jews would take offense to such a claim. (In line with both adjectives: on the clear Jewish identity of Sigmund Freud and Sándor Ferenczi, see my earlier analysis in Csonthegyi, 2024, just to give an example, but we will also look at the question of identity in more detail later.)

The other mistake he makes is one he is not even noticing perhaps; refuting himself with the same breath. If these Jews were hoping to end their discomfort with “discrimination” by their dictatorship, it takes on the character of a kind of ethnic revenge or at least a Jewish-rooted motivation. If the aim of their dictatorship—or at least its significant motivation—is to “leave the disadvantage of being ’Jewish’,” then surely the aim is to free their Jewishness from constraints: to transform the host country and nation, so that it is not anti-Semitic. This is a distinctly Jewish motivation. The argument is that these Jews somehow wanted to leave their Jewishness behind in all this, but why, in this case, they did not attempt to become Hungarian, rather than transform Hungarians into a nation tolerant of their Jewishness, is the narrative of a confused logic. The explanation is presumably that the Hungarians would not have accepted the Jews as Hungarians either way, so there was no alternative, but to force Hungarians to change, at any cost—even that of a militant dictatorship (which, coincidentally, was ruled by Jews). Whichever way we look at this explanation, the Jewish motivation is clear.

Csunderlik, however, sees this explanation as sufficient: the frustration and alienation caused by the intolerance of Hungarians, is the explanation for the staggering Jewish predominance—as for the rest of his article, he fills it with his horror at the opinions of “anti-Semites,” and we can not but scratch our heads, and wonder; what does it say about these Jews, that discrimination and other potential inconveniences, are driving them to unleash a subversive, mass-murdering dictatorship? “Be nicer to them, or they will slaughter you” is, to the sober observer, a not very confidence-inspiring basis for coexistence. We should be lucky that gypsies, people with sexual aberrations, or perhaps the deaf, and the disabled (because of experiences with similar discrimination) are not building terror squads and taking over our country.

It is also worth mentioning in a few words, that to mention this discrimination in the context of the extremely influential Jewish population, which had an extremely high presence in the elite strata, is perhaps a particularly bold undertaking. Csunderlik’s evidence to this is a 1912 Népszava article entitled “No Housing for Jews.” That this kind of thing was the cause of the Soviet Republic is, according to this historian, a sound theory, but to consider the authoritarianism of the Jews as “Jewish” is, according to the same historian, either unbelievable, or a “conspiracy theory”… Indeed, in his earlier book on the Galileo Circle, Csunderlik (2017, 28) put it this way: “by the early 1900s, the leaders of the Hungarian labour movement were already over-represented among those of Jewish origin, for whom joining the internationalist movement provided an opportunity to leave behind the disadvantage of their ’Jewishness,’ which, in the eyes of many, was an obstacle to their full integration into society.” His reference here is to “the case of György Lukács, who went from bourgeois intellectual to Marxist ideologue.” This is, again, a self-contradiction, since what kind of desire for “integration” made the “bourgeois” Lukács, who lived much better than many Hungarians, decide to participate in a bloody dictatorship that massacred Hungarians? How can we make sense of this? Are not only the Jews discriminated against in the housing advertisements. Are even the well-off intellectuals becoming bloodthirsty, out of some kind of desire to fit in? It is also hard to reconcile this theory with the reality that many of the Jews involved in the events in Hungary have tried to start revolutions internationally. Thus, for example, in March 1921, József Pogány-Schwartz and Béla Kun-Kohn himself were sent from Moscow to Germany—not motivated by a desire to assimilate, but to help the Jewish communists there (Klara Zetkin, Paul Levi, Rosa Luxemburg, Leo Jogiches, etc.) to spark off a revolution. Pogány also worked with the Communist Party USA under the name of John Pepper with his fellow Jewish Communist Party members Maksymilian Horwitz (Valetski) and Boris Reinstein (Draper, 1957, 364).

It is this kind of mental contortionism that results when we refuse to accept the diversity of ethnic characters, and the reality of the group conflicts that have been a feature of human history and in particular the history of the Jews, of which the Judeo-Bolshevik–anti-Bolshevik confrontation is but one example.

However, according to Csunderlik’s article, “the post-1919 policy of legitimizing the redistribution of social wealth through anti-Semitic ideology” invoked Judeo-Bolshevism as a pretext, and “not because of the involvement of Jews in 1918–1919.” He draws this conclusion from the fact that disabled soldiers who sympathized with the Communists were not punished under Miklós Horthy, but it is not clear what the party sympathies of non-Jews have to do with the Jewish question—it’s obvious that the Jews had the power in the Kun regime. It also remains obscure why the author pretends that it is not logical that a dictatorship by Jews is called a Jewish dictatorship by some people, and that they might even be serious, not just out to make money.

Be that as it may, according to Thomas L. Sakmyster (2012, 2) “Hungarian Jews,

who represented 5% of the population of the Kingdom of Hungary, were at the time enjoying a degree of civil equality, tolerance, and access to education that was nearly unprecedented in Europe. By the turn of the century, Jews were graduating from Hungarian high schools (the gimnázium) and universities in numbers that greatly exceeded their percentage in the population as a whole.” This, again, does not fit Csunderlik’s thesis. Indeed, in relation to Pogány, Sakmyster writes: “It was no doubt that their son would take advantage of these opportunities and rise high up from his humble family origins that prompted Vilmos and Hermina in 1896, to enroll József in one of Budapest’s most prestigious schools, the Barcsay Gimnázium. Given the meager financial resources of the family, it is probable that József received at least a partial scholarship.” (Ibid.) All this, it should be noted, occurred at a time when a large part of the Hungarian population was struggling with a shortage of work, and were emigrating to America on a huge scale. “Between 1871 and 1913, nearly 2 million Hungarian citizens emigrated overseas, mainly for economic and existential reasons. Most of them left the country in the first decade of the twentieth century,” points out Dániel Gazsó (2019, 17). It is also worth recalling here the observation of Fyodor Dostoevsky (1821–1881) in his 1877 essay on the Jewish question. After noting that “in the whole world there is certainly no other people who would be complaining as much about their lot, incessantly” as Jews do, he concludes that “I am unable fully to believe in the screams of the Jews that they are so downtrodden, oppressed and humiliated. In my opinion, the Russian peasant, and generally, the Russian commoner, virtually bears heavier burdens than the Jew” (Dostoievsky, 1949, 640, 641). Indeed, none other than Ottó Korvin, who played an important role in the Kun regime, confirmed that his attraction to Bolshevism was motivated by something other than material benefits, or career prospects: “’I was not motivated by any material interest or desire for attention, because under the capitalist system I was able to find jobs much easier than in any Communist world order,’ he will confess later to the puzzled police chief, who, like others, sees him as a fanatic young man” (quoted in Simor, 1976, 13).

József Pogány-Schwartz, People’s Commissar, speaks at a recruitment meeting in Heroes’ Square, April 6, 1919.

Further inconveniencing Csunderlik’s argument, Sakmyster points out the following:

As a young man of considerable intellectual ability and educational attainment, József Pogány had many careers open to him in the first decade of the twentieth century. With the exception of government administration and the officer corps, Hungarians of Jewish backgrounds were free to enter any of the professions, and did so in remarkable numbers. Although Jews represented only 5 percent of the population of the Kingdom of Hungary, in this period they constituted 42 percent of all journalists, 49 percent of all medical doctors, 49 percent of all lawyers, and 85 percent of all bankers. During his student days at the University of Budapest, Pogány seems to have determined that the best way to use his talents in the service of the Socialist movement, to which he had given a fervent commitment, was to become a writer. It did not take long for him to forge a successful career as a journalist with a left-wing orientation. (Sakmyster, 2012, 217)

We can conclude here, therefore, that while surely experiencing varying degrees of hostility from the general population, these highly upwardly mobile people did not, in any way, need—or have to—become pillars of a murderous regime due to “discrimination.” The alienation was certainly there, but the root of that should be explored within the realms of ethnic character and group conflict: difficulties in relating to the host nation and its culture, character, and thus passionately attempting to modify that culture, that nation, to suit their own preferences—the behavior that generated the hostility to begin with.

Despite all of this, however, Sakmyster believes that Pogány was initially fond of Hungarian culture, and it was only the hostility toward Jews during World War I (receiving some of the blame for Hungary’s losses) that alienated him from his “homeland.” This is difficult to take seriously, as anti-Jewish sentiment certainly existed before the war, but the more serious issue we face here is that, by that time, Pogány was already on the trajectory toward revolutionary—nation-transforming—Bolshevism. Worse still: Sakmyster claims that “[i]n leaving Hungary for the last time in the summer of 1919 [when the Kun regime fell] he seems to have decided that if his homeland did not want him, he would sever all ties with it” (ibid., 226). That, according to this claim, it was Pogány of all peoples, who felt betrayed and hurt by the widespread hostility of Hungarians after he just fronted a mass-murdering dictatorship, is fascinating, if true. But this again complicates the applicability of mainstream narratives about Jewish Bolsheviks seeking a kind of assimilation by removing barriers standing in the way of that process. This was, in reality, aimed at removing traditional culture and national character that were perceived as standing in the way of a renewed country, that is safer, and more comfortable, for these individuals (as Jews)—an explanation that actually is consistent with their behavior.

As we can see from all this, mainstream historians struggle to explain—or make sense of—certain aspects of Judeo-Bolshevism, resulting in self-contradictions and generally weak arguments. Refusing to accept the reality of ethnic character and its natural conflicts with differing ethnicities (on the national level, even), leads one to awkward claims like the ones above. We are also once again back to where we were with Csunderlik: if Jews like Pogány create bloody dictatorships against the out-group because the host nation partially blames their in-group for something, perhaps they never actually belonged to the nation, to begin with, and leaving is certainly a good idea. But just like with Csunderlik, Sakmyster also contradicts himself, for he claims that “[i]t was the rise of virulent anti-Semitism during and after World War I that ultimately alienated Pogány and many other Hungarian Jews of his generation. Over the years Pogány had learned to ignore the attacks that his political enemies made on him, but he could not be oblivious to the vicious campaign to blame the Jews for Hungary’s loss of the war and the humiliating peace settlement” (ibid., 225). Contrast that with “[n]or did Pogány, who would write prolifically on all of the negative aspects of bourgeois society, ever take any special interest in the problem of anti-Semitism” (ibid., 3). Perhaps he did not write about it (apart from one known instance the author cites), but seemingly did take “interest” in it if it supposedly motivated him as much as the author claims it did.

Indeed, Pogány clearly advocated for a racially mixed society: “All national, racial, and religious barriers between the proletarians must come down. Wherever there is proletarian rule, the proletarian will find a homeland, even if he speaks another language, even if he is the son of another race.” (Quoted in Chishova & Józsa, 1973, 211). The Constitution of the Kun regime stated in §14: “ The Republic of Councils does not recognize racial or national distinctions. It does not tolerate any oppression of national minorities and any restriction on the use of their language.” This is state-enforced pluralism, where even explicitly Jewish groups are protected. In the Minutes of the National Assembly of the Councils (Minutes, 1919, 258) we read that “not a shadow of doubt can be cast on the text which states that all nations [ethnic groups] living in an allied Soviet republic shall be free to use their languages and to cultivate and develop their national culture.” So the internationalist Jews who had no ethnic identity enacted legislation that would protect Jewish language and culture.

Interestingly, although there were many conflicts between Bolsheviks and Bundists, this policy is very similar to what the Jewish Bund—which has always been considered a nationalistic, Jewish type of Socialism—laid out:

[T]he Bund’s founders concluded that true internationalism must be based not on the erasure or denial of cultural and national differences but on recognition of these differences and the demand for individual and collective rights for all national minorities. Their experience as Jewish revolutionaries and trade unionists showed them that they could not depend on the goodwill of the dominant nationality, including the organized workers of this nationality, whether to defend the interests of minority workers in the present or in the democratic and socialist future. (Gechtman, 2008, 35)

As the author points out, “[t]he Bund’s national program proposed that the Russian Empire, after the democratic and socialist revolutions, must not be partitioned into a number of nation states […] but rather maintained as a multinational state where the members of every national minority (including the Jews) would enjoy equal rights as citizens as well as a limited, non-territorial form of self-government or autonomy” (ibid., 32). Bezarov (2021, 132) describes this fundamental feature of the Bund as “the self-liberation of the Jewish proletariat.”

Celebrating the 30th anniversary of the Bund in Warsaw, 1927 (source: yivoarchives.org)

Jewish Strategies Under the Red Flag

Although Jews were highly influential and disproportionately present in positions of power, open hostility still existed, as well as some resistance to their increase in such influence. Both the “nationalist” Jewish Bund and the Jewish Bolsheviks in Hungary (or Russia), aimed to destroy the dominance of the host nation’s traditional ethnic group over their own country, leading to easier access for them to more power within its institutions—which is precisely what happened, at least temporarily. Noteworthy here is the aim of creating, not nation-states to achieve this “autonomy,” but “multinational state[s].” Indeed, Gechtman (2008, 66) concludes that “[t]he Austro-Marxist and Bundist theories and programs developed in the early twentieth century represented a form of ‘multiculturalism avant la lettre.’ A century earlier than present-day multiculturalists, and at a time when virtually all liberals and socialists opposed the idea of collective rights for minorities within the state.” Regarding this, David Slucki (2009, 114) summarizes that the Bund “espoused a universalist understanding of Jewish life and identity that lay outside the traditional conception of the nation-state. In fact, these two ideas together served to undermine the nation-state in their call for federations of nations, which gave political and cultural power to minorities alongside the majority nations,” which would result in a “federative state that would empower all national minorities, including Jews.” This “fight for Jewish emancipation was tightly bound up with the struggle for socialism” within the Bund (ibid.). Internationalism, transnationalism, or various forms of Marx-inspired socialism effectively functioned as strategies to undermine the power of traditional nations within which Jews lived, and as such, maintaining Jewish identities, and pursuing perceived interests, is consistent with advocating internationalism.

The importance of ethnic character cannot be ignored if one is to draw accurate conclusions about instances of group conflict. It tells us something important that in Hungary it was not, say, the Germanic Danube Swabians (the Donauschwaben, who are also intelligent, urban, and upwardly mobile), or gypsies, who were so drawn to specific types of abstract expressions (through psychology and literature by psychoanalysts, or visual arts by dadaists and avant-gardists, such as the Nyolcak group, etc.), that it was not other demographics—for instance, homosexuals—who ended up forming rather cohesive revolutionary groups. Instead, it was the Jews—and so it was the Jews in many other countries in very similar ways. At the heart of the issue is, therefore, not merely minority status, urban dwelling, alienation, or discrimination, but a very specific Jewish manifestation of those, with specific aspirations. If Jews possess significantly different ethnic characteristics than, say, gypsies, then we can safely assume—indeed, observe—that their individual, as well as group-level, responses and strategies will also differ, leading to a specifically Jewish manifestation of their reaction to certain situations.

For instance, gypsies traditionally pursued a strategy of wandering around the country, and at times exploiting Hungarians, living as nomads and preferring to be left alone. Complaints about the gypsies were widespread, as Francis Wagner (1987, 35) recalled, quoting comments of publicist Kálmán Porzsolt, from the August 6, 1907 issue of the prominent newspaper, Pesti Hírlap, saying: “[A] civilized state has to exterminate this [Gypsy] race. Yes, exterminate! This is the only method.” Wagner also cites Dr. Antal Hermann, Jr., “the son of a liberal-minded, internationally famed ethnographer,” when he emphasized in a public lecture in 1913 that “[t]he nomadic life of Gypsies is full of mysticism, romanticism, stealing, burglary, kidnaping of children, animal poisoning, and murder.” These are centuries-old complaints about this group (e.g., the 1613 work La gitanilla by Miguel de Cervantes [1547–1616] contains similar complaints), and persist to this day. But these are also very different complaints than those directed at Jews (coincidentally, these millennia-old complaints have also persisted to this day, throughout ages, continents, cultures—see: Dalton, 2020; MacDonald, 2004/1998, Ch. 2). While gypsies tended to engage in that type of group-behavior, Jews were more likely drawn toward the domination and transformation of the host society through various means: whether it’s arts, psychology, politics, or sexuality… (For an examination of different diaspora peoples and their group-strategies, see: MacDonald, 2002.) Because of this tendency, early critics of psychoanalysis, for instance, noted the specifically Jewish nature that characterized their subversive activism. The words of István Apáthy, famous zoologist (and also a prominent figure of the eugenic movement) are fitting here. Sándor Ferenczi wrote to Sigmund Freud on January 29, 1914: “[Apáthy] has put himself at the head of the ’eugenic movement’ and from this position has let loose against psychoanalysis—as a panerotic aberration of the Jewish spirit.” (Freud & Ferenczi, 1993, 535) Apáthy’s complaint about the Freudian line was as follows:

Our organization, which must be shaped to serve the cause of racial health, must therefore fight with all its might against the panerotic world-conception. It must do everything in its power to persecute the race-defiling manifestations of the panerotic world-conception in literature, society, legislation and administration—for they are there—and to seek out its nests even in the scientific workshops, from which some of our doctors draw their race-corrupting moral principles, or their lack of principles. (Apáthy, 1914)

Indeed, one can observe a far-reaching fascination among young Jews for subversive, society-transforming movements, be they psychoanalysis, dadaism, avant-garde art, civic radicalism, liberalism, or any other—even Communism. Ferenczi, for example, noted in an October 30, 1919 letter to Freud, that his audience, which was extremely interested in psychoanalysis, was largely Jewish. Referring to the Galileo Circle, he wrote: “The audience was naturally composed of nine tenths Jews!” (Freud & Ferenczi, 1993, 92). This overrepresentation is a condensation of a blatant affection, so the pretense that the Bolsheviks were an atypical little group does not seem justified, as if subversive movements were not popular to any significant degree among Jews. But popular or not, if something has a certain character, it is that character that defines it.

The philosemitic discourse of mainstream “experts” therefore takes on a certain postmodern character when these historians present a Jewish Communist group, not as a Communist Jewish group, but as a Communist group of Communists, since these Jews often posed not as Jews but as the “New Soviet Man”—a globalized entity that their policies were designed to create. According to this view, when Jews were alienated by the intolerance of the host society, their Jewishness was significant, but when they formed movements, or grouped under the same umbrella because of the same alienation, their Jewishness became insignificant and they were now just “socialists” or “psychoanalysts.” This desperate avoidance of the aspect of ethnicity (both as an innate character and social identity, with all its consequences) probably stems from a desire to counter and refute “anti-Semites,” who see ethnicity as significant, and with whom these individuals would therefore find agreement repugnant. Fortunately, not everyone in the mainstream expects us to ignore the obvious.

Jaff Schatz (1991, 33) comments in his classic work on Communism in Poland:

Outside the Zionist camp, the Socialist Bund, most conspicuous in the struggle against anti-Semitism, dramatically increased its influence, despite its radical program, becoming in the second half of the 1930s the single strongest Jewish political party. The radical ideals of the Communist movement attracted a growing number of young Jews. Thus, especially among the young generation, the dark social predicament and lack of feasible perspectives produced political extremism and execeptionally [sic] high political mobilization.

Writing about “The Jewish Support for the Left in the United States,” and demonstrating the enormous Jewish involvement in it, Arthur Liebman (1976, 285) notes that “[t]he left in the United States from the pre-World War I years through the post-World War II period was in large part dependent for its survival on the support it received from persons and institutions embedded in an ethnic sub-culture—that of the Jews.” Later he adds: “The more astute and sensitive Jewish Socialists in the pre-World War I years were also careful not to place themselves and their cause at odds with all of the Jewish religion. They sought opportunities to demonstrate that Judaism, as they defined and interpreted it, was quite compatible if not supportive of socialism. Socialism was presented to the Jewish masses as a secular version of Judaism” (ibid., 291–292). Liebman also points out that “[t]he Jewish relationship to the Communist Party extended beyond that of a political organization seeking a constituency in an ethnic group. Upon examination, it becomes quite clear that in the late 1940’s the Communist Party rested upon a Jewish base. A large proportion of the membership and even more of its officials were of Jewish background,” and thus “[g]iven the majority of Jews in this group, they could not but help set a particular ethnic tone to the CP” (ibid., 306–307).

Indeed, writing about the Jewish involvement in Communism in Great Britain, Stephen Cullen (2012, 15) paints a similar picture: “It was also the case that being part of the communist movement enabled many Jews to look outside of their ghettoised existence, but not at the expense of their Jewish identity or life. Instead, key Jewish organisations, such as Jewish sports clubs and the Jewish Lads’ Brigade were essential institutions in the building of Jewish support [f]or the CPGB. In consequence, this evidence supports the contention of Srebrnik and Smith, that these communists were „Jewish Communists,” as opposed to „Communist Jews.” Henry Srebrnik proposed that “Communism thrived for a time as a specifically ethnic means of political expression, to the point where it might legitimately have been regarded as a variety of left-wing Jewish nationalism.” (Srebrnik, 1995, 136, emphasis in original)

In fact, the heavy presence of Jews in socially influential positions, and their attraction to subversive trends, generates a specifically “Jewish” problem, so even if one were to present statistics showing that the support for such in the whole of Jewry was below 50% (i.e., not the majority), this problem would still remain, especially since many of this “whole of Jewry” are not active Jews—but what proportion of active, intensive Jewry contributed directly, or indirectly, to the success of subversive movements? This is the more important question. As always, one must look at where the power of the movement derives from, and, as in all the cases described here, the power derives from activist Jews. Philosemitic and Jewish historians of the mainstream acknowledge that Jews were, indeed, heavily involved in all this. That they blame the host society for making Jews feel alienated, is beside the point.

This Jewish predominance is not only interesting from a sociological point of view, but can sometimes be of decisive importance, as it was, for example, in Russia also, as maintained by none other than the partly Jewish Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov, i.e., Lenin: “Of great importance for the revolution was the fact that there were many Jewish intellectuals in the Russian cities. They liquidated the general sabotage which we had encountered after the October Revolution. … The Jewish elements were mobilized … and thus saved the revolution at a difficult moment. We were able to take over the state apparatus exclusively [исключительно] thanks to this reserve of intelligent and competent labor force — as quoted by Russian scholar of Soviet history, Gennady Kostyrchenko (2003, 58; see also: Slezkine, 2004, 225). Kostyrchenko points out that the Bolsheviks “tried to make full use of the potential for self-assertion and self-expression of Jewry, which had been so long restrained by the tsarist regime, and which contained a tremendous creative as well as destructive energy,” also adding that “the largest was the ’representation’ of Jews in the leading party bodies” (ibid., 57, 58).”

Nevertheless, some say that the Jewish element is “nonsense,” because “it is easy to show that the presence of Jews was politically unessential, be it in Poland, Hungary, or in other countries,” says Stanisław Krajewski (2000), although he does admit the “fact” that “Jews holding high official positions” were “relatively speaking, very numerous” in several countries. Krajewski admits that “I am not a historian but I am a committed Jew and I have ancestors who were communist leaders.” In light of this, it is not surprising that he also blames the host nations for the Jews’ attraction to Communism as due to alienation, discrimination, etc., and that, in his view, these Jews were guided by “noble and selfless intentions.” It is difficult to take such anxious tropes seriously when even in the context of the almost entirely Jewish Republic in Hungary, the role of the Jews is portrayed by some as irrelevant.


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Slucki, David. “The Bund Abroad in the Postwar Jewish World.” Jewish Social Studies: History, Culture, Society 16.1 (2009): 111–144.

Srebrnik, Henry. Sidestepping the Contradictions: the Communist Party, Jewish Communists and Zionism 1935–48. In: Geoff Andrews, Nina Fishman, Kevin Morgan (eds.), Opening the Books. London: Plato Press, 1995. 124–141.

Wagner, Francis S. “The Gypsy Problem in Postwar Hungary.” Hungarian Studies Review 14.1 (1987): 33–43.

 

No Country for White Children

I’ve recently enjoyed an exchange of emails with a very intelligent and articulate former White Nationalist who is now dedicated to anti-natalism, the philosophy expounded by the Jewish South African philosopher David Benatar. Summed up, anti-natalism argues that life entails suffering, sometimes terrible amounts of it, and therefore that non-existence is always better than living and dying. Benatar’s 2006 Oxford-published book Better Never to Have Been: The Harm of Coming into Existence is the influential key text of this growing movement. In the course of the book, Benatar advances the idea that humans should accept that procreation is inherently immoral because it involves creating sentient beings who will suffer and die. The text is thus a moral injunction against having children, and Benatar’s ideal scenario is one in which a barren mankind goes voluntarily extinct. In the course of the email exchange on these ideas, I raised a number of concerns with my correspondent about the logic, theory, and growth of anti-natalism, one of them being that, given the already problematic propensity among Whites to attach themselves to abstract moral concerns, and social fads based on guilt, there was likely to be a practical ethnic disparity in the adoption of anti-natalism at group level. In other words, I argued that anti-natalism, regardless of its philosophical merits or lack thereof (and quite apart from any consideration of Benatar’s intentions or ethnic origins), could contribute to the Culture of Sterility already prevalent in the West by providing yet more philosophical-cultural support for the demographic decline of Whites everywhere.

The minutiae of our broader debate of Benatar’s logic, and our shared rumination on existence and Being, isn’t worth covering here but, as our exchange narrowed in focus, two issues emerged which have relevance for this website. The first was whether life on earth was really a prize worth winning for Whites. The second was whether it was good to bring White children into an increasingly hostile world. My correspondent remains firmly in the camp that argues that life is most definitely not worth it, while I argued against Benatar and made the more optimistic case. This was a novel position for me given my longstanding appreciation of the deep pessimism of Schopenhauer and my general tendency to the “Black Pill” side of things. In this instance, however, I argued that, when it came to life, the game was indeed worth the candle. In fact, I believe that we should not only play the game of life, regardless of suffering, but play to win. I cannot say that I have arrived at this position rationally or logically. I can only say that the drive to life is firmly implanted in me, something that Benatar has argued is simply a trick of Nature. And yet, trick or not, I am a product of this earth, and not something alien to it and subjected to its whims. I am here. I exist. And I believe my best existence can be achieved with those most like me and especially, following in the thought of Frank Salter’s On Genetic Interests, those related to me. In a sense I am on a boat in rough seas—I need those who will reliably grab an oar alongside me, rather than throw me overboard.

My own attitudes to anti-natalism aside, my correspondent is correct in highlighting the increasingly difficult, and almost impossible, position of White children. Despair in this regard is always within touching distance. Just this morning it was brought to my attention that the ADL has extended its considerable tentacles across the Atlantic, and will now be involved in a three-year project in England to provide “lessons and activities to schools and pupils to talk about difference and diversity, celebrate inclusion, and understand discrimination and its effects.” The project is part of a deal with Chelsea Football Club, owned by Russian-Jewish oligarch Roman Abramovich, and will involve significant funding flowing from Chelsea to the ADL. In summary then, English fans are paying not only to see millionaires kick a ball for 90 minutes, but also for their children to be told they’re bigots by a gang of American Jews. That’s quite a deal. The interest of a body of New York Jews in English children is strange to say the least, especially when the ADL currently operates no such scheme in Israel where segregated education is still largely ongoing and, in the words of Israel’s own state comptroller, “racism and discrimination” are still prevalent in Israeli schools.

‘A Twig to be Straightened’: Jewish ‘Anti-Bias’ Research on White Children

I first wrote about the ADL’s strange and obsessive “interest” in White children in 2014, noting at that time their development of “Anti-Bias Lesson Plans and Resources for K-12 Educators.” The ADL program fit neatly into the broader history of Freudian attempts to portray anti-Semitism as a virulent mental pathology that careful education strategies could ‘inoculate’ against. That this process of “inoculation” has targeted White children and no others is an open secret. Although the idea that anti-Jewish attitudes are a form of disease with roots in childhood goes back to Freud, it has been prominent in Jewish activism for over a century and remains current today. Take, for example, the closing remarks from Abraham Foxman’s Jews and Money: The Story of a Stereotype, where parents and teachers are urged to “try to help the next generation grow up freer from the infection of intolerance. [emphasis added]” The goal, as Mr. Foxman himself once articulated, is to “make America as user-friendly to Jews as possible.” Theodore Isaac Rubin’s equally self-interested diatribe, Anti-Semitism: A Disease of the Mind, describes anti-Jewish feeling as a “contagious, malignant disease,” and concludes by stating, “extremely active application of insight and education is necessary to check the disease. Checkmate and eradication is [sic] extremely difficult and probably only possible if applied to the very young before roots of the disease take hold. [emphasis added]” To Rubin, and his like-minded co-ethnics at the ADL, the solution to the problem of anti-Jewish feeling is one of “prophylaxis” and “approaches to children.” The ADL-sponsored tome Anti-Semitism in America (1979), concluded that “It is apparent that the schools are the most appropriate and potentially effective agent to carry out the instructional strategy just outlined.”[1]

The 1979 ADL study was itself following in the footsteps of a series of social engineering experiments carried out on White children over several decades by scores of Jewish psychiatrists and sociologists. Research into the racial attitudes of White children in America began as early as 1929, in Bruno Lasker’s Race Attitudes in Children (New York: H. Holt & Company). Lasker was a Hamburg-born Jew who moved first to England before arriving in the United States in 1914 where he established himself as a pro-immigration social worker. Lasker’s work was furthered in the 1930s by Eugene and Ruth Horowitz[2], whose work was highly influential on probably the most high-profile “child racism” test of the twentieth century — the “doll tests” of Black psychiatrists Kenneth and Mamie Clark that helped end segregation via Brown v. Board of Education. The “doll tests” didn’t just have a Jewish academic heritage; the research of the Clarks was funded by the Julius Rosenwald Fund, and the pair were closely connected to the Northside Center for Child Development which had a “mostly Jewish Board of Directors.”[3]

Research into the putative racism of White children was furthered in the 1960s by Donald Mosher,[4] but it was in the 1970s that an intensification took place, partly as a result of its blending with discoveries of the importance of television in shaping attitudes, and other social behavior ‘modification’ techniques. In 1972, for example, Bradley Greenberg was allowed access to 300 White children from Michigan to see if consistently watching Blacks on television could improve their attitude to “diversity.”[5] The development of Sesame Street, “a program that exposes young children to a variety of attractive black and Hispanic models,”[6] at the start of the decade owed much to the interventions and analyses of Jewish sociologists like Greenberg, as well as Gerry Bogatz,[7] Gerald Gorn,[8] Marvin Goldberg,[9] and Gordon Cantor.[10]

In a glowing walk down memory lane in Tablet, it’s made explicit that “idealistic urban Jews were integral to Sesame Street’s origins. … Its genesis was a 1966 dinner at Joan Ganz Cooney’s apartment, attended by Carnegie Corporation VP Lloyd Morrisett and NYC Channel 13’s program manager Louis Freedman.” As with many social experiments at the time, there was a blend of Jewish activism, government backing, and the financial support of Big Capital. In the case of Sesame Street,

The Carnegie Corporation, the U.S. Department of Education, and the Ford Foundation donated most of the seed money for the launch of Children’s Television Workshop (today called Sesame Workshop). Harvard Ed School professor Gerald Lesser, one of the few people conducting research on kids and TV at the time, became the chair of CTW’s advisory board. He worked with the startup team and offered guidelines. … The show was racially and culturally diverse from the get-go.

These efforts to modify the behavior of White children via television were closely related to earlier Jewish efforts, in the 1950s and 1960s, to modify White racial attitudes. The most notable academics in the field of altering public opinion and White ingroup attitudes including Joseph Klapper, Bernard Berelson, Fritz Heider, Leo Bogart, Elihu Katz, Marie Jahoda, Joseph Gittler, Morris Rosenberg, Ernest Dichter, Walter Weiss, Nathan Glazer, Bernard J. Fine, Bruno Bettelheim, Wallace Mandell, Hertha Hertzog, Dororthy Blumenstock, Stanley Schachter, David Caplovitz, Walter Lippmann, Sol Ginsburg, Harry Alpert, Leon Festinger, Michael Gurevitch, Edward Shils, Eugene Gaier, Joseph Goldsen, Julius Schreiber, Daniel Levinson, Herbert Blumer, I. M. A. Myers, Irving Janis, Miriam Reimann, Edward Sapir, Solomon Asch, Gerald Wieder, Paul Lazarsfeld, and Morris Janowitz.

Someone once said that “when everyone thinks the same, conspiracy is unnecessary.” This is essentially the dynamic at work in this field of research, which was dominated by people from the same ethno-religious background, all of them bringing more or less the same anxieties, assumptions and enmities to their chosen field. The result was a very uniform approach among Jewish psychiatrists and sociologists to the “problem” of the White population, especially White children.

Following in the footsteps of many co-ethnics, in 1976 Irwin and Phylis Katz and their colleague Shirley Cohen moved away from the usefulness of television and into the testing of other “modification” techniques that specifically targeted White children. In one experiment, after gathering 80 White kindergarteners and fourth graders, attitudes to Blacks and the disabled were measured by, for example, confronting the youngsters with a Black man moving around a room in a wheelchair and observing their reactions.[11] Two years after this stunning leap forward for science, Phylis Katz returned to experimenting on White children with colleague Sue Rosenberg Zalk, in a project designed to achieve a “modification” of White children’s attitudes to race.[12] Katz justified the focus on children because, in White adults, “attitudes are relatively intransigent and much more difficult to change.” For Katz, to paraphrase the title of one of her essays, White children were a problematic and warped twig that emerged from a rotten tree and had to be “straightened.”[13]

Today, the same trend is very much in evidence. One of the more influential texts in the field is Louise Derman-Sparks’s 2011 What If All the Kids Are White? Anti-bias Multicultural Education with Young Children and Families. Derman-Sparks, who opened her speech to a multicultural conference in Berlin in 2010 with the statement that Germany’s shift to multiculturalism “has been especially moving and inspiring to me … as a Jewish woman,” adorns the cover of her book with the images of 14 White children gathered together above the distasteful title as if they’re criminal mugshots. The expressed intention of the book is to “pique the interest of Whites to examine themselves,” and it opens with reference to “many authors” who have published texts since the 1990s on how Whites perpetuate racism. The cited “many authors” includes Paul Kivel the Jewish author of Uprooting Racism: How White People Can Work for Racial Justice and founder of the (far from subtle) “Challenging Christian Hegemony Project.” Other examples of these “many authors” include Paula Rothenberg and her 2004 White Privilege: Essential Readings on the Other Side of Racism, Shirley Steinberg and her 2000 White Reign: Deploying Whiteness in America, and Tim Wise and his 2004 White Like Me. Although not mentioned by Derman-Sparks, one of the most influential academic texts in this field in recent years is developmental psychologist Lawrence Hirschfeld’s 1998 MIT-published Race in the Making: Cognition, Culture, and the Child’s Construction of Human Kinds.

Derman-Sparks’s text is one of those truly vulgar texts that maintains a cheery air even as it portrays the innocent as sinister. How else are we to react to the ethnic paranoia inherent in complaints that White children aged between 3 and 4 in one class were perceived as “avoiding dark colors in their artwork”[14] and thus demonstrated a deep-seated racism imbibed from their parents since infancy? The revelation that these White children preferred to draw paintings with bright, cheerful colors was apparently so devastating that a team of anti-bias “educators” was brought in. Derman-Sparks lauds the team for “brainstorming” techniques to adapt the children’s behavior, including providing them with excesses of black and brown paper, providing them with black and brown toys, and creating “relaxation” spaces that were dark. When the children, who weren’t much older than toddlers, complained that the dark spaces were scaring them, they were told that darkness “wasn’t scary” and were made to simply endure it. The ideology behind this mental saturation in darkness was that “White children’s learning to be “White” is part of the maintenance of systemic racism.”[15] The goal therefore, in all cases, is to prevent White children from adopting their natural racial identity. Derman-Sparks stresses her ambition to create not just generations of Whites who tolerate multiculturalism, but who become active warriors for “social justice.”

Getting the ADL Out of Schools

All of which is to say that Jewish activism in this area is intended to pervert the in-born natural affinity of White children for their own kind. Even Hirschfeld (1998) admits that

race is one of the earliest-emerging social dimensions to which children attend and this pattern of development appears to be stable across diverse cultures. Furthermore racial thinking clearly develops into a theory-like knowledge structure, representing a coherent body of explanatory knowledge sustaining inferences about category members that go far beyond the range of direct experience.[16]

The aforementioned ‘anti-bias training,’ which has been developed over the course of the past century, is designed to overcome the natural instincts of White children and to deprive them of the knowledge structures, explanatory knowledge, and inferences that are essential to the protection of their interests. When these aspects of their development are done away with, and when they are instead brainwashed into becoming “social justice warriors” on behalf of foreign groups, White children are essentially turned upon themselves and their own people.

A promising sign in recent times, however, has been the backlash against the ADL’s involvement in education, which is in turn part of a broader realization of the harmful nature of Critical Race Theory and its encroachment at all levels of the education system. In July, the Californians for Equal Rights Foundation initiated a “Get ADL Out of Schools” campaign after the ADL began state-wide measures that dictated that schools should “notify ADL when any incident of bias, bullying, discrimination or harassment occurs”—presumably so they could refer the offending youth to their “Center on Extremism” as soon as possible. The campaign is led in part by Stuart H. Hurlbert, Professor of Biology Emeritus, San Diego State University, who argues that “the Anti-Defamation League has inserted itself into American politics in a variety of ways over the decades primarily in the guise of a non-partisan, civil rights organization.” As part of his gathering of information revealing the true nature of the ADL, Hurlbert very helpfully directs readers to Kevin MacDonald’s work “Jewish Involvement in Shaping American Immigration Policy, 1881–1965: A Historical Review.”

In August, California’s Newport-Mesa Unified School District voted to continue its relationship with the ADL, but “with modifications.” The school district was the victim of an ADL shakedown in March 2019, after it was revealed that some drunken students from Newport Harbor High School arranged cups in the shape of a swastika at an off-campus party. After the prank was made viral by a malcontent, the ADL swooped on the instance of “abhorrent anti-Semitic activity” and shamed the nervous school board into accepting a rapidly escalating series of contracts for anti-bias training for staff and students.

The minutes of the school boards meetings are publicly available, and contain the actual contracts with the ADL which run to the value of some $96,650 over a two-year period for anti-bias and pro-immigration training sessions. The shakedown started to come apart in August, when board members began to question the transparency and cost of their agreements with the ADL, as well as the content of ADL training courses. In response to parents objecting to the school district’s relationship with the ADL on the grounds that it was “bringing critical race theory into the classroom,” the school district “reviewed the proposed contract and recommended eliminating second-level anti-bias courses for school employees.” Unfortunately, the most damaging aspect of ADL ‘training”—their lessons for children—remain in place (at a cost of $27,800), prompting Anti-Defamation League Regional Director Peter Levi to gloat, “We have long believed education is the best antidote to hate and bias.”

More and more objections are being raised, however. Back in June, in Alabama, the Mountain Brook School Board severed ties with the ADL after a parent-led protest against Critical Race Theory being pushed into schools via the ADL’s “No Place for Hate” program. In a familiar pattern, Mountain Brook’s involvement with the ADL began with a teenage prank involving swastikas. A Jewish parent, Elizabeth Goldstein, then claimed that Mountain Brook needed ADL training, providing as supporting evidence the undoubtedly truthful statement: “As a child, as a Jewish child growing up in Mountain Brook, [when I was in second grade] a girl told me she could not play with me because I killed Jesus.”

The shakedown began, but on July 8 Mountain Brook Schools issued a statement in response to parent pressure, announcing that “Mountain Brook Schools will not be using “No Place for Hate” and will no longer be using the services of the Anti-Defamation League.” The ADL, rather than gracefully bowing out of the affair, attacked Mountain Brook Schools in an open letter, accusing the city of “many issues of antisemitism and hatred over the past several years.” Sinister motives were implied to lie behind the Board’s

intentional and unexplained distancing from ADL. … In response to a serious 2020 antisemitic incident involving its students … the Mountain Brook Diversity Committee invited ADL to give a presentation on our educational resources in July 2020. This meeting resulted in the Diversity Committee choosing to use ADL’s No Place for Hate® education framework and A World of Difference Institute® programs for its goal of making MBS students globally responsible and conscious citizens by helping to foster a more welcoming and inclusive school community. … The treatment of ADL as a partner of the district and a resource to the community has been both disrespectful and lacking transparency and communication. We are leaving Mountain Brook Schools with no indication that the issues of antisemitism in the community are being addressed. Indeed, they feel worse. … Mountain Brook Schools’ failure to consider implementing anti-bias education in schools could serve to allow antisemitism and other forms of hatred to fester in the school community.

The ADL could have just cut to the chase and said “A world where bigoted White children aren’t put through our Brainwashing Seminar® and Anti-Identity Institute® (and all for the bargain price of less than $100,000!) is a world in which we’re deeply terrified.”

*****

We’ve come full circle. Is the ADL looking across the Atlantic because it’s being rebuffed in America? I doubt it. The group is international in origin and intent. It is simply expanding its modus operandi in accordance with its ideology—an ideology in respect to “child racism” in the West that has been a century in the making. This ideology dictates that the “twigs” must be snapped off from the White tree and reshaped. This ideology hasn’t required a conspiracy, only a tremendous similarity in thought and action over one hundred years. Defeating this pattern will require a similar uniformity of thought. White parents coming together to expel brainwashers is a great place to start.


[1] Quinley, Harold E. & Glock, Charles Y. Anti-Semitism in America (Michigan: The Free Press, 1979), 202.

[2] Horowitz, Eugene L., and Ruth E. Horowitz. “Development of Social Attitudes in Children.” Sociometry 1, no. 3/4 (1938): 301–38.

[3] Markowitz, Gerald E. and Rosner, David, Children, Race, and Power: Kenneth and Mamie Clark’s Northside Center (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1996).

[4] Mosher, Donald L., and Alvin Scodel. “Relationships between Ethnocentrism in Children and the Ethnocentrism and Authoritarian Rearing Practices of Their Mothers.” Child Development 31, no. 2 (1960): 369–76.

[5] Greenberg, B. S. (1972) ‘Children’s Reactions to TV Blacks’, Journalism Quarterly, 49(1), pp. 5–14.

[6] Katz, Phyllis A.; Zalk, Sue R. (1978). Modification of children’s racial attitudes.. , 14(5), 447–461.

[7] Bogatz, G. A., & Ball, S. The second year of Sesame Street: A continuing evaluation. Princeton, N.J.: Educational Testing Service, 1971.

[8] Gorn, Gerald J., Marvin E. Goldberg, and Rabindra N. Kanungo. “The Role of Educational Television in Changing the Intergroup Attitudes of Children.” Child Development 47, no. 1 (1976): 277–80.

[9] Marvin E. Goldberg & Gerald J. Gorn (1979) Television’s impact on preferences for non‐white playmates: Canadian “Sesame Street” inserts, Journal of Broadcasting, 23:1, 27-32.

[10] Gordon N. Cantor. “White Boys’ Ratings of Pictures of Whites and Blacks as Related to Amount of Familiarization.” Perceptual and Motor Skills 39, no. 2 (December 1974); Cantor, Gordon N. “Effects of Familiarization on Children’s Ratings of Pictures of Whites and Blacks.” Child Development 43, no. 4 (1972): 1219–29.

[11] Katz, P. A., Katz, I., & Cohen, S. (1976). White children’s attitudes toward Blacks and the physically handicapped: A developmental study. Journal of Educational Psychology, 68(1), 20–24.

[12] Katz, Phyllis A.; Zalk, Sue R. (1978). Modification of children’s racial attitudes.. , 14(5), 447–461.

[13] Katz, P. A. ‘Attitude change in children: Can the twig be straightened?’ In P. A. Katz (Ed.), Towards the elimination of racism. New York: Pergamon Press,1976.

[14] Derman-Sparks, 25.

[15] Ibid,. 31.

[16] Hirschfeld, L.A. Race in the Making: Cognition, Culture, and the Child’s Construction of Human Kinds (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1998), 83.

Semites, Self-Pity, Aggressiveness, and Censorship, Part 1: Jeremy Corbyn is not a shabbos Goy

The Jewish Chronicle is at it again, promoting a toxic anti-Semitic stereotype. Previously it claimed that Jews were “outsiders” whose “paranoia” and “arrogance” brought about their own downfall. Now it’s claiming that Jews prefer to work “behind the scenes” in British politics. This is the classic stereotype of Jews as conspirators and manipulators, evading public scrutiny as they shape supposedly democratic governments to their own ends.

Shy, tongue-tied Jews

The Chronicle made this claim as it described how, for once, the Jewish community has decided to work in the open. British Jews want the current Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn to be a well-trained shabbos goy like Tony Blair and Theresa May, funded by Jewish money and obedient to Jewish wishes. But Corbyn isn’t a shabbos goy and their best efforts have failed to turn him into one. They couldn’t operate “behind the scenes” in Corbyn’s Labour party, so they’ve had to come out into the open:

Yesterday’s Enough Is Enough rally was the most extraordinary event of my almost ten years as editor of the JC [Jewish Chronicle]. We are not, by nature, an angry community. Nor do we take to the streets. When we have a worry, we — more often than not — talk for ever to ourselves about it and then, perhaps, try to talk behind the scenes to the powers that be.

Guiding a goy: Jeremy Corbyn and the Board of Deputies

So when, on Sunday, the Board of Deputies and the JLC [Jewish Leadership Council] proposed a rally at Parliament Square, and issued a strongly worded open letter to Jeremy Corbyn, there was an intake of breath in some quarters. Not the way we do things. Not enough people will turn up. It will backfire. No one will care.

But the naysayers were wrong. Such is the level of anger — and, one has to say, fear — in our community over the indulgence of antisemitism from the leadership of the Labour Party that over 1500 people came with 24 hours[’] notice just a few days before Pesach [Passover] to make clear their feelings. … (The JC Comment Blog No.8: the antisemites stand together. So should we, The Jewish Chronicle, 27th March 2018 /11th Nisan 5778)

There’s some interesting self-pity and self-delusion in that blog at the Jewish Chronicle. Take the idea that Jews “are not, by nature, an angry community” and that they “talk for ever” to themselves about their worries before “perhaps” trying “to talk behind the scenes to the powers that be.” This picture of Jews as mild-mannered, self-effacing and reluctant to complain does not match the reality of Jewish power and characteristically aggressive Jewish psychology. Would a non-aggressive people attempt to alter the ethnic balance of the country they live in so as to make the natives a minority? Read more

Differences between the Eastern European immigrant community in the US and the older German-Jewish establishment — and their commonalities

Eastern European Shtetl Jews; photos from “Rare Photographs and Images of Shtetl Life

In his VDARE article of April 22, “Eastern European Jews And The Case Of the Marginalized Elite,” Paul Gottfried claims that I fail to make important distinctions among Jewish groups:

Though Kevin MacDonald argues his theory about Jewish group behavior ably, I believe it is unwarranted to generalize about the social behavior of all Jews simply because of the behavior of Eastern European Jews. …We are clearly dealing with a group that embraces all kinds of Leftist causes, most of which have a destabilizing effect on what remains of a traditional Christian society. Let me repeat: I don’t find anything about this behavior that has characterized all Jews at all times (unlike MacDonald).

This article summarizes some of my comments on different groups of Jews, some of which may have gotten a bit lost in the shuffle. In fact, beginning with my first two books on Judaism, I have repeatedly discussed differences among Jewish groups (e.g., IQ differences between Ashkenazi and Sephardic groups in chapter 7 of A People That Shall Dwell Alone). This includes the important distinction between Eastern European Jews and Western European Jews, beginning with Chapter 6 of Separation and Its Discontents (1994) on Jewish strategies to minimize anti-Semitism.

It has often been critically important for Jews to be able to present a divided front to the gentile society, especially in situations where one segment of the Jewish community has adopted policies or attitudes that provoke anti-Semitism. This has happened repeatedly in the modern world. A particularly common pattern during the period from 1880 to 1940 was for Jewish organizations representing older, more established communities in Western Europe and the United States to oppose the activities and attitudes of more recent immigrants from Eastern Europe (see note 20). The Eastern European immigrants tended to be religiously orthodox, politically radical, and sympathetic to Zionism, and they tended to conceptualize themselves in racial and national terms—all qualities that provoked anti-Semitism. In the United States and England, Jewish organizations (such as the American Jewish Committee [AJCommittee]) attempted to minimize Jewish radicalism and gentile perceptions of the radicalism and Zionism of these immigrants (e.g., Cohen 1972; Alderman 1992, 237ff). Highly publicized opposition to these activities dilutes gentile perceptions of Jewish behavior, even in situations where, as occurred in both England and America, the recent immigrants far outnumbered the established Jewish community.

This difference between the Eastern European immigrant community and the German-Jewish establishment in the US is a central theme of “Jews, Blacks, and Race” (in Samuel Francis (Ed.), Race and the American Prospect: Essays on the Racial Realities of Our Nation and Our Time [The Occidental Press, 2006]):

Anti-Jewish attitudes that had been common before [World War II) declined precipitously, and Jewish organizations assumed a much higher profile in influencing ethnic relations in the U.S., not only in the area of civil rights but also in immigration policy. Significantly this high Jewish profile was spearheaded by the American Jewish Congress and the ADL, both dominated by Jews who had immigrated from Eastern Europe between 1880 and 1920 and their descendants. As indicated below, an understanding of the special character of this Jewish population is critical to understanding Jewish influence in the United States from 1945 to the present. The German-Jewish elite that had dominated Jewish community affairs via the American Jewish Committee earlier in the century, gave way to a new leadership made up of Eastern European immigrants and their descendants. Even the AJCommittee, the bastion of the German-Jewish elite, came to be headed by John Slawson [in 1943], who had immigrated at the age of 7 from the Ukraine.

The AJCongress, a creation of the Jewish immigrant community, was headed by Will Maslow, a socialist and a Zionist. Zionism and political radicalism typified the Jewish immigrants from Eastern Europe. As an indication of the radicalism of the immigrant Jewish community, the 50,000- member Jewish Peoples Fraternal Order was an affiliate of the AJCongress and was listed as a subversive organization by the U.S. Attorney General. The JPFO was the financial and organizational “bulwark” of the Communist Party USA after World War II and also funded the Daily Worker, an organ of the [Communist Party USA], and the Morning Freiheit, a Yiddish communist newspaper. Although the AJCongress severed its ties with the JPFO and stated that communism was a threat, it was “at best a reluctant and unenthusiastic participant” in the Jewish effort to develop a public image of anti-communism—a position reflecting the sympathies of many among its predominantly second- and third-generation Eastern European immigrant membership. Concern that Jewish communists were involved in the civil rights movement centered around the activities of Stanley Levison, a key advisor to Martin Luther King, who had very close ties to the Communist Party (as well as the AJCongress) and may have been acting under communist discipline in his activities with King.

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