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Papal Bull: The Ineffability of Infallibility

If the first duty of a philosopher is to write well, the traditionalist Catholic Edward Feser (born 1968) is a very dutiful man, as any visit to his erudite and interesting blog will reveal. But if the first duty of a philosopher is to reason well, Feser (pronounced “Fazer”) has abdicated his duty on two very important topics. Or so I shall try to argue here at TOO.

Elephants in the room

The first topic, which I’ll address in the current essay, is that of infallibility, the divinely bestowed ability of Popes and church councils to avoid all error when proclaiming truths of the Christian faith under certain carefully specified conditions. The second topic, which I’ll address in a later essay, is that of the relationship between Jews and Christendom — or between Jews and Western civilization, as a secularist might put it. These two topics are epistemological elephants in the room of Feser’s scholarship: very large, very important, but also very neglected.

It’s perfectly understandable that Feser hasn’t addressed the Jewish question. He has a family and doesn’t want the Anti-Defamation League and its allies to cast him into poverty and opprobrium. But what is at work when a traditionalist Catholic philosopher neglects the topic of infallibility? “There is no royal road to geometry,” the ancient Greek mathematician Euclid once told Ptolemy I of Egypt (323–283 BC). That is, there is no quick and easy way to master the complexities of a vast and varied subject. But there is a royal road to theology, if traditionalist Catholics are right. One simply sets out the proof of Papal and Ecclesial infallibility, and everything else follows. If the Church claims infallibly that God and the afterlife exist, that Christ was born of a virgin and rose from the dead, that His mother Mary was taken physically into Heaven at the end of her earthly life, then no further proof of these claims is necessary and we have trodden a royal road to theological truth.

Epistemological dynamite

Of course, a dutiful scholar will set out proofs for those who do not accept infallibility, but one would expect any philosopher who believed in infallibility to make it central to his scholarship. It is, after all, the most powerful tool a philosopher could possibly wield. Those who love truth — philosophoi, “lovers-of-truth” in Greek — can attain truth with absolute certainty. Infallibility is epistemological dynamite capable of demolishing mountains of ignorance and doubt, of toppling the sturdiest citadel of atheist arrogance and unbelief. So why does the traditionalist Catholic Edward Feser not make the infallibility of the Pope and the Catholic church the central and most constantly reinforced part of his scholarship? It’s the royal road to huge truths like the existence of God and resurrection of Christ, not the winding and uncertain path that unbelievers in infallibility have to tread.

Well, I don’t know why Feser doesn’t make infallibility central to his scholarship. But I think that he would find it very difficult to do so. In my opinion, infallibility is not epistemological dynamite, but epistemological bullshit. If you’d like some evidence of that, please watch as the Catholic Encyclopedia of 1910 tackles the topic of “Infallibility”:

It has been urged that neither a fallible individual nor a collection of fallible individuals can constitute an infallible organ. This is quite true in reference to natural knowledge and would be also true as applied to Church authority if Christianity were assumed to be a mere product of natural reason. But we set out from an entirely different standpoint. We assume as antecedently and independently established that God can supernaturally guide and enlighten men, individually or collectively, in such a way that, notwithstanding the natural fallibility of human intelligence, they may speak and may be known with certainty to speak in His name and with His authority, so that their utterance may be not merely infallible but inspired. And it is only with those who accept this standpoint that the question of the Church’s infallibility can be profitably discussed.

(“Infallibility,” The Catholic Encyclopedia, New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1910)

Alas, infallibility is not a royal road to theology after all. Certain truths have to be “antecedently and independently established” — which raises an obvious question. Are those truths certain? Because if there is any uncertainty, however slight, in the chain of reasoning, then infallibility is not established. It’s obvious that one must have an infallible argument for infallibility, isn’t it? Well, no, not according to the Catholic Encyclopedia: “Once we come to believe in and rely upon authority we can afford to overlook the means by which we were brought to accept it, just as a man who has reached a solid standing place where he wishes to remain no longer relies on the frail ladder by which he mounted.”

Bullshit from beginning to end

In other words, once you have accepted the authority of the Catholic church, you will accept Her claim of infallibility and forget the fallibility of your own acceptance of Her authority. Indeed, your acceptance of the Church’s “active infallibility” rests secure on the “passive infallibility” bestowed on you by God. Or so the article says. Well, Edward Feser has often assailed the philosophical ignorance and rhetorical absurdities of New Atheists like Richard Dawkins and Christopher Hitchens. And rightly so, in my opinion. But what would Feser say of a New Atheist who reasoned (and waxed rhetorical) like the author of that article on “Infallibility” in the Catholic Encyclopedia? The article is bullshit from beginning to end. It can’t be otherwise, because the whole notion of a “proof” for infallibility is absurd.

Indeed, infallibility isn’t (and can’t be) a valid philosophical claim. It’s a cratological and political claim made in what might be called an epistemological arms-race. In its competition with other religions and ideologies, the Catholic Church has claimed an exclusively privileged relationship with God and His son Jesus Christ. It is the one true Church, founded by Christ “to be absolutely universal” and accepted by all human beings, “unless inculpable ignorance should excuse them,” as the Catholic Encylopedia puts it. These absolutist claims have to be based on infallibility, because what good are they if they are not completely certain? Christianity has not existed for so many centuries by admitting room for doubt. But then nor have Islam and Judaism, both of which also claim infallible means to establish absolute truths about God and His design for mankind.

Magisterium versus mathematics

And so we have the spectacle of competing and contradictory infallibilities, not only between the three Abrahamic faiths but within each of them. Within Christianity, Protestant fundamentalists have an infallible Bible to set against the infallible Pope and Magisterium of Catholics, while the Orthodox believe only in an infallible Magisterium, not in an infallible Pope. I personally think that the Catholic church has the best claim to infallibility, rather as, of a pentagon, a square, and a triangle, the pentagon has the best claim to circularity. But the contradictions don’t end within Catholicism, because Catholics disagree in their interpretation of infallible Papal and conciliar statements.

It’s instructive to compare this disunity in theology with the unity of mathematics, which is the only field of scholarship where fallible human beings could reasonably claim infallibility and the ability to know things with absolute certainty. But the first point to arise from the comparison should be this: that mathematics, unlike theology, has never claimed infallibility. It doesn’t need to, because its proofs are irresistible to those who understand them (if not unquestionable). As noted above, the Greek mathematician Euclid told Ptolemy I that there is no royal road to geometry. He also told the human race that there is no end to the prime numbers, or numbers like 3, 7, and 19 that are evenly divisible only by themselves and 1. I would suggest that every sane human being who has understood his proof has accepted it. Cast into modern form, it might run something like this:

Suppose that P, the set of prime numbers, is finite. Suppose further that we multiply all primes in P together, then add 1 to create the number N. Now ask: is N evenly divisible by any prime in the finite set P? No, because any division by a prime or multiple of primes in P will necessarily leave a remainder of 1. Therefore N must either itself be prime or be divisible by one or more primes not in P. This contradicts our supposition that P is finite, therefore P is infinite and primes never end.[1]

For a simple example of the proof, suppose that P = {2,3,5}. Then 31 = (2*3*5) + 1 and 31/2 = (3*5) + 1; 31/3 = (2*5) + 1; 31/5 = (2*3) + 1. So 31 is either itself prime or divisible by one or more primes not in {2,3,5}. In fact, 31 is itself prime.[2] If you are sane and understand this proof, I think you will find it impossible to resist. The proof is, in effect, “infallible.” But mathematicians don’t use that term. There’s no need for it, because mathematical proofs, unlike theological ones, are convincing across all barriers of race, religion, culture, and history. I’d suggest, then, an interesting paradox: that any claim of infallibility is an infallible sign that the epistemology in question does not possess it.

Intensely difficult and abstruse

Mathematics is the only human epistemology with any solid claim to infallibility, which is precisely why mathematics doesn’t claim it. And although mathematical proofs can’t be resisted by those who understand them, that doesn’t mean mathematical proofs can’t be questioned. Euclid and other ancient Greek mathematicians offered proofs that are still accepted today, but they did not set those proofs on secure foundations. Some apparently simple mathematical notions turned out to be far more subtle and complex than they appeared. The philosophers Bertrand Russell and Alfred North Whitehead devoted many pages of their intensely difficult and abstruse Principia Mathematica (1912) to a proof of the proposition that “1 + 1 = 2.” As the English physicist Arthur Stanley Eddington once remarked: “We used to think that if we knew one, we knew two, because one and one are two. We are finding that we must learn a great deal more about ‘and’.”

As Edward Feser knows, philosophers are still working on the foundations of mathematical proof. He also knows that none of those philosophers have turned to theology for help in achieving the certainty they seek, although theology has been claiming to have infallible proofs for centuries. Why have philosophers neglected the riches of theology? It’s very simple: because those theological proofs of infallibility are fatuous. And I don’t in fact believe that any sane and intelligent believer can accept infallible claims to the required absolute degree. Whether believers have the honesty to admit this is another matter.

Full-fat fatuity

I don’t think they could have the honesty, because accepting a theological claim like infallibility automatically corrupts the intellect and morals. Nevertheless, here’s an attempted proof of the fatuity of infallibility. I’ll use what must be, for a traditionalist Catholic, an absolutely certain historical fact, namely, that the body of the Virgin Mary was taken physically into Heaven at the end of her earthly life. Catholics don’t know for certain when or where or how Mary ended that life, but they are supposed to know, with absolute certainty, that she was physically assumed into Heaven thereat. This is because Pope Pius XII dogmatically defined the Assumption as historical fact on November 1, 1950 by exercising papal infallibility in the apostolic constitution Munificentissimus Deus (Latin for “Most Generous God”). The Assumption of Mary is, therefore, more certain than such widely accepted historical facts as the assassination of Abraham Lincoln in 1865 and the sinking of the Titanic in 1912. Those two secular facts admit of some degree of uncertainty, however slight; the Assumption of Mary admits of none. It was infallibly proclaimed by the Pope and is therefore absolutely certain.

So, at least, traditionalist Catholics like Edward Feser must believe. But let’s suppose, adapting the plot of Isaac Asimov’s short-story “The Dead Past” (1956), that an evil scientist invents a chronoscope that allows any historical scene to be observed in minute detail, no matter how distant in time and space. Let’s further suppose that the evil scientist is (as one would expect) a militant atheist and that he kidnaps Edward Feser in order to subject him to a philosophical ordeal. The scientist then informs Feser that, in addition to the chronoscope, he possesses a weapon that will inflict slow and painful death on the entire human race if he, Feser, fails to choose a certain historical fact from the following list:

  1. The Virgin Mary was physically assumed into Heaven at the end of her earthly life.
  2. Abraham Lincoln was assassinated by John Wilkes Booth in 1865.
  3. The Titanic struck an iceberg and sank in 1912.

Having made his choice of fact, Feser will then see it proven true or false on the evil scientist’s chronoscope. Let’s further suppose that the evil scientist is completely convincing in his rhetoric and that he has demonstrated the chronoscope’s validity to Feser’s complete satisfaction. In short, Feser sincerely believes that the fate of the entire human race, including himself and his family, rests on his choice of an incontrovertible historical fact from the list above.

Psychologically impossible

I’d like to ask: Would Feser or any other traditionalist Catholic choose fact #1, which is, for traditionalist Catholics, the only completely certain fact on the list and therefore the only one guaranteed to save the human race? I suggest that he and they wouldn’t, if the fate of the human race did indeed rest on their choice. I don’t believe it’s psychologically possible for a sane, intelligent human being to believe in the Assumption of Mary with the same degree of certainty as he believes in the other two historical facts. Even if it were psychologically possible, I think Feser would have to choose 2 or 3 on moral grounds, because he would have to accept that the proof of infallibility is not secure. But I doubt that Feser and other traditionalist Catholics can admit this.

Now try some variants on the thought-experiment. If Feser were forced to choose a fact at random by picking a number from a hat, would he be indifferent as to which number he drew? If he were permitted to discard his first choice and make another, would he do so if he did not draw number 1, in hope of drawing that number on his second attempt? I suggest that he wouldn’t: he would be extremely relieved to draw number 2 or 3. If he drew number 1 and could not make a second choice, he would be very worried about what he would see on the chronoscope after the evil scientist entered the coordinates for the end of Mary’s earthly life.[3] Or let’s suppose that the evil scientist tells Feser that at least one of the facts on the list is false and that, to save the human race, he must make a choice of fact that will be proven false on the chronoscope. Which choice would Feser or another traditionalist Catholic make now?

Wriggling for a way out

I suggest that, on moral grounds, he would have to choose number 1. In other words, I suggest that Feser, as a sane and intelligent human being, does not and cannot genuinely believe in Papal infallibility and the literal physical Assumption of Mary. Therefore, I would expect any traditionalist Catholic presented with the thought-experiment above to begin wriggling for a way out.

How could it be otherwise? Infallibility is an absurdity that must and will corrupt the intellect and morals of anyone who accepts it. Perhaps traditional Catholicism compensates its adherents in other ways. I certainly hope so, but I assume that the ineffability of infallibility will prevent me ever finding out for myself.


Notes

  1. It’s worth pausing to reflect on the astonishing nature of this proof, which allows human beings, in a sense, to overcome infinity. Primes never end. How astonishing it is that we can prove this! And so simply!
  2. 31 = (2*3*5) + 1 and 31 is prime. Also prime are 211 = (2*3*5*7) + 1 and 2311 = (2*3*5*7*11) + 1. But 30031 = (2*3*5*7*11*13) + 1 = 59*509, where 59 and 509 are primes not in the set {2,3,5,7,11,13}.
  3. Although I believe that Jesus and Mary probably existed, I think their existence is less certain than the existence of Julius Caesar or Spartacus.

Faith and Logic: dueling masters over the years

Once upon a time in the distant and not so distant past there was a privileged caste of scholarly notables and monastic scribes who oversaw, in written form, the power of knowledge and proper thinking and thrived apart from the less prescient masses below–those who muddled along in thought-free mediocrity, or so those above believed.  In the Christian era, religious faith was linked to the City of God and the Catholic Church.  In ancient times the anthropomorphic gods of Olympus looked down on mankind and governed our fate.

This dichotomy of intellectual apartheid changed when Johannes Gutenberg’s moveable-type press converted the scrolls of Roman and Greek wisdom to books for the educated bourgeoisie and launched a fifteenth century Renaissance of learning that was not under ecclesiastical control.  Thinking was more than ever the property of the individual and not the Church.  Ideas sprang up unobstructed and washed across the academic centers of European hegemony.  Ancient truths became subject to new scrutiny and the modern era was born.

In our times, the power of knowledge was widely dispersed among students and their paper and pen instructors who ruled academia for decades. Type-written communications, mimeographs, telexes, and monaural electronic devices, not to mention chalk boards, limited the scope of how we learned for some time. Then, digitized systems of information delivery were invented by thinkers of a different twist; silicon chips in down-sized computers appeared on the market and thinking in abstract terms had to be either 0 or 1 in long numerical strings…or not at all. Conceptual thought became more democratized with the advent of the electronic pulse and blip. Now the thought masters of old, who wrote with abandon on lined paper, had met their master, if I may, in the cold world of artificial intelligence or A.I. which is all the cognitive rage these days.

Logic or clear-headed thinking now abounds in every phase of our formal writing: no more vague intuitions or ill-founded suppositions or flights of fancy that prime the pump of creative thought;  no humor or delicious irony a la Jonathan Swift or Voltaire.  In today’s world, facts, data-rich texts, and algorithms channel the linear flow of words toward approved ends, stripped of ambiguity–just dull clarity and little else.

Since the days of Aristotle and other famous pundits, logic has been a tool for seeking the truth.  No fuzziness, emotional overtones, hyperbole or puns are permitted.  To think in a logical manner means compressing thought into patterns where there is a right and wrong answer.  The Aristotelian syllogism, judiciously applied, must yield a conclusion that cannot be questioned: ergo, Socrates, based on solid evidence, has to be mortal.

The world of modern science reigns supreme and unchallenged according to most media outlets.  Syllogisms, spatial ether, the four elements, and the absence of vacuums are myths of ancient origin. Medieval alchemists hoped vainly to extract gold from humble matter; modern chemistry came from their attempts at transmogrification. Copernicus, Galileo, and similarly far-sighted colleagues disavowed the geocentric universe of Aristotle, Ptolemy, and the Catholic Church.  The foundations of truth were evolving as curious, probing minds expanded their quest for knowledge.

Truth in science can only be temporary, to be displaced when more facts and procedures come to light.   In the words of Sir Isaac Newton, great men stand on the shoulders of other geniuses to see farther ahead as they remake the shape of the future.  One day, perhaps, based on Stephen Hawking’s parallel universe vision, our truths of the moment will not be valid in yet undiscovered worlds and other dimensions. Inspired by the Greeks, the French philosopher and mathematician, Blaise Pascal, summed up our dilemma by saying that the universe has no center, no discernible circumference, and floats indeterminately beyond human comprehension.  As he famously stated:  “The heart has its reasons that reason cannot comprehend.”  Knowledge is both fact-based and colored by intuition’s grasp of reality.

Logic is at the heart of scientific truth which lives and breathes in a mathematical schema of data-based reality. However, if so many truths of the distant past are now only partially true (e.g. the physics of Sir Isaac Newton and Aristotle; Rene Descartes’ discredited vortices to explain planetary movement), how do we know what discovery is worth trusting?  When asked, scientists just shrug and affirm that technology will make inroads in the days ahead and inventions will clear the way to a world beyond our ken.  After all, rocket science and aviation owe their beginnings to Chinese fireworks and the Wright brothers at Kitty Hawk.

Over the past few centuries, science and other fields of knowledge have splintered into overlapping disciplines which claim complementarity but are, in their own way, subject to reasonable doubt at times. For example, Sigmund Freud’s legacy is little more than a lexicon of terms that were the product of observing troubled Viennese matrons whose sexual repression fueled the core of psycho-analysis.

We freely use his terminology today without traditional scientific corroboration: the sex-laden and conflicted Id, bubbling with dark forces that the conscious mind doesn’t recognize or acknowledge; the ego struggling with its moral and social arbiter, the super ego, that produces dutiful citizens carved out of a Germanic model in the early twentieth century.  Freud’s psychology, like that of Adler and Jung, are clever assumptions that hard-core science cannot prove to be factual or capable of being replicated.  Do we truly covet our mothers as Oedipus mythically did? Do little girls wish they had their brother’s penises?  Is there a Yin or Yang from Far Eastern cosmology that nourishes life’s primal forces, or even an anima and animus that inform the Jungian collective consciousness?  Can troubling psychoses be uprooted and erased through talk therapy? Probably not.  Pharmacology has replaced this strategy. Rarely challenged assumptions have therefore become scientific “fact” through public acceptance.

In a cultural context, do Chinese children experience the same trauma as Afghan youths during wartime? Is the mind hard-wired to follow the pedagogical stages of Jean Piaget’s philosophy? Similarly can we prove that linguist Noam Chomsky’s “Deep Structure” is an integral part of childhood language acquisition? Are we all alike as humanists assert or does the environment affect our reaction to external stimuli in different ways?  Is there an acceptable answer to these ponderous, lofty questions?  Probably not, yet we continue to ask why and construct clever ways to resolve thorny issues. Our curiosity as cogent beings is insatiable.

And then there is the question of logic and religiosity that weighs heavily upon Western civilization.  Religious fervor, with the exception of Islamic cultures, seems to be declining in more advanced societies. In America, the Church serves as a social institution and is run with corporate precision: above all, it is a focal point for community identity.  The desire to expand services and infrastructure is built into their mission: preach the Gospel, recruit the “unchurched,” meet the budget, hire more personnel to be servants of the faith, and whenever possible, launch a building campaign that gives the impression of progress.

Religious inquiry is limited to discussing scriptural excerpts in Bible study groups sponsored by the Church; the essence of faith is rarely questioned in these sessions.  Exegesis is avoided in favor of bearing personal witness to Christian tenets.  Quoting scripture has an aura of theological truth but is not logic-based because, for all Christians, the Bible is the defining  reference work of faith. As the Catholics once said:  “Outside the Church there is no salvation.”

Logic and theology are generally at odds with one another.  There is the “historical” Jesus that we know very little about.  Scholars have concluded that He was most likely a simple peasant-artisan, an itinerant and charismatic preacher who challenged Jewish authority and secular beliefs (chasing the money lenders from the Temple).  His populous rebellion against the Roman occupational forces sealed his fate.

The New Testament affirms the divinity of Jesus, the son of God, based solely on the writings and oral history of the apostles and other chroniclers in the decades following His crucifixion.  What separates Jesus’ “movement” from other Abrahamic monotheistic religions is the Cross, the symbol of his passion and resurrection or deification.  Judaism and Islam reject His role as a divine entity; in their eyes Jesus was no more than a highly respected prophet.

For Biblical historians, the miracles He performed are hard to explain from a scientific perspective. Very few modern scientists accept the providential, almost mystical nature of His life.  In the absence of facts, we have little to support our beliefs except faith alone which science calls into question.  Faith is the purest form of escaping from the burdens of the material world; it requires the acceptance of an intuitive, personal reality with no measurable contours.  Nonetheless, many men and women of science embrace the Christian way of life.

Faith reassures and comforts true believers. Science can only measure and codify the known universe. How does one reconcile these contradictory forces?  Without believing in the supernatural, the life and divinity of Jesus are illogical.  Therefore, if we apply modern techniques to this issue, Christianity becomes a religion founded on false premises: “Love thy neighbor as thyself,” and “Do unto others as you would have them do unto you” are at the core of its philosophy.  These ideas of communal peace and compassion are also found in other religions.

What gives Christianity a distinct identity is the concept of the crucifixion and resurrection of an itinerant preacher and carpenter by trade, Jesus of Nazareth. Abraham, Moses, and Mohammed were leaders of their faiths, not divinities in the guise of humans who suffered for others.  In theory Jesus died for all men: He is the Messiah incarnate who visited the earth, accomplished His mission, and was recalled to Heaven by our Maker.  No other faith has the concept of immaculate conception, evangelization, and universal salvation.  Christ is the Redeemer, not the titular head of a religious movement. According to the scriptures, He is a living, internal presence in the converted, not a dignitary who judges.  He exalts the common man and promises a better life for the downtrodden.  He spoke to the humble and not to the crowned heads of His era.

Sadly, throughout history, the Church has deviated from its first principles of compassion and forgiveness and  become a punitive institution that rejected transgressors and continues to do so (through excommunication).  Large numbers have died over the centuries in the name of a forgiving Savior.  During the Crusades Arabs were pitted against Christian zealots who sought to liberate the Holy Land from pagan dominance. Moreover, heretics threatened the political authority of a Church wedded to the State; these rebellious minds that abjured Christianity were “purified” by fire at the stake as dictated by the Spanish Inquisition (“auto-da-fe”).  Numerous horrors were perpetrated to cleanse the Christian world of miscreants.  Its intolerance has sparked revolutions that saw religiosity become a form of oppression, more controlling than liberating.

Contrary to the Catholic repudiation of profit as sin (which has now been revoked), Protestantism linked Christian values with financial success and not liturgical piety. In this reformed version of Christianity, God favored the wealthy who were rewarded with a greater status in life.  Prosperity and saintly goodness were one and the same.  The modern world of materialized faith was born in the late sixteenth century when Martin Luther posted his 95 theses on the Wittenberg Cathedral door to protest indulgences.

The Reformation, divorced from papal authority, gave birth to an economic freedom that reshaped Protestant strongholds in Europe.  In addition to other beliefs, the infallibility of the Pope and hagiography were denied to be free of religious restrictions and enjoy life’s many treasures. Matters of faith between Catholics and Protestants brought about civil wars  that ravaged European nations and spilled over into their colonial possessions.

Pure logic guides the rational and demonstrable world of science; intuition lies at the heart of religious faith.  To believe in divine spirits, one must accept the inconsistency of reason and grant substance and credibility to intuitive truth.  Scientists will rework and change the material world with reason and technology; at the same time, the inner self will cry out for religious solace and release.  The twenty-first century will give us little hope for global peace in our conflicted, tribal debates.  Where will the human species be in the coming years and centuries of strife?

No matter how we react, time will move us forward against our will. Our dueling masters, faith and logic, will determine the nature of what it means to be human: scientifically, there will be sentient clones, cyber engineers crafting even more functional robots to serve our needs, geneticists tweaking the genome to fight disease and correct flaws in our DNA–a new “science” of eugenics? and alternative  sources of governance to replace the failed or inadequate systems of the past.

In spite of the manipulation of the species and internal longing for power, there will always be decent folks who think in logical ways but deeply hope for the promise of eternal life and salvation.  On the other hand, there will be the fearful ones–burdened with doubt and distrustful of rigid thought patterns–who see life, without faith, as devoid of purpose and meaningless.   Will socialism’s future utopia give them relief from their anguish?

Nonetheless, the meaning of life’s infinite mystery will trouble our thoughts and guide our search for reassurance. The quest for spiritual values and scientific truths will define the parameters of tomorrow’s world just as the rebirth of tribalism will ensure continuing territorial conflict.  Without science there will be no progress; without faith the human spirit will weaken and religious belief will falter.  Our long-term survival depends on striking a viable compromise between the two.

A remote possibility?

How realistic is the fear that American Whites could in due course face the kind of existential crisis now faced by South Africa’s Whites? While useful for rousing the troops so to speak most normies would consider the idea to be preposterous. After all, Whites still represent a clear (though rapidly declining) majority of America’s population, while the South African equivalent is less than 8%. ‘Whites’ own and control everything, not least 90% of the guns.

Let’s hope the normies are right. But the experience of the Russian Empire in the first half of the 20th century offers food for thought. Because the Bolshevik Revolution saw a minuscule largely non-Russian minority seize absolute power, a power with which they then deployed to horrific effect on the native Russians. Tens of millions were slaughtered, while many more disappeared into the gulags, never to return or else to return broken in body and spirit. Russian historian Dmitri Volkogonov, head of a special Russian parliamentary commission, recently concluded that “from 1929 to 1952, 21.5 million [Soviet] people were repressed. Of these a third were shot, the rest sentenced to imprisonment, where many also died.” That unfortunate country, which historically has endured more than its share of misery, never experienced anything like it before or since.

Only a very small proportion of the Bolsheviks were ethnic Russians. As Putin himself acknowedged before a Jewish audience (who I can imagine shifting uneasily as he spoke), about 85% of the leading Bolsheviks were Jews though Jews represented a mere 2% of the overall population. Many of the remainder were ethnic Georgians, Armenians, Poles or Balts. (I’m including Ukrainians as Russians). Yet they seized power and unleashed a terrible vengeance on the Russian people.

And be in no doubt that while much of the terror and slaughter was motivated by the drive for power, much was also driven by a visceral hatred of the traditional Christian Russian people. No less an authority than Alexander Solzhenitzyn confirmed this in a quotation that you’ve probably read before now. “You must understand. The leading Bolsheviks who took over Russia were not Russians. They hated Russians. They hated Christians. Driven by ethnic hatred they tortured and slaughtered millions of Russians without a shred of human remorse. The October Revolution was not what you call in America the ‘Russian Revolution.’ It was an invasion and conquest over the Russian people. More of my countrymen suffered horrific crimes at their bloodstained hands than any people or nation ever suffered in the entirety of human history. It cannot be understated. Bolshevism committed the greatest human slaughter of all time. The fact that most of the world is ignorant and uncaring about this enormous crime is proof that the global media is in the hands of the perpetrators.”

According to Jewish historian Arkidil Zeltser “The phenomenon of Jews in top positions reached its peak under Yagoda and Yezhov…Of the ten deputy commissars between July 1934 and September 1938, five were of Jewish origin. Jews occupied significant positions in the state security leadership. From December 1936 to April 1937, Agranov was head of the GUGB. Until the March 1938 reorganization of state security, all three heads of the Department of Government Security were Jews, as were the three heads of the Counter-intelligence department, three of the four heads of the Secret-political Department, two of the three heads of the Special Department (OO), and one of the two heads of the Foreign Department. A Jew also headed the top-secret “special group” of the NKVD secretariat, which answered directly to the people’s commissar and was responsible for sabotage behind enemy lines in the event of war. During this period both heads of the GULAG were Jews, as was the head of police…Particularly significant was the number of Jews in top positions in the State Security Administration itself: Jews occupied six of the 13 posts.” Churchill noted that in many cases whereas a Russian might be the nominal head of an agency the real power was exercised by a Jewish eminence grise behind the curtain. (“Thus Tchitcherin, a pure Russian, is eclipsed by his nominal subordinate, Litvinoff.”)

Far from championing the interests of Russian workers, Lenin himself, who was quarter Jewish and spoke Yiddish growing up at home, admitted that he wanted ‘a nation of white niggers’. So how did this tiny and unrepresentative minority do it? How did they seize control of the mighty Russian Empire? Whole forests have been levelled in the attempt to explain this phenomenon and I have no particular expertise in this area. But from the perspective of this post the point is that they did it. What I can say is that they brilliantly mastered propaganda and controlled all forms of media from the very beginning. They were utterly ruthless. The Cheka hunted down and arrested anyone who was suspected of hostility towards the Bolsheviks. By the end of the Civil War, they had executed over 100,000 political opponents.

The Bolsheviks also placed major and immediate emphasis on destroying traditional Russian culture, in particular Orthodox Christianity. Anti-Semitism became a capital offence. “The past was erased, the erasure was forgotten, the lie became the truth.” Their military victory over the White Russian army was remarkable given the latter’s overwhelming advantage in terms of weaponry and trained military leaders and the fact that initially they had the Bolsheviks surrounded. But their leaders consistently squabbled among themselves and acted too late to prevent the Reds seizing control of industry, railways and the banks. Bear in mind also that the Bolsheviks had a huge ‘fifth column’ of ordinary Russians acting as their foot soldiers. Whatever their motivations – true believers in Communism, fear, opportunism – they were absolutely essential to the Communist takeover.

And then of course there were the privately held guns. The Russians loved their guns. Everybody had one, even well-heeled ladies. “The Bolshevik Revolution put an end to the free circulation of guns among the general public. The leaders of the uprising knew only too well what the masses were capable of, especially if armed up to the teeth, and moved to monopolize gun ownership. In 1918 the Bolsheviks initiated a large scale confiscation of civilian firearms, outlawing their possession and threatening up to 10 years in prison for concealing a gun. The only exception was made for hunters who were allowed to possess smoothbore weapons. Gun licenses, however, were strictly regulated and only issued by the NKVD. It was only a matter of time before Russia became an almost totally gun-free nation.”

So let’s unpack what we have here. A tiny unrepresentative non-Russian ‘elite’ seized power and subsequently slaughtered tens of millions of Russians by way of the bullet, starvation or by working them to death. They achieved this by seizing total control of media, banking, education and key industries; by demonising the culture and religion of the host people; by rewriting history and pursuing their goals with absolute ruthlessness against a demoralised people.

And of course seizing privately held guns.

Ring any bells?

In fact White Americans are in a much weaker position today than were Russians back then. After all where non-ethnic Russians represented a tiny proportion of the overall population non-Whites will become a majority in America within a few decades, if not earlier. And the enemies of traditional Americans already have near full-spectrum control of banking, media, entertainment, Big Tech and ‘education’. Gun-owners and the de facto repeal of the Second Amendment are very much in their sights. Vast numbers of Whites have bought into the anti-White agenda, willingly exposing themselves to their own destruction. What’s worse they have no idea of their enemies’ malevolence towards them. Unlike the Bolsheviks who faced strong opposition from neighbouring states and powerful countries like Britain and the United States, the anti-White agenda today enjoys widespread international support. America’s ‘justice’ system increasingly resembles that of a Third World country, the Constitution abandoned, the courts hijacked, non-Whites replacing Whites are every level of law enforcement, Soros-funded District Attorneys waging open warfare on the host population. Patriotic Americans have been ruthlessly purged from the military and the ‘security’ agencies such as the FBI, CIA and NSA. Even the most pathetic attempt at White resistance (Charlottesville, the Capitol Hill ‘insurrection’) is brutally suppressed. Donald Trump, the closest thing Whites have as a leader, is a hopelessly compromised Israeli lapdog with Kushner’s hand up his ass at all times.

Sooooo…..is the possibility that remote? Note that a South African commentator reminded us on this blog a few days ago that the country’s Whites never in their wildest imaginations believed that their circumstances could deteriorate so far and so fast.

Reposted from IrishSavant.net, with permission.

William Pierce (and Me) on Racism

In 2001, I published a book on the White advocate William Pierce (1933–2002) called The Fame of a Dead Man’s Deeds.  Given the obsessive concern currently for what is deemed the unimpeachable evil of White racism and the modern-day inquisition against White racists tainted with this sin, I think it would be useful to re-visit what Pierce had to say about this topic in the Fame book two decades ago and see what it brings up for you.

*    *     *

Pierce believes that over the past forty or fifty years [this is 2001, remember] white people have been conditioned to feel guilty about their natural inclinations around race.  The media in particular, but also the schools, politicians, and mainstream churches, have waged an all-out campaign to get them to deny their natural—and healthy—impulses.

What are these natural racial impulses or inclinations?   In order to get at that, Pierce offers that we must examine the way whites thought and behaved before the conditioning program began.

In times past, most whites accepted the fact that people of a particular race preferred to live and work and play with others like themselves.  White people were curious about other races. They would study the lore of the Indians, for example.  Indeed, whites found much to admire in other races and cultures—Chinese art for example. Still, they retained a sense of separateness and exclusiveness and pride in their own European heritage, in their own racial characteristics. They didn’t feel it necessary to apologize for teaching the history of their own race to their children, that is to say, European history.  They didn’t feel the need to balance things out by giving equal treatment to other races and cultures. They left Japanese and Tibetan history to the scholars in those fields.  They certainly didn’t feel a conciliatory obligation to invent a false black history to elevate the self-esteem of blacks or to persuade young whites that blacks were their cultural equals.

Did whites feel their race was superior to other races? In general, yes, they did, says Pierce, which is not to say that they were blind to the fact that other races and cultures could do some things very well, and in some cases were better than whites were at things. But whites valued what they were good at, and so by the standards they set up, they looked very good to themselves. They were confident in their abilities and accomplishments as thinkers and problem solvers and civilization builders. They liked their literature and art best. They valued their way of life—their concept of virtue and morality and their approach to family and work and so on.

Basically, they believed they had a superior culture and superior race. In that sense, they were what today would be called white supremacists. But they were not alone in feeling that way; it is natural for a people to think their ways are the best, that they are the best.  The Chinese have historically believed that they are superior to the “foreign devils.”   That the Chinese thought that way didn’t bother whites. It didn’t threaten whites’ sense of their worth, their sense of their place in the world.

Pierce argues that an outgrowth of people’s natural feelings of racial identification and favoritism is to segregate themselves from other people, to live among their own in the ways they prefer.  That is their normal impulse.  That way of living has been typical throughout the history of humankind.  It may seem a good idea for people to live mixed up with other peoples, but it doesn’t work as well as we have been told that it does, and it isn’t inherently a superior or a more elevated way to live.  Living amid so-called diversity is not the only legitimate, morally acceptable, way to live, and hardly an urgent moral imperative.   It is only in recent years that whites have been pressured to think in those terms.

World War II brought big changes in this pattern of thought and conduct, says Pierce. Those who wanted Germany destroyed painted it as a war for democracy and equality.  As the narrative went, the Germans believed in a master race while we believed in the equality of the races.  This rationale brought increased stress on an equality theme in American life in contrast to an emphasis on the qualitative differences among individuals and groups.  The idea of the equality of whites and blacks went along with that theme. From the assumption that blacks were equal to whites, it followed that if blacks were observed to accomplish less or conduct themselves less admirably, something external to them must be causing it. And that cause was identified—white oppression. Whites must have made blacks the way they were.

While white villainy seemed to make sense given the false notion of racial equality, it simply didn’t square with the facts. The vast majority of whites didn’t concern themselves with blacks and wasted no time trying to suppress them. The vast majority of whites didn’t care what blacks did. They simply wanted to go their way and let blacks go theirs. But the facts of the matter aren’t what is important. What is important is to understand that World War II served to heighten the belief that if blacks had any problems at all, they could be laid at the feet of whites.

Pierce sees the civil rights revolution of the 1950s and ‘60s as another important element in the development of the “whites-as-bad-guys” perception that has taken hold.  During those years, the media showed us images of inoffensive blacks marching and protesting amid what looked to be white hooligans who were screaming at them, assaulting them, and in some instances killing them.  After scores of television clips, news stories, and commentaries that painted this picture, resistance to what the civil rights activists wanted became equated in most people’s minds with KKK types and beefy Southern sheriffs and their German shepherds and water hoses.  It is understandable that most white people came to sympathize strongly with the dignified demonstrators and their cause and to be repulsed by their boorish and brutal white attackers and what we were told they represented.

Indeed, there were white working-class people who saw their way of life threatened and acted in an undignified and intemperate and violent way.  The media were quick to record it and place it in a context—within a story line—that appealed to what Pierce calls the innate white sense of propriety and fairness. The media transmitted these carefully selected scenes of white resistance to racial integration along with particular interpretations of what was happening over and over and over again. The white people who saw on their television screens and read about what their own people were doing were embarrassed by it and felt guilty over it. The media made the whole idea of resistance to racial integration shame- and guilt-inducing to most white people.

The media paired up names, labels, for what whites were seeing and hearing and reading and feeling during the civil rights revolution: racism, and racist. The media associated racism with white resistance to the civil rights organizations.  Again and again and again, they paired up white resistance to a single idea/explanation—racism.  Again and again and again, the media paired the image of the roughneck white opponent of civil rights being portrayed on the screen or in print with the label/identity of racist.  

After a time, the words themselves—“racism,” “racist”—came to evoke pangs of revulsion and guilt on their own, just as the sound of a dinner bell resulted in Pavlov’s dogs salivating.  The media had created a conditioned response to the word racism.  Now, all anybody has to do to get whites to turn pale, become apologetic, and give in is call them racist.  People don’t have to argue the facts with whites; all they have to do is push the right emotional button.  If they ring the “racist bell,” whites—even the most rugged and proudest of whites—will bow their heads and put their tails between their legs and let people have their way with them.

The media could have worked the conditioning the opposite way if they had wanted to by associating different things with white resistance to the civil rights movement.  They could have presented interviews with middle-class whites—professional people, academics, artists and writers, philosophers—who believed in racial and cultural integrity and pointed out the negative impact on countries like Puerto Rico, Brazil, and Portugal when the races were mixed together. The media could have shown what happened to white schools and neighborhoods after an infusion of blacks—the decay and disorder and crime. They could have interviewed white women raped by blacks. They could have presented case studies of white girls who mated with black boys they met in school and shown us their mixed-race children and let us see how we really felt about that. But they didn’t do that. That wasn’t consistent with the program.

During this time and since, Pierce points out, the schools joined the campaign of re-shaping white attitudes.  The curriculum kept students from understanding the rationale for segregation.   Segregation was linked to mindless hatred and oppression.  History was de-Europeanized and infused with the real and imaginary accomplishments of non-whites.  The churches also got into the act of decrying racism and promoting a multiracial society.  White politicians pandered to minority interests and lectured their own people about how they must share their lives with minorities and to give them anything they wanted. The schools, churches, and politicians promoted the idea that anyone opposed to an integrated society was evil and irrational, that is to say, a racist.  The only thing that operated against this wave of cultural re-shaping of whites, says Pierce, is the actual physical presence of blacks so that people could experience for themselves the glaring contradictions between the theory of racial equality and the reality of racial differences.

Pierce notes that race has become such a hot-button issue that it is very difficult to discuss it rationally at the present time. He says talking about race today must be how it was for Presbyterians to talk about sex a century ago.  He says he gets letters and messages from white people who say he ought to be killed for advocating separation of the races and opposing miscegenation.

As difficult as it is to do, however, whites must think and talk about race rationally and honestly.  They must not be embarrassed about it and feel guilty about it.  They must be willing to entertain the idea that wanting to live and work among their own people is a natural, healthy feeling they were born with.  Nature gave whites that impulse so that they could evolve as a race.  Living among their own allows them to develop special characteristics and abilities that set them apart from every other race. Living with their own is essential to their survival as a race. What is irrational and destructive is the very thing that is being pushed upon them—a multiracial, culturally conglomerate society and way of life.

It is going to take determination for whites to open up their eyes and their minds to reality, and more courage than they have shown in the past to begin to report to the world what they truly believe. But that is what whites must do.  Whites are being controlled by their fear of being smeared as racists if they disagree with the orthodoxy about race in this country.

In a Free Speech [a periodical Pierce published] article entitled “The Importance of Courage,” Pierce relates how he has dealt with his own fears around being called a racist.

I’m sorry to say that I’ve seen that same sort of timidity in myself.  When interviewers have asked me whether or not I am a racist, I have responded by asking, “Well, what do you mean by the word ‘racist’?” I’ve tried to wriggle out of giving a direct answer to the question.  I have resolved not to try to wriggle away from saying exactly what I believe when someone asks me whether or not I am a racist because it’s pretty clear what the interviewers have in mind when they ask me whether or not I am a racist.  These days anyone is a racist who refuses to deny the abundantly clear evidence that there are inherited differences in behavior, intelligence, and attitudes.  A racist is any white person who prefers to live among other whites instead of among non-whites and prefers to send his children to white schools.  A racist is any white person who feels a sense of identity with, a sense of belonging to, his own tribe, his own people, his own race, and who shows an interest in his race’s history, heroes, culture, and folkways.  A racist is a white person who finds the members of his own race more attractive physically than members of other races and who is instinctively repulsed by the idea of racial intermarriage or by the sight of a white person intimately involved with a non-white.  A racist is a white person who is disgusted with the multiracial cesspool that America is becoming. . . . Yes, I’m a racist.

*    *    *

William Pierce, 2001.  A brief footnote from me, 2021:

Individuals and groups use exaggerated, distorted, and false negative depictions and stories—White racism is a great example–to get attention, power, self-validation, and advantage, and hurt and destroy people.

My response these days to “You’re a racist” and “Are you a racist?” is “That’s your business, not mine.  But I’ll say this.   I’m not taking any more of your shit.”

Frank Furedi Fights for Freedom: A Jewish Sociologist Celebrates Hungary’s Resistance to Jewish Pathologies

The burnt child fears the fire. And so does the burnt Trotskyist. When Britain’s Revolutionary Communist Party (RCP) stood for election in 1983, its confident expectations of victory went up in flames. The RCP got almost no votes and has never tried standing for election under its true colours again.

Open borders now!

Before the election, the RCP had published a manifesto and run conferences under the title of Preparing for Power. That title wasn’t a joke: the party seriously thought that working-class Whites would come flocking to its banner once they had absorbed exciting RCP policies like these:

  • The rejection of all controls on immigration.
  • Free abortion and contraception on demand.
  • Complete decriminalisation of homosexuality and lowering of the homosexual age of consent to match that for heterosexuals.
  • Removal of import controls to allow foreign workers to compete freely with British workers.
  • A ban on police entering black-enriched — and crime-infested — districts like Brixton in London.

RCP chairman Frank Furedi prepares for power with Lenin’s guidance

Could any sane person have thought that any of that would appeal to working-class voters? I don’t think so, therefore I conclude that members of the RCP can’t have been sane. And they weren’t: they were drunk on arrogance, megalomania and their own inflated revolutionary rhetoric. In fact, the party was yet another example of how leftism is often better described as a psychiatric disorder than as an ideology. Leftists don’t want to understand reality and to adapt their political ideas accordingly. Instead, they want power and satisfaction of their psychological needs.

Cognitive clones

But when you’re talking about the RCP and its various subsequent mutations, only one individual truly matters: the Jewish sociologist Frank Furedi, who was born in Hungary in 1947 but left after the failed Hungarian Uprising against communism in 1956. Furedi founded first the Revolutionary Communist Tendency (RCT) and then the RCP after falling out with his Jewish mentor Yigael Gluckstein, who ran the Trotskyist International Socialists under the revolutionary name of Tony Cliff (a good example of Jewish crypsis). Furedi too once had a revolutionary name: as Frank Richards he followed the standard communist practice of taking recruits disproportionately from minorities with historic grudges against, and desire for revenge on, the majority. He then moulded his recruits very successfully into what might be called cognitive clones. That is, members of the RCP spoke and thought exactly like Frank Furedi, who is therefore a perfect example of the long-standing pattern identified by Kevin MacDonald in Jewish intellectual life: that of the charismatic crypto-rabbi-guru who recruits, indoctrinates and closely controls a group of devoted disciples.

Fight back with the Party of the Future: An RCP member in the 1980s

As controller of the RCP, Furedi imbued his cognitive clones with a deep love of freedom and individual autonomy. However, he recognized that freedoms sometimes compete and that tough choices have to be made. For example, in Northern Ireland ordinary members of the public wanted the freedom not to be murdered or maimed as they went shopping or visited the pub. Republican terrorists, on the other hand, wanted the freedom to murder and maim whomever they pleased whenever they pleased with whatever amount of high explosive they pleased. Faced with these competing demands for freedom, Furedi made the tough choice to support the murderers and maimers. This is an extract from a letter he wrote to the Times of London:

The Irish Republican Army is the military wing of a national liberation movement. Its objective is to create a united Ireland free from British rule. This is an aim for which it has won widespread popular approval in Ireland.

The Revolutionary Communist Party’s support for the republican movement has nothing to do with its politics. We support the republican movement because it is leading the fight against British rule in Ireland. Because British rule is the central barrier to social progress in Ireland, there can be no unity, no peace and no prosperity in any part of the country until British domination is brought to an end.

We would support the republican movement if it was led by a collection of Catholic priests and nuns, so long as it was leading resistance against British domination.

The RCP will continue to give unconditional support to the republican movement irrespective of its programme, its strategy or its tactics. As long as it remains the leading force in the struggle against British imperialism and the biggest threat to the stability of the United Kingdom, that’s good enough for us.

FRANK RICHARDS, Chairman, Revolutionary Communist Party, BM RCP, London WC1N 3XX. (See image at Twitter)

But perhaps the choice to support the murderers and maimers of the IRA wasn’t so difficult after all, because the tone of that letter seems almost to relish their brutality. The content of the letter is highly selective: Chairman Furedi did not mention that the Protestant majority in Northern Ireland did not share the “widespread popular approval” for the IRA and did not wish to form part of a united Ireland. Irish history is both complex and tragic, but unconditional support for terrorism was never a good way either to resolve the complexities or to end the tragedies.

The second Hungarian uprising

However, Trotskyists like Furedi believe in supporting all movements, however violent or immoral, that undermine the state and give Trotskyists a better chance of coming to power amid the chaos. That’s why Furedi and his clones supported IRA bombing and have never retracted their support. And the RCP tradition of cognitive cloning and chaos-surfing is still alive and well at Spiked Online, the web-magazine where Furedi’s disciples now gather to promote his ideas. Many people write for Spiked, but they all sound uncannily the same as they beat the drum for the greatest possible freedom of the greatest possible number. Spiked is passionately in favour of free speech and open borders, and just as passionately opposed to identity politics and the sad identitarian corruption of what the chief Furedi-clone Brendan O’Neill has called “the noble cause of antiracism.”

Here, for example, is Frank Furedi himself waxing lyrical at Spiked about “The Hungarian uprising against the woke West”:

I have been going to football [i.e., soccer] games all my life. But this was the most intense and uplifting experience I have ever had at a game.

The game is in Budapest. It is Hungary vs France. But it is more than just another Euro 2020 match. As I arrive at the fans’ zone, I see a bunch of guys holding a banner challenging the gesture of taking the knee. The banner has an image of someone taking the knee with a cross through it — a clear statement of rejection of this practice of abasement.

I talk to Gergely and Sanyi, two of the guys milling around the banner. They tell me why they think it’s right to take a stand against the Anglo-American gesture of taking the knee. Sanyi tells me, “We are not like them, we are a proud people who refuse to bend ourselves to anyone.” Standing near us is Orsolya, who says the ritual of taking the knee has nothing to do with being against racism. “It is a new form of piety. It makes us sick.”

Almost everyone I talk to tells me that we Hungarians have decided to take a stand against all this crap. They are still angry that when they booed the Irish for taking the knee in a recent game, the Western press denounced them as racist. They feel that they are continually lectured by the Western media as if they are colonial subjects. And they are not having it anymore.

Talking to these supporters was like being enveloped in commonsense sanity. Their buzz was infectious. I got a really strong feeling that freedom was in the air. (The Hungarian uprising against the woke West, Spiked Online, 20th June 2021)

The hideously White Hungarian soccer-squad for 2021

The heavily Black French soccer-squad for 2021

Furedi waxes lyrical in that article, but doesn’t wax analytical. Why exactly is Hungary resisting “the Anglo-American gesture of taking the knee”? Well, if you’d been at the game yourself, absorbing the infectious buzz with Frank, you would have seen one very big clue. The Hungarian fans and their team are what the BBC commissar Greg Dyke would call “hideously white” (Dyke, who is possibly Jewish, used that phrase of the BBC in 2001 when supporting the recruitment of ever more non-Whites). Unlike the inhabitants of modern France, Britain or America, Hungarians can call themselves a “proud people” because they are a true people, united by shared ancestry, history and language.

No suicide-bombers for Budapest

In other words, Hungary is a true nation — the word “nation” comes from Latin nasci, meaning “to be born.” True nations are founded on shared ancestry and genetics, which makes Jewish propaganda like “nation of immigrants” a complete contradiction in terms. Hungary has not experienced decades of enrichment by non-Whites from the Third World. And so Hungarian cities like Budapest are not vibrant with rape-gangs and suicide-bombers. Those are jobs that native Hungarians won’t do and that Hungarian politicians like Viktor Orbán won’t import foreigners to do.

Instead, Orbán believes in “procreation, not immigration.” The “hideous whiteness” of Hungary explains why subversive, anti-White organizations like Black Lives Matter (BLM) aren’t able to take root and metastasize there. There aren’t enough Blacks and other non-Whites in Hungary to provide fertile soil for pernicious Jewish ideologies like Critical Race Theory (CRT). And so Hungarians are able, in Frank Furedi’s words, to “take a stand against all this crap” of BLM and knee-taking. They’re a proud White people in a way that the Americans and the British no longer are, due to decades of mass immigration into America and Britain.

Third-World people mean Third-World pathologies

But who has fully supported the mass immigration that destroyed “freedom” and promoted knee-taking in the “Anglo-American” world? Indeed, who still thinks that immigration should be increased without limit? Why, it’s the same Frank Furedi who felt the “infectious buzz” of a White Hungarian crowd supporting its almost entirely White soccer-team against the heavily Black French soccer-team. Remember that the RCP, which was always completely under Furedi’s control, stood for election in 1983 with the policy of rejecting “all controls on immigration.” If Furedi and his cognitive clones had had their way, Britain would have even more non-Whites than it presently does. And so the hostile elite would have been even better able to destroy the traditional freedoms enjoyed in Britain, from free speech to free association.

More Muslims = less free speech: Muslims in Britain gleefully burn a copy of The Satanic Verses

Writers at Spiked regularly bewail the consequences of the mass immigration they’ve always so heartily supported. For example, Furedi-clone Brendan O’Neill is aghast at the way a school-teacher in Yorkshire has been driven into hiding after showing his pupils satirical cartoons of the prophet Muhammad during a religious-studies lesson. O’Neill says it’s shocking that “in this supposedly modern, secular nation, a public servant must live in the shadows lest he be physically attacked for the offence of blasphemy against a 7th-century prophet.” But what does O’Neill expect to happen when Britain imports huge numbers of people from decidedly un-modern and un-secular nations like Pakistan, where that “7th-century prophet” has been venerated for many centuries?

“Seize power at the critical moment”

Pakistan has a long tradition of murder in defence of the Prophet against blasphemy, as I’ve pointed out in articles like “Headchopping for Muhammad” and “Martyr with a Machine-Gun.” Decade after decade, Frank Furedi and his clones have supported mass immigration from the most tribalistic and illiberal nations on earth, and are now bewailing the “identity politics” that inevitably followed. Britain should be resisting the scourge of wokeness as Hungary does, Frank Furedi says. But he doesn’t explain why Hungary can do what Britain now can’t. And I don’t think Furedi and his clones have ever been sincere about fighting for freedom. Their real motives were described by the Polish philosopher Leszek Kołakowski in his magisterial Main Currents of Marxism (1978):

Lenin laid the foundation for the tactics which were soon to become binding on Communist parties: the right course was to support any movement tending to overthrow the system at any point, for any reasons and in the interests of any class: liberation in colonial countries, national or peasant movements, bourgeois national uprisings against the big imperialists. This was a generalization of the tactics he had been preaching in Russia for years: to support all claims and all movements against the Tsarist autocracy, so as to exploit their sources of energy and seize power at the critical moment. The victory of the Marxist party was the final aim … (Main Currents of Marxism, Vol. II, pp. 471-2)

You can see those tactics, and that aim, in an article by the Furedi-clone Ella Whelan that celebrates Trotsky as “The 21st-century Bolshevik” whose revolutionary spirit can, Whelan says, clearly be seen at work in the Brexit vote for Britain to leave the European Union. When the RCP was “Preparing for Power” in 1983, it was perfectly serious. And so is Whelan when she claims that “Trotsky and his Bolshevik comrades were not seeking to stand in the place of the masses, but instead inspired them to seize the reins of power for themselves.”

You might think that Lenin, Trotsky and other Bolsheviks had the reins of power firmly in their own grasp when the masses were being shot, starved, tortured, imprisoned and oppressed after the triumph of the Revolution. But perhaps the masses were masochists and visited those afflictions on themselves. Either way, what’s a little murder, torture and famine en route to the glorious Marxist-Leninist future? Yes, Whelan is also being serious when she applauds Trotsky’s firm distinction between “violence for oppressive means and violence in the pursuit of liberation.”

Mass-murdering slave-states

I don’t know about you, but reading “The 21st-century Bolshevik” made me even happier that the RCP didn’t come to power in 1983. I don’t think unrepentant disciples of Trotsky like Frank Furedi, Brendan O’Neill and Ella Whelan should be trusted with the running of an ice-cream stall, let alone with rule over millions of people. Trotsky was a major force in turning the imperfect but reforming Tsarist empire into a mass-murdering slave-state. The Soviet Union then inspired and assisted the formation of another mass-murdering slave-state in China, before imposing its tyranny on Eastern Europe after the Second World War. But Vox Day has pointed out a huge paradox in communism: it was less bad for nations like Hungary and Poland than so-called “liberal democracy” has been for America and Britain.

Why so? Because, unlike “liberal democracy,” communism did not open the borders to mass immigration by non-Whites. And that’s why the Jewish sociologist Frank Furedi is able to visit overwhelmingly White Hungary today and celebrate its resistance to pernicious Jewish ideologies like Critical Race Theory. Thanks to its recent communist history, Hungary doesn’t have millions of non-Whites living within its borders. And so Hungary doesn’t have the myriad political, cultural and social pathologies that inevitably accompany non-Whites. Of course, Furedi didn’t state those obvious facts and didn’t explain why Hungary is resisting “wokeness” and identity politics so successfully. He didn’t describe the “hideous whiteness” of the Hungarian supporters and their team.

“As much immigration as possible”

This is because Furedi can’t be honest about reality and isn’t sincere about fighting for freedom. But if he were honest and sincere, he would tell his cognitive clone Brendan O’Neill to re-publish an article by a former Trotskyist who has, unlike the RCP collective, repented of his allegiance to the mass-murderer Leon Trotsky. The part-Jewish Peter Hitchens issued this mea culpa in the Daily Mail back in 2013:

When I was a Revolutionary Marxist, we were all in favour of as much immigration as possible. It wasn’t because we liked immigrants, but because we didn’t like Britain. We saw immigrants — from anywhere — as allies against the staid, settled, conservative society that our country still was at the end of the Sixties. Also, we liked to feel oh, so superior to the bewildered people — usually in the poorest parts of Britain — who found their neighbourhoods suddenly transformed into supposedly “vibrant communities”. If they dared to express the mildest objections, we called them bigots. …

When we graduated and began to earn serious money, we generally headed for expensive London enclaves and became extremely choosy about where our children went to school, a choice we happily denied the urban poor, the ones we sneered at as “racists”. What did we know, or care, of the great silent revolution which even then was beginning to transform the lives of the British poor?

To us, it meant patriotism and tradition could always be derided as “racist”. And it also meant cheap servants for the rich new middle-class, for the first time since 1939, as well as cheap restaurants and — later on — cheap builders and plumbers working off the books. It wasn’t our wages that were depressed, or our work that was priced out of the market. Immigrants didn’t do the sort of jobs we did.

They were no threat to us. The only threat might have come from the aggrieved British people, but we could always stifle their protests by suggesting that they were modern-day fascists. I have learned since what a spiteful, self-righteous, snobbish and arrogant person I was (and most of my revolutionary comrades were, too). (How I am partly to blame for mass immigration, The Daily Mail, 1st April 2013)

“Bigots,” “racists,” “fascists,” “nazis” — that’s what arrogant, self-righteous and spiteful leftists are still calling anyone who objects to mass immigration and the pathologies it inevitably spawns. Frank Furedi and his clones have spent decades claiming to be supporters of the working-class and its interests. But anyone who supports open borders is an enemy of the working-class. Frank Furedi says that “freedom was in the air” when Hungary played France in Budapest. But why was that? It’s very simple: because insane or malevolent people haven’t been able to open Hungary’s borders to non-Whites.

Without Third-World people, Hungary isn’t suffering from Third-World pathologies. It isn’t being convulsed by “identity politics” because its identity hasn’t been diluted and subverted by millions of non-Hungarians. Hungary is a true nation whose proud people are in control of their own destiny. In other words: “If you stay white, your future’s bright. With vibrancy, you’ll bend the knee.” Perhaps the freedom-fanatics at Spiked should adopt that as their new slogan.

Hemingway’s Truth (and Ours): A Consideration of “Across the River and into the Trees” and What It Implies 

Hemingway circa 1950,  when he wrote Across the River and Into the Trees.

My take on Ernest Hemingway is that, first and foremost, he wrote from a journalistic perspective.   That is to say, he sought to tell the truth about what is going on in particular situations and with particular people, whether real or fictional.  Right out of high school, he got a job as a cub reporter for the Kansas City Star newspaper.  They gave him a manual of style to follow—use short sentences, eliminate every superfluous word, avoid adjectives—and he took it to heart and stuck to it for the whole of his writing life.

Hemingway was at heart a reporter.  He wasn’t trying to be arty, dazzle you with his prose, entertain you, put things into a context, philosophize, advocate, or moralize.  He was attempting to depict the truth about singular, here-and-now, experienced reality—things and people, actual and imagined.

Bullfights and A Farewell to Arms, it was the same challenge to Hemingway.   There he’d be, early in the morning, standing at his desk (standing was better for his bad back), doing his level best to write the truest, most accurate, sentence he possibly could, the one that best captured the reality of a moment.  When he was satisfied with that sentence, he went on to the next one, and the next one and the next one and the next one.  He worked incredibly hard at it, and he was exceedingly good at it.

For me as a reader, Hemingway has been a mixed experience.  I read him and respond, “Yes, that’s the way it is, that rings true to me, and it’s fundamental, basic, it really matters for something.  He’s showing me what it is like, what he or she is like, at this instant.  And that’s good, and that’s why I keep coming back to his writings.”

But truth isn’t equated with depth.  Despite the “iceberg” talk—all the submerged meanings that are supposed to be there beneath Hemingway’s simple, declarative sentences, for me he stays on the surface of things; no iceberg, or not much of one.   Something can be true without being complete or profound.  She shot him (“The Short Happy Life of Francis Macomber”).  Or did she?   Has Hemingway taken me deep enough to discern why she did whatever she did?   Maybe not.

But then again, maybe it doesn’t matter.  Maybe it’s my problem to think I have to probe beneath the surface of things and articulately figure it all out.  Oscar Wilde said that the secret of living a rewarding life is to stay on the surface of reality.  For Hemingway, that could mean writing today’s sentences describing the struggle of an old fisherman to reel in a marlin and then going out on his boat and doing some marlin fishing himself.  For me, it could mean writing this up about Hemingway and then watching an old French New Wave film.  Do it because for whatever reason it’s there and you feel pressed from within to do it.  Quit trying to understand it, because if you do that you’ll come up with reasons to do it half-assed or later.

It would be nice to have a richer aesthetic experience reading Hemingway’s fiction, and to be caught up in a story with twists and turns that keep me postponing bedtime, but that doesn’t happen for me with him.

Bottom line, while I like Hemingway’s oeuvre, I’m not bowled over by it as I know many people are.  At this writing, Ken Burns’ Hemingway-exalting three-part series was recently on PBS, and I just read a memoir—Dad’s Maybe Book—by the highly regarded contemporary American writer Tim O’Brien, who idolizes him.   I respect Hemingway very much, but connect with his Noble Prize greatness?   I’m not there.

*   *   *

This week, I read Hemingway’s 1950 novel Across the River and into the Trees with my usual reaction: good but I wanted more.  Although, I must say that re-reading the book and thinking about it for this writing, I’ve found significantly more in it to like and admire.  That has helped me realize that a lot of my reservations about Hemingway come from my inability to engage him at the level he deserves.

The book takes place in Italy after the end of WW II.  Richard Cantwell, the central protagonist, is a fifty-year-old U.S. army colonel.  The book is about Cantwell (can’t well?) going duck hunting, getting a physical exam from his doctor, and engaging in mawkish lovey-dovey talk with Renata, his 18-year-old Italian girlfriend and regaling her with his exploits and opinions with reference to World Wars I and II.  The book is largely conversations between the two of them with Cantwell doing most of the talking.   Typical of Renata’s side of it:

“I love you,” the girl said.  “I love your hard, flat body and your strange eyes that frighten me when they become wicked.  I love your hand and all your other wounded places. Tell me about Paris, please”

Hemingway in WWI.

Cantwell is more than up for obliging her.  He tells her about fighting with the Italians in WWI (Hemingway was an ambulance driver for the Red Cross in Italy during that war), taking Paris, Normandy, the battle of the Hurtgen Forest, and his views on generals Eisenhower, Patton, and Rommel (Hemingway was a war correspondent during WWII).  He is bent on referring to Renata as “Daughter.”   I assumed it was akin to Hemingway’s desire in real life to be known as “Papa,” kind of putting himself one-up.  There’s a lot of sex talk by both of them, but it isn’t clear how much carnality is actually happening, or how much either of them really wants it or, in Cantwell’s case, is up to the task, if you’ll pardon the expression.  Through it all, I had the distinct feeling that I was being set up for Cantwell’s imminent demise, and sure enough, at the end he knocks himself off in the back seat of a chauffeured luxury car—or so I thought; more on that later.

Did Across the River and into the Trees ring true to me?  Yes, it did.   Especially now that I’ve reached antiquity, fifty doesn’t seem all that old.  But nevertheless, I bought the idea that Cantwell thought he had played out the string in his life.  He was still up to hunting ducks proficiently, but that was about it.  Apart from whether or not he could still pull things off, the world wasn’t anywhere near as enthused about him as it once was.  Case in point, he’d been demoted from general to colonel.  I flashed on the title of the late comic actor Charles Grodin’s memoir, It Would Be So Nice If You Weren’t Here.  I could personally relate to being relegated to playing bit parts—if that—in life’s movie.

The truths being offered up to me in Across the River and into the Trees seemed to include what Hemingway wished were so about himself but weren’t—a full-fledged fighting man rather than an ambulance driver and news reporter, that sort of thing.  At the time the book was written, Hemingway was fictional character Cantwell’s age and gaga over a 19-year-old beauty named Adriana Ivanich he had met on a trip to Italy.  From what I can tell from reading biographic accounts, Hemingway’s feelings weren’t reciprocated, and judging by the portly look of him in pictures taken at that time, it is highly unlikely that Adriana would have swooned over his “hard, flat body.”

Hemingway with Adriana Ivanich, who was the real-file counterpart to the Renata character in Across the River and Into the Trees.

Did I like Across the River and into the Trees?   To the extent I like any of Hemingway’s writing, yes.  I’d give it four stars out of five, and consider it to have been a decent enough use of my time.  What I most respected about the book was the care Hemingway put into writing it.  I’ve read critics’ contentions that he knocked it out, getting antsy about not having produced a novel and the money that comes with it since For Whom the Bell Tolls a decade before.  Not so.  Hemingway slaved over this book, I’m sure of it.

I don’t consider Across the River and into the Trees a major literary accomplishment, so why am I putting energy into writing about it?  It’s 11:51 p.m. and I’ve been spent all day typing this up, and I’m far from done.  It’s because after I finished the book I did what I often do with books and films, cruised the internet reading what other people, including scholars, have said about it and it hit me that if the people I read are right, I misread the book’s plot in a big way, and that intrigues me.  I’ll spend the rest of this writing going into that.

*   *   *

I thought Cantwell committed suicide in the back of the car, shot himself with one of his shotguns.   But no, he had a heart attack.   Wikipedia says that, every reviewer and academic I read says that; those SparkNotes-type books say that.  And not only did I miss the ending, all sorts of other things got by me, such as I didn’t pick up that Cantwell had a bad heart condition.

Here are some examples of what I read about Across the River and into the Trees that don’t square with what I took from the book:

[A] flashback to a physical examination that the colonel took three days earlier, when a skeptical army surgeon allowed him to pass even though both men knew the colonel to be dying of heart disease. 

[Cantwell] goes by boat to the Gritti Palace Hotel and, once settled there, dines with his young mistress, Countess Renata. Afterward they make love in a gondola on the way to Renata’s home.

In the end Cantwell dies of a heart attack in his car, shortly after he reminds his driver of the dying words of Stonewall Jackson: “Let us cross over the river and rest in the shade of the trees.”

After repeating General Stonewall Jackson’s final words, he moves to the back seat of the Buick and firmly closes the door. Jackson [the driver] finds him dead shortly thereafter and reads a note that the colonel had written minutes earlier ordering that the portrait and his shotguns be sent to the hotel for Renata to claim.

What heart trouble?  From the book:

“Wasn’t my cardiograph O.K.?”  the Colonel asked.

“Your cardiograph was wonderful, Colonel. It could have been that of a man of twenty-five.  It might have been that of a boy of nineteen.”

Cantwell had a blood pressure issue, which a lot of people have, including me, and I wouldn’t call that a heart problem.  He was taking mannitol hexanitrate for his blood pressure.   I take lisinopril, but no doctor is telling me that I have a heart problem.

Cantwell’s doctor was concerned about his head not his heart.

 “How many times have you been hit in the head?” the surgeon asked him.  “Concussions, any time you were out cold or couldn’t remember afterwards?”

[Concussions were a big concern around Hemingway.  There’s much speculation that they were causal in his suicide.]

“Maybe ten,” the Colonel said.

“You poor old son of a bitch,” the surgeon said.

“[T]hey make love in a gondola on the way to Renata’s home,” so I read online.  There’s nothing that definitive about their love life anywhere in the book.  With them, maybe there’s consummation and maybe there isn’t, with the reader left to make that call.

Negative reviews of the book scoff at the idea of a young girl being turned on to an old coot like Cantwell.  Implausible?  Really?  A senior military officer, a participant in the central historical events of the age, wicked eyes, wounded places, and a hard, flat body?   A chiseled, weathered older man, strong, a father figure?   No?  Are you sure?  Is fifty that old?  Brad Pitt is 57 and I can imagine a 19-year-old being more than a bit interested in a gondola romp with him.

I kept reading about what a big flop the book was.  True, it wasn’t a critical success, though it had its defenders at the time it was published, and over the years esteem for the book has risen.  While I’m not jumping up and down cheerleading for the book, I take it seriously as a literary work.  A film based on the book is currently being produced, so it’s stayed in the public consciousness after seventy years.  And it was a popular success.  It spent seven weeks at the top of the New York Times best-seller list.  And it was a commercial success, selling more copies than any other Hemingway book up to that time.

Hemingway in WWII

As for the ending, it sure seemed to me reading the last pages that it wasn’t Cantwell’s heart that had given out.  Rather, his life has given out, and he was going to end it.   I thought about how a decade later with a shotgun blast to his forehead, Hemingway had ended his own life.  In Across the River and into the Trees, Hemingway is foretelling his own death, that was my impression.

Here are passages near the end of the book.  There should be some ellipses in this, but I’ve decided they are distracting, so I’ve left them out.

“Turn left,” the Colonel said.

“That’s not the road for Trieste, sir,” Jackson [his driver] said.

“Don’t you point me out a God-damn thing and until I direct you otherwise, don’t speak to me until you are spoken to.”

“Yes, sir.”

“I’m sorry, Jackson. What I mean is I know where I’m going and I want to think.”

You are no longer of any real use to the Army of the United States.  That has been made quite clear.

You have said good-bye to your girl and she has said good-bye to you. That is certainly simple.

Just then it hit him as he had known it would since they had picked up the decoys.  Three strikes is out, he thought, and they gave me four.  I’ve always been a lucky son of a bitch.  It hit him again badly.

He reached into his pocket and found a pad and pencil. He put on the map-reading light, and with his bad hand, printed a short message in block letters.  “Put that in your pocket, Jackson, and act on it if necessary. If the circumstances described occur, it is an order.”

“Yes, sir,” Jackson said, and took the folded order blank with one hand and put it in the top left-hand pocket of his tunic.

“Jackson,” he said. “Do you know what [Southern American Civil War] General Thomas J. [Stonewall] Jackson said on one occasion?  On the occasion of his unfortunate death.  I memorized it once. I can’t respond for its accuracy of course. But this is how it was reported: ‘Order A. P. Hill to prepare for action.’ Then some more delirious stuff.  Then he said, ‘No, no, let us cross over the river and rest under the shade of the trees.’

“Pull up at the side of the road and cut to your parking lights.  Do you know the way to Trieste from here?”

“Yes, sir, I have my map.”

“Good. I’m now going to get into the large back seat of this god-damned, over-sized luxurious automobile.”

That was the last thing the Colonel ever said.  But he made the back seat all right and he shut the door. He shut it carefully and well.  After a while Jackson drove the car down the ditch and willow lined road with the car’s big lights on, looking for a place to turn. He found one, finally, and turned carefully. When he was on the right-hand side of the road, facing south towards the road junction that would put him on the highway that led to Trieste, the one he was familiar with, he put his map light on and took out the order blank and read:

IN THE EVENT OF MY DEATH THE WRAPPED PAINTING AND THE TWO SHOT GUNS IN THIS CAR WILL BE RETURNED TO THE HOTEL GRITTI WHERE THEY WILL BE CLAIMED BY THEIR RIGHTFUL OWNER SIGNED RICHARD CANTWELL, COL., INFANTRY, U.S.A.

“They’ll return them all right, through channels,” Jackson thought, and put the car in gear.

And that’s the end of the book.  Where’s the heart attack death?   It seems like a suicide to me.  Really, the book is much stronger, and makes more sense, as the depiction of someone who isn’t in the game anymore and is left chattering on to a young girl of another generation who really doesn’t connect to what he is talking about.   The battle’s over.  Go into the trees and rest.  I can relate to that sentiment, that impulse.  It’s a true one.

The main point I want to make here, however, comes out of the fact that my experience of Hemingway doesn’t square with the word that comes down to me about him.  When I take him in with my senses—in an immediate, experienced way—he comes off as a highly capable and dedicated, though not particularly informed, insightful or wise, writer and a hard worker, but no huge deal as an artist.  This week, I read his Paris memoir, A Moveable Feast—same conclusion.  Even the plot of Across the River and Into the Trees isn’t what the experts tell me it is.  And if Hemingway isn’t what the mediators of reality—the people who do the talking and writing and show me pictures and tell me stories—say he is, what else isn’t what I’ve been led to believe it is?

Recently, I wrote an article that set out a possible defense of White Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin convicted of murdering Black George Floyd during a May, 2020 arrest.  I assumed Chauvin was guilty of something, it was just a question of the extent of his culpability, but writing up the article, it hit me, I’ll be damned, the guy is arguably innocent of the charges against him!  I had accepted uncritically what I had been told and shown about the case (the big thing, the cell phone video of Chauvin with his knee on Floyd’s neck and the media’s interpretation of it).  It came home to me, and this Hemingway writing gets at it, that we all need to think things through for ourselves and come to our own conclusions and not just run with whatever people with a public platform put in front of us.  And that means everybody with a public platform, public voice, including the writers for this magazine and me right now.

On the True Meaning of Hate Speech

“A law against Jew-hatred is usually the beginning of the end for the Jews.”
—Joseph Goebbels, diary (April 19, 1943)[1]

‘Hate’ is such an ugly word.  And such a juvenile word.  It calls to mind the stereotypical eight-year-old girl who screams “I hate you!” to her mother when she is not allowed to join the local sleep-over.  The word is most often used half-jokingly—“I hate the Yankees!”, “I hate broccoli!”, etc.—or to describe some detested task (“I hate cleaning the bathroom”).  Or it can be used for rhetorical effect.  But the use of the term in the context of ‘hate speech’ is silly, juvenile, and formally meaningless.  We may dislike someone or some group, or be repulsed by them, or wish to dissociate from them.  But to hate them?  Seriously—what mature individual today is willing to openly and earnestly say “I hate you” to anyone?  Only a highly insecure or severely distressed person would do such a thing.  It’s a sign of weakness.

And yet today, hate seems to be the ethos of the moment.  More specifically, we seem to be surrounded by talk of ‘hate speech’ in the mass media.  To judge by various headlines and liberal pundits, hate speech would appear to be among the greatest dangers of modern existence—on par with racism and “White supremacy,” and greater than political corruption, international terrorism, global pandemics, financial instability, environmental decline, overpopulation, or uncontrollable industrial technology.  Most European countries have legal prohibitions against various forms of hate speech, however ill-defined, as do Canada and Australia.  Even in the US there is increasing pressure to create legal sanction for some such concept, the First Amendment notwithstanding.

I take this whole topic very personally.  It’s no secret that I’ve written harshly against Jews and other minorities.  It’s no secret that I prefer living in a White community and a White nation.  I have no need to apologize for any of this.  And yet, for these very reasons, some people find it appropriate to call me a ‘hater’:  “Dalton hates the Jews”; “he hates Blacks,” “he hates Latinos,” etc., etc.  But I state here, for the record, that nothing is further from the truth.  I hate no one.  I may dislike certain people, I may find them malevolent and malicious, I may want them punished, and I may want to separate myself from them; but this does not mean that I hate them.  In this era of “hate crimes” and “hate speech laws,” this requires some explanation.

As usual, we should start by knowing what we are talking about.  What, exactly, is it to ‘hate’?  The word has ancient origins, deriving from the Indo-European kədes and Greek kedos.  Originally, and surprisingly, it meant simply ‘strong feelings’ in a neutral sense, rather than something negative.  In fact, the Old Irish word caiss includes both love and hate.  But the negative connotation emerged with the Germanic khatis (later, hass), the Dutch haat, and eventually became ingrained in the English ‘hate.’

The standard dictionary definition typically runs something like this:  “intense or extreme dislike, aversion, or hostility” toward someone or something.  As such, the word is fairly innocuous; I can hate my job, hate asparagus, and even hate my boss.  But this is not at issue.  We are more concerned about hate as a mindset, and specifically as oriented toward classes of people, or increasingly, toward certain privileged ideologies.

But we immediately confront a major problem here:  Hate is a feeling, and feelings are indelibly subjective.  And anything that is completely subjective cannot be quantified in objective terms.  No one can say with certainty that “Dalton hates X.”  Only I can say, “I hate X,” precisely because it is my own feeling.  If there is one thing that I insist upon, it is complete sovereignty over my own feelings.  No one else will ever dictate how I feel about anything.

And even if I say “I hate X,” how does anyone else know that I really feel the hatred?  They don’t.  Maybe I’m being sarcastic.  Maybe I’m joking.  Maybe I’m just trying to cause a stir.  No one will ever know my actual feelings except me—precisely because they are my own.  No one will ever know if I am expressing “real” hatred, or just pretending.  (Does that even matter?)

The point here is that hatred, because it vanishes into a subjective void that is utterly inaccessible to others, can never be quantified or objectified, and thus can never be the basis for legal enforcement—at least, not in any rational sense.  Therefore, the corresponding concept of ‘hate speech,’ viewed as the expression of hatred, likewise melts into thin air.  It is, technically, an incoherent concept when put forth as a basis for law.  This fact, of course, does not stop corrupt lawmakers around the globe from trying to enforce it, though for very different reasons, as I will explain.

So, let’s take a look at how some attempt to define the indefinable.  Here is one interesting definition from the Cambridge Dictionary:  hate speech is

public speech that expresses hate or encourages violence toward a person or group based on something such as race, religion, sex, or sexual orientation (= the fact of being gay, etc.)

This is a hugely problematic definition, on several grounds.  First, how public is ‘public’?  If I tell my neighbor, is that public?  If I publish something in a private chat room, is that public?  What if I mumble something aloud to a friend while in a shopping mall?  Am I responsible if a private email to a colleague gets reposted online?  And so on.

Second:  it involves the “expression of hate,” or “encouragement of violence.”  These are two vastly different things.  ‘Expression of hate’ is, as I said, functionally meaningless.  What, exactly, does it take for something to qualify as an “expression of hate”?  Presumably if I say “I hate X,” that counts.  But what else?  Does “I really, really, really dislike X” count?  Does “I’d like to see X die” count?  What about “I’d like to see X get very ill”?  Does “X is a total scumbag” count?  We can see the problems.  Incitement to violence is somewhat less ambiguous, but still problematic.  Who, for example, is to judge ‘encouragement’?  This is another highly subjective term.  And how much violence is necessary to qualify?  Is a good shove violent?  A pie in the face?  Tripping someone?  Is ‘emotional distress’ violence?  What about financial loss?

Third, we notice that it’s not violence per se, but rather violence “based on something such as race, religion, sex, or sexual orientation.”  This is very odd.  What does the phrase “something such as” mean here?  The qualifiers mentioned are usually assumed to be intrinsic to the person or group (race, gender)—except that religion, and even sexual orientation, can be changed at the drop of a hat.  Therefore, the qualities need not be intrinsic.  So what, exactly, is this mysterious criteria, this “something such as,” that is so crucial for the whole concept?

The point here is that the whole notion of ‘hate speech,’ like hate itself, dissolves into a subjective void.  In objective terms, it is virtually meaningless.  How, then, can be it be subject to the force of law?

The UN Takes a Shot

As if they don’t have enough on their plate already, the United Nations is now highly distressed by the spread of hate speech around the world.  Recently, in May 2019, they issued a short statement called “Strategy and plan of action on hate speech.”  It included this observation:

There is no international legal definition of hate speech, and the characterization of what is ‘hateful’ is controversial and disputed.  In the context of this document, the term ‘hate speech’ is understood as any kind of communication in speech, writing or behaviour, that attacks or uses pejorative or discriminatory language with reference to a person or a group on the basis of who they are—in other words, based on their religion, ethnicity, nationality, race, colour, descent, gender or other identity factor.  This is often rooted in, and generates, intolerance and hatred and, in certain contexts, can be demeaning and divisive.

The key phrases here:  “controversial and disputed” (obviously), “any kind of communication” (very broad), “pejorative or discriminatory language” (highly subjective and undefined), and “on the basis of who they are” (mostly intrinsic factors, except for nationality and religion, and possibly “other identity factors”).  And then we read the subsequent explanatory paragraph:

Rather than prohibiting hate speech as such, international law prohibits the incitement to discrimination, hostility and violence (referred to here as ‘incitement’).  Incitement is a very dangerous form of speech, because it explicitly and deliberately aims at triggering discrimination, hostility and violence, which may also lead to or include terrorism or atrocity crimes.  Hate speech that does not reach the threshold of incitement is not something that international law requires States to prohibit.

So, hate speech per se is not to be prohibited, but rather only a special kind of hate speech—“inciteful (to violence) hate speech.”  In other words, only the worst of the worst, apparently.  Clarification and elaboration would soon follow.

Also, the Foreword to the statement reveals something of the deeper motives at work here.  We find, in the opening paragraph, references to “anti-Semitism,” “neo-Nazis,” and the dreaded “White supremacy.”  Strange how we inevitably find such terms in any discussion of hate speech; more on this below.

Evidently dissatisfied with this short statement, the UN issued a 52-page “detailed guidance” report, under the same name, in September 2020.  Here they establish three levels of hate speech:  1) the worst kind: “direct and public incitement to violence” (including to genocide), 2) a grey zone of hate speech to be prohibited based on “legitimate aims” and only as “necessary and proportionate”, and 3) an unrestricted and lawful form that may still be “offensive, shocking, or disturbing.”  Level One (“Incitement”) hate speech in turn is based on, and determined by, six conditions:

  • 1) social and political context
  • 2) status of the speaker (!)
  • 3) intention of the speaker (!)
  • 4) form and content of the speech
  • 5) extent of dissemination
  • 6) likelihood of harm

Level One Hate must satisfy all six criteria, meaning (presumably): a sensitive time or social context, an influential or important speaker, bad intent, provocative style, widely disseminated, and with reasonable probability of harm.  Again, all six are required, for Level One status.  Levels Two and Three may meet some, or none, of these.  The six criteria are elaborated on pages 17 and 18 of the report.

Later in the document we find an interesting admission:  “The terms ‘hatred’ and ‘hostility’ should be understood to refer to intense and irrational emotions of opprobrium, enmity, and detestation towards the target group” (p. 13).  This is actually quite a relief; any opposition to Jews or other minorities, if rational and non-emotional (e.g., fact-based) cannot count as hate speech!  Therefore, writings by scholars, academics, or other serious researchers, who build a case based on facts, history, and plausible inference, are under no circumstances engaging in hate speech.  This is a huge loophole that somehow slipped past the ideological censors, one which we should be able to use to our advantage.

We (some of us, at least) get further relief on the following page, where we read that Level Three (allowable) Hate includes not only “expression that is offensive, shocking, or disturbing” but also covers “denial of historical events, including crimes of genocide or crimes against humanity.”  As the UN sees it, so-called Holocaust denial is permissible, or at least non-punishable, hate speech.[2]  And in Figure 4 they go further still, stating that Level Three hate “must be PROTECTED” as a form of free expression.  This is a remarkable concession.  Ah, but there’s a catch:  “unless such forms of expression also constitute incitement to hostility, discrimination, or violence under article 20 (2) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.”  This document, written in 1966 and made effective in 1976, includes these words under article 20:  “Any advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence shall be prohibited by law.”  So it would seem that, for example, Holocaust “denial” (whatever that means) is not prohibited as long as it avoids any connection to “incitement” of any kind.  Presumably discussing it as a historical subject is fine; just don’t implicate anyone today who promotes, exploits, or profits from the conventional Holocaust story.

“It’s always about the Jews!”

So, let’s get down to the rub.  I have a tentative hypothesis that I am willing to put forward:  Hate speech is by, for, and about Jews.  (Oops—is that hate speech?)  That is, that hate speech laws have been invented and promoted by Jews, primarily for their benefit.  I further hold that Jews are the master-class haters in world history, and that they understand the power of hatred better than any other people.  They have furthermore learned how to project their hatred onto others in service of their own ends, including by trickery and deception.  Let me marshal whatever evidence I can, mostly implicit, to build a case for this hypothesis.

Start with a little history of Jews and hatred.  Perhaps the first explicit connection came way back in 300 BC, in a short writing by Hecateus of Abdera titled “On the Jews.”  Only two fragments remain, one of which is relevant:  As a result of the Exodus, “Moses introduced a way of life which was, to a certain extent, misanthropic (apanthropon) and hostile to foreigners”.[3]  It is striking that, even at that early date, the Jews had a reputation for misanthropy—a hatred of humanity.  The same theme recurs in 134 BC, when King Antiochus VII was advised “to destroy the Jews, for they alone among all peoples refused all relations with other races, and saw everyone as their enemy.”  The king’s counselor cited “the Jews’ hatred of all mankind, sanctioned by their very laws.”[4]  Not only was their hatred notable, so too was the fact that it was “they alone, among all peoples”; the Jews were exceptional haters, it seems.

It is worth further expanding on the idea that Jewish hatred is “sanctioned by their very laws”—by which they mean, the Old Testament.  We know, of course, that the Jews viewed themselves as “chosen” by the creator of the universe:  “For you are a people holy to the Lord your God.  The Lord your God has chosen you to be a people for his own possession, out of all the peoples that are on the face of the earth” (Deut 7:6).  Clearly, then, everyone else is second-best.  We also know that God supposedly gave the Jews a kind of dominion over the other nations of the Earth.  The Book of Exodus states, “we [Jews] are distinct…from all other people that are upon the face of the earth” (33:16).  Similarly, the Hebrew tribe is “a people dwelling alone, and not reckoning itself among the nations” (Num 23:9).  In Deuteronomy (15:6), Moses tells the Jews “you shall rule over many nations”; “they shall be afraid of you” (28:10).  There is Genesis:  “Let peoples serve you, and nations bow down to you” (27:29); or Deuteronomy, where God promises Jews “houses full of all good things, which [they] did not fill, and cisterns hewn out, which [they] did not hew, and vineyards and olive trees, which [they] did not plant” (6:11).  And outside the Pentateuch, we can read in Isaiah:  “Foreigners shall build up your walls, and their kings shall minister to you…that men may bring you the wealth of the nations” (60:10–11); or again, “aliens shall stand and feed your flocks, foreigners shall be your plowmen and vinedressers…you shall eat the wealth of the nations” (61:5–6).  What is this but explicit misanthropy, sanctioned by God, and sustained “by their very laws”?

Around 50 BC, Diodorus Siculus wrote Historical Library where, in the course of discussing the Exodus, he observes that “the nation of Jews had made their hatred of mankind into a tradition” (34,1).  A few decades later, Lysimachus remarked that the Hebrew tribe was instructed by Moses “to show good will to no man” and to offer only “the worse advice” to others.  And in the early years of the Christian era, the writer Apion commented on the Jewish tendency “to show no goodwill to a single alien, above all to Greeks.”[5]  Again, repeated observations of Jewish hatred toward Gentile humanity.

The most insightful ancient critique, though, comes from Roman historian Tacitus.  His works Histories (100 AD) and Annals (115 AD) both record highly damning observations on the Hebrew tribe.  In the former, the Jews are described as “a race of men hateful to the gods” (genus hominum invisium deis, V.3).  Somewhat later, he remarks that “the Jews are extremely loyal toward one another, and always ready to show compassion, but toward every other people they feel only hate and enmity” (hostile odium, V.5).  But his most famous line comes from his later work, Annals.  There he examines the Great Fire of Rome in 64 AD, and Nero’s reaction to it.  Nero, says Tacitus, pinned the blame in part on the Christians and Jews—“a class of men loathed for their vices.”  The Jews “were convicted, not so much on the count of arson as for hatred of the human race” (odio humani generis, XV.44).  Clearly this was the decisive factor, certainly in Tacitus’ eyes and perhaps in all of Rome:  that the Jewish odio humani generis, hatred of humanity, was a sufficient crime to banish and even slay them.

I could go on, but the message is clear:  The ancient world viewed the Jews as exceptional haters.  I could also cite, for example, Philostratus circa 230 AD (“The Jews have long been in revolt not only against the Romans, but against all humanity”) or Porphyry circa 280 AD (The Jews are “the impious enemies of all nations”)—but the point is made.

Importantly, this impression carried on for centuries in Europe, into the Renaissance, the Reformation, and even through to the present day.  Martin Luther’s monumental work On the Jews and Their Lies (1543) includes this passage:  “Now you can see what fine children of Abraham the Jews really are, how well they take after their father [the Devil], yes, what a fine people of God they are.  They boast before God of their physical birth and of the noble blood inherited from their fathers, despising all other people.”[6]  Two centuries later, circa 1745, Jean-Baptiste de Mirabaud wrote that “The Jews…were hated because they were known to hate other men.”[7]  And then we have Voltaire’s entry on “Jews” in his famous Philosophical Dictionary, which reads as follows:

It is certain that the Jewish nation is the most singular that the world has ever seen, and…in a political view, the most contemptible of all. …  It is commonly said that the abhorrence in which the Jews held other nations proceeded from their horror of idolatry; but it is much more likely that the manner in which they, at the first, exterminated some of the tribes of Canaan, and the hatred which the neighboring nations conceived for them, were the cause of this invincible aversion.  As they knew no nations but their neighbors, they thought that, in abhorring them, they detested the whole earth, and thus accustomed themselves to be the enemies of all men. …  In short, we find in them only an ignorant and barbarous people, who have long united the most sordid avarice with the most detestable superstition and the most invincible hatred for every people by whom they are tolerated and enriched.[8]

British historian Edward Gibbon stated the following in his classic work of 1788, The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire:

The Jews…emerged from obscurity…and multiplied to a surprising degree. …  The sullen obstinacy with which they maintained their peculiar rites and unsocial manners seemed to mark them out a distinct species of men, who boldly professed, or who faintly disguised, their implacable hatred to the rest of human-kind.[9]

A similar observation came from the pen of German philosopher Johann Fichte in 1793:

Throughout almost all the countries of Europe, a mighty hostile state is spreading that is at perpetual war with all other states, and in many of them imposes fearful burdens on the citizens: it is the Jews.  I don’t think, as I hope to show subsequently, that this state is fearful—not because it forms a separate and solidly united state, but because this state is founded on the hatred of the whole human race…[10]

Who, then, are the master haters in all of history?

Particularly striking are the words of Nietzsche.  A long series of negative comments on the Jews began in 1881 with his book Daybreak, where he observes in passing (sec. 377) that “The command ‘love your enemies’ had to be invented by the Jews, the best haters there have ever been.”  So it would seem that the Jews are truly best at something after all: hatred.  Then in The Gay Science (1882), Nietzsche sarcastically notes that the Jews are indeed ‘chosen’ people, precisely because “they had a more profound contempt for the human being in themselves than any other people” (sec. 136).

But the most stunning discourse appears in Nietzsche’s work of 1887, On the Genealogy of Morals, where he offers a detailed analysis of hatred from the Judeo-Christian perspective.  In short, Jewish hatred is manifested most visibly in their rabbis, religious men, and their priests.  Sanctioned by God, priestly hate is the deepest and most profound; it is the hatred of those without tangible power.  Jewish hatred then metastasized in Christianity, taking form as its nominal opposite, namely, love.  The First Essay is a masterpiece of literature and philosophy; I quote it at length:

As is well known, priests are the most evil of enemies—but why?  Because they are the most powerless.  From their powerlessness, their hate grows among them into something huge and terrifying, to the most spiritual and most poisonous manifestations.  The really great haters in world history and the most spiritual haters have always been priests—in comparison with the spirit of priestly revenge, all the remaining spirits are generally hardly worth considering.

Let us quickly consider the greatest example.  Everything on earth which has been done against “the noble,” “the powerful,” “the masters,” “the rulers” is not worth mentioning in comparison with what the Jews have done against them: the Jews, that priestly people, who knew how to get final satisfaction from their enemies and conquerors through a radical transformation of their values, that is, through an act of the most spiritual revenge.  This was appropriate only to a priestly people with the most deeply repressed priestly desire for revenge.  In opposition to the aristocratic value equations (good = noble = powerful = beautiful = fortunate = loved by god), the Jews, with an awe-inspiring consistency, dared to reverse things and to hang on to that with the teeth of the most profound hatred (the hatred of the powerless)…  (sec. 7)

But you fail to understand that?  You have no eye for something that needed two millennia to emerge victorious? … That’s nothing to wonder at: all lengthy things are hard to see, to assess.  However, that’s what took place: out of the trunk of that tree of vengeance and hatred, Jewish hatred—the deepest and most sublime hatred, that is, a hatred which creates ideals and transforms values, something whose like has never existed on earth—from that grew something just as incomparable, a new love, the deepest and most sublime of all the forms of love: —from what other trunk could it have grown?

However, one should not assume that this love arose essentially as the denial of that thirst for vengeance, as the opposite of Jewish hatred!  No: the reverse is the truth!  This love grew out of that hatred, as its crown, as the victorious crown unfolding itself wider and wider in the purest brightness and sunshine, which, so to speak, was seeking for the kingdom of light and height, the goal of that hate, aiming for victory, trophies, seduction, with the same urgency with which the roots of that hatred were sinking down ever deeper and more greedily into everything that was evil and possessed depth.  This Jesus of Nazareth, the living evangelist of love, the “Saviour” bringing holiness and victory to the poor, to the sick, to the sinners—was he not that very seduction in its most terrible and most irresistible form, the seduction and detour to exactly those Jewish values and innovations in ideals?  (sec. 8)

On this view, Christian ‘love’ grows out of Jewish ‘hate,’ like the crown of the tree from its roots.  The Jews (and Paul specifically), the master haters, purveyors of the “deepest and most sublime hatred” that has ever existed, created the idea of a saviour who loves everyone.  They did so as cover for their hatred of humanity, and as an enticement into their Jewish-inspired worldview—one of a Jewish man-god (Jesus), of Jehovah the Almighty, of heaven and hell.  These destructive and nihilistic “values and innovations” could only be foisted upon a humanity that was detested.  Christianity was thus the greatest manifestation of Jewish hatred ever conceived.

Nietzsche summarizes his thesis concisely in section 16:

In Rome the Jew was considered “guilty of hatred against the entire human race.”  And that view was correct, to the extent that we are right to link the health and the future of the human race to the unconditional rule of aristocratic values, the Roman values.

The nihilistic Christian values—based on a mythical God and an unknowable and perhaps nonexistent future life—managed to undermine and ultimately displace the superior Greco-Roman values that had flourished for 800 years and created the foundation of all of Western civilization.  Only an overthrow of Judeo-Christianity and a return to classic, aristocratic values can save humanity at this point.  The quoted passage refers, of course, to Tacitus.

We can’t leave the Genealogy without brief mention of a fascinating and humorous allegory on hatred that Nietzsche offers in section 13.  There he compares the situation between lowly (Judeo-Christian) haters and the strong and noble (Roman) aristocrats to the opposition that might exist between baby lambs and some nasty predator (Raubvogel), like an eagle.  The lambs are innocently and peacefully munching grass in a field, but live in constant fear of a predator who may, at any time, swoop in and snatch them up.  The weak lambs are haters; they hate those birds of prey.  But the noble eagles don’t hate at all.  Nietzsche explains:

But let’s come back: the problem with the other origin of the “good,” of the good man, as the person of ressentiment has imagined it for himself, demands its own conclusion.  —That the lambs are upset about the great predatory birds is not a strange thing, and the fact that they snatch away small lambs provides no reason for holding anything against these large birds of prey.  And if the lambs say among themselves, “These predatory birds are evil, and whoever is least like a predatory bird, especially anyone who is like its opposite, a lamb—shouldn’t that animal be good?” there is nothing to find fault with in this setting-up of an ideal, except for the fact that the birds of prey might look down on them with a little mockery and perhaps say to themselves, “We are not at all annoyed with these good lambs.  We even love them.  Nothing is tastier than a tender lamb.”

The noble don’t hate; they rule and dominate.  Only the weak hate.  The weak haters furthermore seek to portray the strong and noble in the harshest possible terms: “evil,” “killers,” “sinners.”  But this is ludicrous, of course.  The strong are just doing what is appropriate to their nature.  The haters might then try to confuse the strong, to guilt them into changing their behavior, to get them to become ‘weak’ and ‘good’ like the haters themselves.  But this would be the death of them, just as a life of munching grass—so pleasant for a lamb—would mean death for an eagle.  Nietzsche emphasizes this very point:

[I]t’s no wonder that the repressed, secretly smouldering feelings of rage and hate use this belief for themselves, and basically even maintain a faith in nothing more fervently than in the idea that the strong are free to be weak and that predatory birds are free to be lambs: —in so doing, they arrogate to themselves the right to blame the birds of prey for being birds of prey.

Today, weak and lowly haters—Jews, Jewish-inspired Christians, and Jewish lackeys in the media—have been working hard to convince the strong and noble that they are bad, evil, bigoted, racist, and supremacist.  And to the extent that they have succeeded, it has been the death of noble humanity.  We must resist this tendency with all our might.

Hate Speech in the Twentieth Century

With growing wealth and financial clout, and with a 2,000-year history of skill in hatred under their belts, organized Jewry began to press the case for legal sanctions against their opponents.  With the flood of Jewish immigrants around the turn of the century, it is perhaps not surprising that Jewish legal advocacy took hold in the US.  In the first two decades, a number of major pro-Jewish groups emerged, including the American Jewish Committee (1906), the Anti-Defamation League (1913), the American Jewish Congress (1918), and the American Civil Liberties Union (1920).  All these groups were de facto anti-hate speech advocates, even if the federal legal apparatus did not really exist at that point.  Their focus was on so-called “group libel,” a novel legal concept that was formulated specifically to benefit Jewish interests.

Meanwhile, across the ocean, Jews were making better legal progress in the proto-Soviet Union.  The rise of Jewish Bolsheviks from around 1900, including Leon Trotsky and the quarter-Jewish Vladimir Lenin, brought a new concern with anti-Semitism to the Russian Empire.  When they took power in the February Revolution of 1917, they immediately set to work to make life better for Russian Jews.  Pinkus (1990) explains that these Bolsheviks “issued a decree annulling all legal restrictions on Jews” in March 1917.[11]  He adds that, unsurprisingly, “Even before the October [1917] Revolution, Lenin and the Bolshevik Party were hostile to anti-Semitism.  Lenin castigated it in the strongest terms on a number of occasions.”  As soon as July 1918, the Soviet Council issued a decree (though without legal enforcement) stating that “the anti-Semitic movement and the anti-Jewish pogroms are a deadly menace to the Revolution”; all Soviet workers are called upon “to fight this plague with all possible means”.[12]  Lenin himself continued to press his pro-Jewish propaganda; in one short but notable speech of March 1919, he said:

Anti-Semitism means spreading enmity towards the Jews.  When the accursed Czarist monarchy was living its last days, it tried to incite ignorant workers and peasants against the Jews.  The Czarist police, in alliance with the landowners and the capitalists, organized pogroms against the Jews.  The landowners and capitalists tried to divert the hatred of the workers and peasants who were tortured by want against the Jews. … Only the most ignorant and downtrodden people can believe the lies and slander that are spread about the Jews.  This is a survival of ancient feudal times, when the priests burned heretics at the stake, when the peasants lived in slavery, and when the people were crushed and inarticulate.  This ancient, feudal ignorance is passing away; the eyes of the people are being opened.

It is not the Jews who are the enemies of the working people.  The enemies of the workers are the capitalists of all countries.  Among the Jews there are working people, and they form the majority.  They are our brothers, who, like us, are oppressed by capital; they are our comrades in the struggle for socialism. … Shame on accursed Czarism which tortured and persecuted the Jews.  Shame on those who foment hatred towards the Jews, who foment hatred towards other nations.

As (non-Jew) Joseph Stalin rose to power in the 1920s, he found it expedient to continue working with the Soviet Jews and generally defended their status.  Consequently, that decade became a sort of ‘golden age’ for Jews; it saw the emergence of the likes of Lazar Kaganovich, Yakov Sverdlov, Lev Kamenev, Karl Radek, Leonid Krasin, Filipp Goloshchekin, and Yakov Agranov—all high-ranking Jews in the Soviet hierarchy.[13]  Partly because of this governmental dominance, anti-Semitism among the Russian masses continued to percolate.  Eventually, “in 1927, a decision was reached to take drastic steps to repress anti-Semitism.”[14]  Various forms of propaganda were employed, including books, pamphlets, plays, and films; the process culminated in harsh legal action against anti-Jewish hate, up to and including the death penalty.  Stalin confirmed this in writing in 1931:

Anti-Semitism is of advantage to the exploiters as a lightning conductor that deflects the blows aimed by the working people at capitalism.  Anti-Semitism is dangerous for the working people as being a false path that leads them off the right road and lands them in the jungle.  Hence Communists, as consistent internationalists, cannot but be irreconcilable, sworn enemies of anti-Semitism.  In the USSR, anti-Semitism is punishable with the utmost severity of the law as a phenomenon deeply hostile to the Soviet system.  Under USSR law, active anti-Semites are liable to the death penalty.

The Jewish Golden Age in the Soviet Union lasted until the late 1930s, when Stalin inaugurated a retrenchment of Jewish power, apparently in response to the National Socialist stance.[15]

But the Soviet (and Bolshevik) philo-Semitic policies of the 1920s and 1930s were not lost on Hitler.  He and Goebbels were relentless, and justified, in their critiques of “Jewish Bolshevism” as a dominant threat to Germany and Europe.  Goebbels in particular noted the growing push for ‘hate speech’ and ‘hate crime’ laws in defense of Jews in both the USSR and the UK; for him, this was proof of (a) a deep-seated and imminent mass uprising against the Jews, and (b) an over-playing of their legal authority.  Anti-hate laws are a sign of desperation; they indicate that the end-game is near.  In a revealing diary entry of 19 April 1943, Goebbels writes:

The Jews in England are now calling for legal protection against anti-Semitism.  We know that from our own past, in the times of struggle.  But even that didn’t give them much advantage.  We’ve always understood how to find gaps in these protective laws; and moreover, anti-Semitism, once it rises from the depths of the people, cannot be broken by law.  A law against Jew-hatred is usually the beginning of the end for the Jews.  We will make sure that anti-Semitism in England does not cool down.  In any case, a longer-lasting war is the best breeding ground for it.[16]

The following month, in his published essay “The War and the Jews,” Goebbels commented on the legal situation in the USSR—the very law that Stalin described above, and that was still in force some 13 years later:

We constantly hear news that anti-Semitism is increasing in enemy nations.  The charges being made against the Jews are well-known; they are the same ones that were made here.  Anti-Semitism in enemy nations is not the result of anti-Semitic propaganda, since Jewry fights that strongly.  In the Soviet Union, it receives the death penalty.[17]

The status of anti-Semitic hate speech laws was of importance to Goebbels right to the very end.  In his last major essay, “Creators of the World’s Misfortunes” (1945), he reiterated the significance of the Soviet law:

Capitalism and Bolshevism have the same Jewish roots—two branches of the same tree that in the end bear the same fruit.  International Jewry uses both in its own way to suppress nations and keep them in its service.  How deep its influence on public opinion is in all the enemy countries and many neutral nations is plain to see: it may never be mentioned in newspapers, speeches, and radio broadcasts.

There’s a law in the Soviet Union that punishes ‘anti-Semitism’—or in plain English, public education about the Jewish Question—by death.  Any expert in these matters is in no way surprised that a leading spokesman for the Kremlin said over the New Year that the Soviet Union would not rest until this law was valid throughout the world.  In other words, the enemy clearly says that its goal in this war is to put the total domination of Jewry over the nations of the Earth under legal protection, and to use the death penalty to threaten even a discussion of this shameful attempt.  It is little different in the plutocratic [Western] nations.

Even at the bitter end, this theme still impressed Goebbels.  In one of his final diary entries, he wrote:

The Jews have already registered for the San Francisco Conference [on post-war plans].  It is characteristic that their main demand is to ban anti-Semitism throughout the world.  Typically, having committed the most terrible crimes against mankind, the Jews would now like mankind to be forbidden even to think about them.[18]

And indeed, they have succeeded, at least in part.  The postwar German Volksverhetzung and the Austrian Verbotsgesetz both stand as among the most embarrassing legal capitulations to Jewish interests in the Western world.

Thus we clearly see the origins of hate speech legislation in the twentieth century: it was first constructed by Jews and their sycophants (like Stalin), both in the US and in the Soviet Union, to quell any looming opposition to their power structure.  So intent were they on stifling objection to Jewish rule that they were willing to kill those who opposed them.

To the Present Day

With the growing dominance of Jewish influence in American government over the past five decades, and ongoing influence in Europe, calls to restrict and punish any anti-Jewish commentary via hate speech laws have become ever more strident.  The U.S. government—or at least the Republicans—have so far mostly resisted such efforts, but social media has come around to the philosemitic stance.  Facebook and Facebook-owned Instagram, Twitter, and Google-owned YouTube, have all taken it upon themselves to censor hate speech, especially of the anti-Semitic variety.  Google has altered its search algorithms to de-rank offensive and “hate” sites.  All this is perfectly understandable, given the huge Jewish presence atop Big Tech; we need only mention Mark Zuckerberg, Sergei Brin, Larry Page, Larry Ellison, Michael Dell, Sheryl Sandberg, Safra Katz, Susan Wojcicki, Steve Ballmer, Brian Roberts, Marc Benioff, Craig Newmark, and Jeff Weiner, for starters.

Parallel to Big Tech censorship, Jewish advocacy groups like the SPLC and the ADL continue to press civil cases against those ‘haters’ who they believe have violated the rights or reputation of some aggrieved party.  The SPLC has a section of its website dedicated to “anti-Semitism and hate speech,” and the ADL—well, that’s their raison d’etre.  Third-party lawsuits and tech censorship serve the purpose of implementing de facto pro-Jewish hate speech policies, at least within the U.S.

Conclusion

But to come full circle:  I began this piece with a discussion about the logical vagueness and incoherence of the concept of hate speech.  Clearly, though, many powerful, Jewish-inspired corporations and politicians find the concept useful.  For them, in the most basic and practical terms, it becomes quite simple:  Hate speech is any speech that Jews hate.  Yes, they may claim to hate anti-Muslim speech or anti-Black speech, but this is so only because it is a necessary corollary to anti-Jewish hate speech.  The Jews are not so stupid today as to push for uniquely Jewish, “anti-anti-Semitism” laws; those are a thing of the past.  Today, such laws require cover language that, at least in theory, includes other “oppressed” groups.  Jews and their defenders must appear universal and fair—when in reality most seem to have utter contempt for virtually all non-Jewish groups (there’s that “hatred of humanity” again).  Hate speech is any speech that Jews hate.

Consider:  If you hate what I say, who’s the hater?  It’s you, not me.  The fact that you may not like what I’m saying does not make me a hater.  It makes you the hater.  And if you happen to be a champion, master-class, world-historical hater, well then—it’s all hate to you.

Thomas Dalton, PhD, has authored or edited several books and articles on politics, history, and religion, with a special focus on National Socialism in Germany.  His works include a new translation series of Mein Kampf, and the books Eternal Strangers (2020), The Jewish Hand in the World Wars (2019), and Debating the Holocaust (4th ed, 2020), all available at www.clemensandblair.com.  For all his writings, see his personal website www.thomasdaltonphd.com.


[1] Reprinted in Goebbels on the Jews (2019; T. Dalton, ed), p. 199.  This and most other books cited below are available at www.clemensandblair.com.

[2] For the record, I am no denier.  I believe that there was a Holocaust of the mid-20th century:  it was called World War Two, and some 60 million people died as a result of Jewish-instigated actions both here and in Europe.  Jewish fatalities seem to have numbered around 500,000, according to the major revisionists.  For more on these issues, see my books The Jewish Hand in the World Wars (2019) and Debating the Holocaust (4th ed, 2020).

[3] Eternal Strangers (2020; T. Dalton, ed), p. 16.

[4] Emilio Gabba, “The growth of anti-Judaism,” in The Cambridge History of Judaism (vol. 2, 1984; Cambridge University Press), p. 645.

[5] Eternal Strangers, pp. 19, 21, and 25, respectively.

[6] On the Jews and Their Lies (2020, T. Dalton, ed; Clemens & Blair), p. 53.

[7] Eternal Strangers, p. 68.

[8] Eternal Strangers, pp. 70-71.

[9] The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (1788/1974, vol. 2; AMS Press), p. 3.  See also Eternal Strangers, p. 59.

[10] Eternal Strangers, p. 78.

[11] Benjamin Pinkus, The Jews of the Soviet Union (1990; Cambridge University Press), p. 84.

[12] In Pinkus, p. 85.

[13] The parallels to the Biden regime are striking; see my recent piece “Confronting the Judeocracy.”

[14] Pinkus, p. 86.

[15] Postwar, Stalin’s purging of high-ranking Jews accelerated, resulting in a decade-long period of virtual state-sponsored anti-Semitism, ending only with Stalin’s death in 1953.

[16] Goebbels on the Jews, p. 199.

[17] Ibid., pp. 206-207.

[18] 4 April 1945, in Goebbels on the Jews, p. 255.