Ways of Seeing: Who Determines Your Reality?

“What has happened since World War II is that the American sensibility has become part Jewish, perhaps as much Jewish as it is anything else…The literate American mind has come in some measure to think Jewishly. It has been taught to, and it was ready to. After the entertainers and novelists came the Jewish critics, politicians, theologians. Critics and politicians and theologians are by profession molders; they form ways of seeing.”—New York Times Theater Critic Walter Kerr, writing in 1968

In a media-saturated society, with said media almost completely under Jewish control, the Jewish “way of seeing” retains not just its primacy but its virtual monopoly. In such an environment, what you see will be determined for you, and as one who is to be molded, the aim is for your very will to no longer be your own.

The music industry is, as with all forms of media, dominated by Jews, and its control has become increasingly centralized, another trend we’ve seen irrespective of the industry in question. In December 1998, with the PolyGram-Universal merger, the music industry’s Big Six became its Big Five, in control of 77.4% of a market estimated to be between $30 and $40 billion; 2004 saw another merger, this time of Sony and BMG (Sony would later buy out BMG), to create a Big Four. Coupled with the shrinking of independent labels, the Big Four were in control of a whopping 88% of the market by 2011. In December 2011, EMI was absorbed by the Universal Music Group and Sony Music Entertainment, though in Europe regulators forced Universal Music to sell off its EMI assets which became the Parlophone Label Group, and was then promptly acquired by the third member of the Big Three, Warner Music Group. In 2012, the Big Three represented 88.6% of the market. Sony Entertainment, the sixth-largest entertainment company in the world, owns Sony Music Entertainment, and Vivendi, number seven, owns Universal Music Group.

A snapshot of the leadership of the Big Three proves illustrative; this overview from December 2019 reveals an obscene overrepresentation of Jews including Michael Lynton, Chairman of the Board for the Warner Music Group and its Vice Chairman, Len Blavatnik; of the nine other members of the Board, Noreena Hertz, Ynon Kreiz, Thomas H. Lee, and Alex Blavatnik (Len’s brother) are Jewish. Mathias Dopfner is a Gentile, but is also a self-described “non-Jewish Zionist.” The rest, such as Stephen F. Cooper—also the CEO, replacing the Jewish Edgar Bronfman, Jr.—are either contested or I could not definitively find out. Co-Chair and CEO of Warner Records, Aaron Bay-Schuck, has Jewish ancestry, and other prominent Jews in management include Eric Levin, Warner Music Group CFO and Executive Vice President, and Co-Chair and COO of subsidiary Atlantic Records Group Julie Greenwald and its Co-Chair and CEO Craig Kallman. Universal Music Group Chairman and CEO Lucian Grainge is Jewish, as are: Chairman and CEO of the Universal Music Publishing Group’s global publishing division, Jody Gerson; Chairman and CEO of Universal Music UK and Ireland, David Joseph; and Executive Vice President of Marketing Andrew Kronfeld. Sony Music CEO Rob Stringer is Jewish, as is its COO Kevin Kelleher, Executive Vice President and General Counsel Julie Swidler, and President of Global Digital Business and US Sales Dennis Kooker. In other words, all three major record labels are headed by Jews and their corporate governance is dominated by Jews as well. The rest, like RCA Records CEO Peter Edge, are “well-liked Gentiles.”

Just four conglomerates control 90% of the entire US television and films markets: Comcast (including NBCUniversal), Disney, ViacomCBS (controlled by National Amusements), and AT&T (including WarnerMedia). AT&T and Comcast are also two of the three largest telecommunications providers in the United States. These conglomerates are, in fact, almost entirely Jewish-controlled. Jews are overrepresented at places like CNN (a WarnerMedia subsidiary) by a factor of twenty-five and are over-represented among senior executive positions at the major television broadcast networks, cable networks, and movie production companies by a factor of 44.5! With positions current as of December 2019, we see that Bob Bakish, President and CEO of ViacomCBS, is Jewish as are:

  • John T. Stankey, CEO of WarnerMedia and President and COO of AT&T
  • Comcast Chairman and CEO Brian L. Roberts
  • Jeff Zucker, Chairman of WarnerMedia and President of CNN Worldwide
  • Bob Iger, Chairman and CEO of Disney
  • Jeff Shell, Chairman of NBCUniversal Film and Entertainment
  • Ron Meyer,Vice Chairman of NBCUniversal
  • David L. Cohen, Senior Executive Vice President and Chief Diversity Officer of Comcast
  • Kent Alterman, President of Comedy Central (under ViacomCBS), Paramount Network (also under ViacomCBS), and TV Land (under MTV Networks, a division of ViacomCBS, which also owns MTV, VH1, Nickelodeon and Nick Jr.)
  • Shari Redstone, President of National Amusements and Chairwoman of the Board for ViacomCBS
  • Sumner Redstone, majority owner and Chairman of the Board of National Amusements; through National Amusements, Redstone and his family are majority voting shareholders of ViacomCBS and its subsidiaries such as MTV Networks, Paramount Pictures, Comedy Central, and BET

Randall L. Stephenson, Chairman and CEO of AT&T and former National Chair of the Boy Scouts of America during its “inclusivity” demise (when girls were allowed to join the Boy Scouts) is not Jewish, but was awarded an “honorary yarmulke.”

Other recent principal figures include:

  • Jeffrey Katzenberg, major Barack Obama donor and former Disney and Paramount executive, co-founder of DreamWorks Pictures and WndrCo, and founder of Quibi (which has been invested in by Disney, 21st Century Fox, NBCUniversal, Sony Pictures Entertainment, ViacomCBS, WarnerMedia, Lionsgate, MGM Studios, ITV, Entertainment One, Alibaba, Madrone Capital Partners, Goldman Sachs, JP Morgan Chase, and more)
  • Michael Eisner, former Chairman and CEO of Disney
  • Ralph J. Roberts, co-founder, former CEO, and Chairman Emeritus of the Board of Comcast
  • Richard Plepler, member of the Council on Foreign Relations and former Chairman and CEO of HBO (now under WarnerMedia)
  • Les Moonves, Chairman and CEO of CBS Corporation from 2003 until his resignation in September 2018 following numerous allegations of sexual harassment and abuse and current member of the Board of Directors at ZeniMax Media
  • Former Paramount Chairman and CEO Brad Grey (Paramount is now a ViacomCBS subsidiary)
  • Jordan Levin, member of The WB’s founding executive team and a former CEO; former Microsoft Xbox Entertainment Studios Executive Vice President-General Manager to Produce Original Programming; founder and former CEO of Generate, a production studio and talent management company; former Chief Content Officer at the NFL; former CEO of Awesomeness, an American media and entertainment company eventually purchased by Viacom; and current General Manager of Rooster Teeth, an entertainment company and subsidiary of Otter Media which is a subsidiary of WarnerMedia
  • Former Warner Brothers (now under WarnerMedia) Chairman and CEO Barry Meyer, who was also on the Board of Directors for the San Francisco branch of the Federal Reserve
  • Julian Brodsky, co-founder and former CFO and Vice Chairman of Comcast, as well as co-founder and former Chair of Comcast Interactive Capital, Comcast’s venture capital unit

A quick perusal of other major players in film and television, supporting and affiliated industries, print and online news media, and digital and social media not considered part of the “traditional” media market (though no less important to the media apparatus, and arguably more so) once again reveals a massive overrepresentation of Jews in ownership or otherwise prominent positions (current as of December 2019), including:

  • Tom Rothman, Chairman of Sony Pictures Motion Picture Group
  • Josh Greenstein, Co-President of Sony Pictures Motion Picture Group
  • Former Vice President of US Business Development for Bertelsmann Media Suzanne Nossel
  • Peter Chernin, former News Corp. Chairman and current Chairman and CEO of The Chernin Group (assets include Chernin Entertainment; a majority stake in CA Media, an Asia-based media investment company; and Pandora, Fullscreen, Tumblr, Barstool Sports, and Flipboard)
  • Record company magnate and DreamWorks co-founder David Geffen
  • Lionsgate CEO Jon Feltheimer
  • Lionsgate Chairman Mark Rachesky
  • Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg
  • Facebook COO and ADL-donor Sheryl Sandberg
  • YouTube CEO Susan Wojcicki (her sister founded 23andMe)
  • Former Co-Chair of Sony Pictures Entertainment and current head of Pascal Films (which produced the atrocity known as the Ghostbusters re-make) Amy Pascal
  • Relativity Media CEO Ryan Kavanagh
  • “Committed Zionist” Sam Zell, founder and chairman of Equity Group Investments and formerowner and CEO of the Tribune Company, which counted among its assets 23 televisions stations, a baseball team, and many major newspapers, including the Chicago Tribune and the Los Angeles Times
  • “Super-agents” Scooter Braun and Ari Emanuel (Rahm Emanuel’s brother and inspiration for the character Ari Gold in HBO’s series Entourage)
  • Joel Klein, former CEO of Amplify, Executive Vice President at News Corp., and former Chairman and CEO of Bertelsmann, Inc.
  • Lloyd Braun, Chairman of the ABC Entertainment Group from 2002 to 2004, former head of Yahoo! Media Group, who partnered with Gail Berman to form the entertainment company BermanBraun, eventually becoming the sole owner and renaming the company Whalerock Industries
  • Mort Zuckerman, owner of the US News & World Report, former owner of the New York Daily News, The Atlantic, and Fast Company, and former chair of the Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish American Organizations, one of the largest pro-Israel lobbying groups in America
  • Haim Saban, founder of Saban Entertainment, the Saban Music Group, and Saban Capital Group, a stakeholder in Univision (Saban: “I’m a one-issue guy, and my issue is Israel.”)
  • Mega-producer and member of the Board at ZeniMax Media Jerry Bruckheimer
  • Harry Sloan, former Chairman and CEO of Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer and Board member at ZeniMax Media
  • ZeniMax Chairman and CEO Robert Altman (ZeniMax’s legal counsel is none other than DLA Piper, which features prominently in The Way Life Should Be?)
  • Fox Entertainment CEO Charlie Collier
  • Michael Lynton, from earlier, also former CEO of Sony Corporation of America, now Chairman of Snap Inc. (Snapchat) and as mentioned Chairman of the Board of Warner Music Group (Lynton is also a member of the Council on Foreign Relations; his brother-in-law is “progressive” journalist and correspondent Jonathan Alter and his mother-in-law, Joanne Hammerman/Alter, was a “progressive” politician who worked closely with Bella Abzug, all Jewish)
  • Nicole Seligman, former President of Sony Corporation of America and Sony Corporation general counsel and former representation of Oliver North during the Iran-Contra hearings and Bill Clinton during his impeachment trial (her husband Joel I. Klein was an official in the Clinton administration and is the former Chancellor of the New York City Department of Education, preceded by the Jewish Harold Levy and appointed by the Jewish Michael Bloomberg; in an illustrative example of Jewish nepotism, Wikipedia states that Klein, “never obtained the common formal credentials that one would have to take a leadership role in a public school system, and…had a short duration of teaching experience”; in 2005, Klein fired Rashid Khalidi from the teacher training program for his views on Israel)
  • Leonard “Len” Blavatnik, from above, also owner of AI Films and founder and Chairman of Access Industries—Access Industries owns the Warner Music Group
  • The New York Times Company is controlled by the Jewish Ochs-Sulzberger family through a special class of “super-voting” shares
  • Donald Edward Newhouse, owner of Advance Publications whose properties include Condé Nast, dozens of newspapers across the US, cable company Bright House Networks, and a controlling stake in Discovery Inc.
  • President and CEO of Discovery Inc. David Zaslav (Zaslav serves on the Boards of Sirius XM Radio, Inc., Lions Gate Entertainment, the National Cable & Telecommunications Association, The Cable Center, Center for Communication, Grupo Televisa, Partnership for New York City, and the USC Shoah Foundation, and is the Chair of the Auschwitz: The Past Is Present Committee)
  • Google co-founder and Alphabet Inc. President Sergey Brin
  • Google co-founder and Alphabet Inc. CEO Larry Page
  • The Weinstein brothers Harvey and Bob of the now-defunct Weinstein Company movie studio
  • Former Vice Chairman of Vivendi Universal and former Warner Music Group Chairman and CEO Edgar Bronfman, Jr.; and the list goes on. Bronfman:

Is the son of Edgar Miles Bronfman and the grandson of Samuel Bronfman, patriarch of one of the wealthiest and most influential Jewish families in Canada. The Bronfman family gained its fortunes through the Seagram Company, an alcohol distilling company. Edgar Jr. is the second of five children of Ann (Loeb) and Edgar Miles Bronfman. His mother was the daughter of John Langeloth Loeb Sr. (a Wall Street investment banker whose company was a predecessor of Shearson Lehman/American Express) and Frances Lehman (a scion of the Lehman Brothers banking firm)…Edgar M. Bronfman, Jr., is the son of Edgar Bronfman, Sr., the billionaire businessman and longtime president of the World Jewish Congress who died aged 84 in 2013. He is the half-brother of Clare Bronfman, who as a 39-year-old was charged in 2018 in a NXIVM sex-trafficking case…In 1979, Bronfman married his first wife, Sherry Brewer, an African-American actress, in New Orleans. Bronfman’s father did not approve of the marriage. ‘I very much wanted for him to end the relationship, because I told him, all marriages are difficult enough without the added stress of totally different backgrounds,’ Bronfman Sr. wrote in his memoirs. ‘Sherry offered to convert [to Judaism], which though well intentioned, was not the point.’…On January 21, 2011, Bronfman was found guilty in French court of insider trading [while with] Vivendi…and received a 15-month suspended sentence and a €5m fine.[1]

Vivendi acquired the Bronfman family’s Seagram Company in 2000.

This could all be sound and fury signifying nothing, however, as these people “just happen to be Jewish,” pace former Anti-Defamation League National Director Abe Foxman, and thus we shouldn’t make anything of the comments by Robbie Brenner, head of Mattel Films and President of The Firm’s film division—“Everyone had a similar kind of look, the know-your-tribe look—the Jews from New York”—or that in writing the screenplay for Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon, co-writer and former Focus Features CEO James Schamus said that, rather than try to create authentic Chinese characters, he tried to write them “to be as Jewish as possible.” We shouldn’t make anything of the fact that, as Mike Konrad writes:

The popular TV show Bridget Loves Bernie was canceled because some Jewish pressure groups were furious that American TV approved of Jewish-Christian intermarriage. Meredith Baxter said, “We had bomb threats on the show.  Some guys from the Jewish Defense League came to my house to say they wanted to talk with me about changing the show.” Threatening phone calls made to the home of producer Ralph Riskin resulted in the arrest of Robert S. Manning, described as a member of the Jewish Defense League.  Manning was later indicted on murder charges, and fought extradition to the U.S. from Israel, where he had moved. Needless to say, the quite popular show was canceled.  Ironically, soon after that, the CBS network didn’t mind featuring an interracial couple on the The Jeffersons.[2]

Similarly coincidental and inconsequential, from “Jewish Media Power: Myth and Reality” by Elana Levine and Michael Z. Newman:

In a society in which Jewish identity exists in tension with gentile whiteness, Jewish power over media has been a source of as much anxiety as celebration…The new movie studios and networks were run largely by Jewish immigrant moguls or their offspring: the Warner brothers, Adolph Zukor (Paramount), David Sarnoff (RCA/ NBC), and William S. Paley (CBS), among others. Both news and entertainment remain fields hospitable to Jewish artists and businesspeople, from CEOs like Bob Iger (Disney) and producers and company presidents like Jeff Zucker (CNN, NBC) to writers and directors like Nora Ephron and Steven Spielberg. Jewish journalists have led the most influential news organizations in the United States, including the Times and Washington Post. Jews are heavily represented in creative and media workplaces and occupy many positions of prestige and authority.[3]

Even PBS, “the nation’s largest non-commercial media organization with nearly 350 member stations throughout the country,” is under Jewish management in the form of President and CEO Paula Kerger.

In the UK, the Rothschilds through EL Rothschild own a 21% stake in The Economist Group, the media group responsible for The Economist. Lady Lynn Forester de Rothschild sits on its Board (as well as that of Estee Lauder; she is the Chair of EL Rothschild investments—EL Rothschild is distinct from Bronfman EL Rothschild LP of yes those Bronfmans and yes those Rothschilds, which was recently acquired by NFP whose President and COO is Mike Goldman); Eric Schmidt, former CEO of Google, is a former Board member of The Economist Group. Former Chairman of Guardian Media Group (publisher of The Guardian) Paul Myners has ties to RIT Capital Partners PLC, formerly Chaired by Jacob Rothschild. It has a net value of approximately £3 billion, and Jacob Rothschild is today Honorary President with his family remaining the largest shareholders at around 21%. Jacob Rothschild’s eldest daughter, Hannah Mary Rothschild, has done a lot of work with the BBC and is also a Non-Executive Director of RIT Capital. “Feminist press” Virago published a biography she wrote about her great-aunt in 2012; Virago’s 1987 management buy-out of the press from CVBC, which included current Chair Lennie Goodings, was co-financed by Rothschild Ventures.

To disprove the falsehood that Jews exert inordinate control over the international media, Argentine model and TV presenter Ursula Vargues was fired from her job in 2017 for her “anti-Semitic tweets.” What did she say? That Jews control the media.

Wealth is also disproportionately concentrated in the hands of global Jewry. Depending on the year in question, the percentage of the Forbes 400 for the four hundred wealthiest Americans is usually around one-third or more despite comprising just 1.5% of the US’s population. In 1987, Nathaniel Weyl found 23% of American billionaires were Jewish, whereas for the last decade, the number has settled in at around a third. The Jewish Telegraphic Agency states that for 2009, at least 139 of the Forbes 400 were Jews, with 20 of the top 50 controlling $211.8 billion in personal wealth. Six of the top ten wealthiest Americans on the 2019 Forbes 400 list are Jewish, 18 of the top 40 are Jewish, and at least 33 of the top 100 are Jewish. 11.6% of the world’s billionaires are Jewish, despite Jews accounting for just 0.2% of the world’s population. Five of the top seven wealthiest Aussies are Jewish, despite accounting for less than 0.5% of the nation’s population. 20% of Britain’s “Super Rich” are Jewish—and most of them are immigrants. Jews are 25% of Canada’s billionaires (at roughly 1% of the population), 13% of Brazil’s (at 0.5% of the population), and 43% of the Ukraine’s (at roughly 1% of the population). Jews are 15-17 times more likely per capita to make the Forbes 400 than is the rest of the American population. A 2008 survey from the Jerusalem Post found that 46% of Jews earn at least $100,000 a year, compared to the 18% US average. IQ differential alone is not enough to explain this disparity; the overrepresentation is too dramatic.

Jews, by the way, are 26.4% of South Africa’s wealthiest individuals whilst representing an absurdly-small .09% of the population. They have profited enormously from the diamond trade. Things are clearly going well for the Jews in South Africa, but for whites it is a different story. Per Henk van de Graaf: “The farmers live in fear, because being a farmer in South Africa is the most dangerous occupation in the world. The average murder ratio per 100,000 for the population in the world is nine, I believe…But for the farming community it is 138, which is the highest for any occupation in the world.” I have seen lower murder rates for white farmers at 97 per 100,000, but that is still astronomical. In 2019, it was 36.4 per 100,000 people for all of South Africa, which is horrible but much rosier than the 67.9 per 100,000 people in 1995 per Bloomberg. According to the Institute for Security Studies, the murder rate in South Africa in 1994 was 66.9 murders per 100,000 people.

Whites are less than 9% of the South African population presently, but consider that in 2001, the police’s Crime Information Analysis Centre revealed that of the 1,398 people attacked on farms, 61.6% were white. 74.2% of those murdered on farms and smallholdings in South Africa from 2017-18 were white. There are government-sanctioned policies in the works to seize land from white farmers and re-distribute it to markedly less productive blacks. This is to say that there are real and realized differences between groups of people and pretending they don’t exist is, in the present climate of mass immigration and the willful ceding of power in places like Rhodesia and South Africa, suicidal. It should also be noted here that the virulently anti-white Economic Freedom Fighters Party, helmed by Julius Malema, has allegedly received funding from Jewish-Swazi billionaire Nathan Kirsh.

In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Israeli billionaire Dan Gertler has made a fortune exploiting the country’s natural resources through his political connections and the use of offshore tax havens:

Gertler has stakes in companies that control 9.6 percent of world cobalt production, based on U.S. Geological Survey data and company figures. That’s just the beginning of Gertler’s influence in Congo, the largest country of sub-Saharan Africa, with the world’s richest deposits of cobalt and major reserves of copper, diamonds, gold, tin and coltan, an ore containing the metal tantalum, which is used in consumer electronics. His Gibraltar- registered Fleurette Properties Ltd. owns stakes in various Congolese mines through at least 60 holding companies in offshore tax havens such as the British Virgin Islands. Gertler, whose grandfather co-founded Israel’s diamond exchange in 1947, arrived in Congo in 1997 seeking rough diamonds. The 23-year-old trader struck a deep friendship with Joseph Kabila, who then headed the Congolese army and today is the nation’s president. Since those early days, Gertler has invested in iron ore, gold, cobalt and copper as well as agriculture, oil and banking. In the process, he’s built up a net worth of at least $2.5 billion, according to the Bloomberg Billionaires Index. He’s also acquired a roster of critics. Many of the government’s deals with Gertler deprive Congo’s 68 million people of badly needed funds, according to the London-based anticorruption group Global Witness and lawmakers from Congo and the U.K., the country’s second-biggest aid donor after the U.S. “Dan Gertler is essentially looting Congo at the expense of its people,” says Jean Pierre Muteba, the head of a group of nongovernmental organizations that monitor the mining sector in Katanga province, where most of Congo’s copper is located.[4]

There are also the anecdotal cases of powerful Jews like Roman Abramovich in Russia and Ilan Shor in Moldova fleeing to Israel after committing major financial crimes, which surely can only confirm the “anti-Semitic” stereotypes. It’s not just private citizens or politicians, either, but perhaps most insidious of all, the global finance sector and its “money men.” As just one example, recall Dominique Strauss-Kahn, the Jewish former head of the International Monetary Fund. Strauss-Kahn helped facilitate the massive Greek “bailout” and others for Ireland and Iceland, and had just reached an agreement along with the EU with Portugal and was in the process of negotiating a second for Greece, when he was arrested on charges of raping a hotel maid and was forced to resign. The conditions for these loans are notorious for ceding sovereign decision-making on fiscal policy and in extreme cases effectively reducing the nation to economic serfdom. I suppose this is technically legal, but it is no less criminal.

Jewish film and TV production magnate and Friends of Simon Wiesenthal Center for Holocaust Studies Board member Paul Bronfman may have pulled funding from York University in Canada for its “anti-Israel” mural, but I’d be curious to know if he supports the UN High Commissioner for Refugees’s discussions with Israel to ship their 40,000-plus African deportees not back to Africa but to “safe Western countries,” including Canada. I can venture a guess. 70% of Jews in Israel favor the deportation of illegal “infiltrators” (as Netanyahu calls them), whereas 70% of Jews in North America support amnesty for illegal aliens. I can’t imagine that 70% would oppose more multi-cultural enrichment in the form of additional tens of thousands of Africans from Israel.

From the birth control pill to abortion to the prevalence of gentile circumcision, there is no question that even the most intimate and essential elements of our society have been thoroughly Judaized. When that also includes antagonism toward the host population—indeed, even attitudes and policies geared toward atomizing and then destroying that host population—the locus of control becomes not just significant but essential to identify.

While the Jewish Frederic Raphael may feel that the “anti-Semitic canard…that ‘the Jews’ control the world’s economy and, in particular, the press…brooks no empirical refutation” (from 2015’s Anti-Semitism, a book in the Provocations Series by Biteback Publishing Ltd. edited by the self-described “leftie liberal, anti-racist, feminist, Muslim” Yasmin Alibhai-Brown, she of the vicious attack on the British white working class), and that “the oldest hatred” simply materializes by magic anywhere Jews appear in any appreciable numbers, irrespective of the time period or civilization or racial or ethnic group in question, it can be very easily evidenced that Jews do in fact control both. Perhaps that’s why there’s been scant coverage of Jewish malfeasance in the media.


[1] Wikipedia entry for Edgar Bronfman, Jr. Available at: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edgar_Bronfman_Jr.

[2] Konrad, Mike, “American Jews and Inconsistency on Immigration,” February 15, 2018. American Thinker. Available at: https://www.americanthinker.com/articles/2018/02/american_jews_and_inconsistency_on_immigration.html.

[3] Levine, Elana and Michael Z. Newman, “Jewish Media Power: Myth and Reality,” Spring, 2018. AJS Perspectives: The Magazine of the Association for Jewish Studies. Available at: http://perspectives.ajsnet.org/the-oldnew-media-issue/jewish-media-power-myth-and-reality/.

[4] Loewenstein, Antony, “How an Orthodox Israeli Jewish billionaire loves to exploit Africa,” December 31, 2012. Available at: https://antonyloewenstein.com/how-an-orthodox-israeli-jewish-billionaire-loves-to-exploit-africa/.

 

“1917”: A Fateful Reference to the Scofield Reference Bible

1917 appears to contain a specific praise of the Scofield Bible as embodied symbolically in the solider William “Will” Schofield. The director and co-screenwriter, Sam Mendes, is of Jewish ancestry, so this would fit an important pattern detailed in my work. The surname Schofield is, of course, merely a variant spelling of Scofield. Indeed, his last name is almost certainly a reference to Cyrus Scofield’s eponymous Scofield Reference Bible, a Bible that extorts non-Jews especially to protect the interests of Israel and Zionism as is well known in these parts of the web.

This becomes especially obvious because the name of the film itself may be a reference to the publishing of the Scofield Reference Bible, which first appeared in 1909 yet reappeared, revised by the author, in 1917. In fact, it is commonly called the “1917 Scofield Reference Bible.”  Indeed, the apocalyptic carnage of World War I, occurring in the intervening years, was popularly seen as vindicating the dispensationalist scheme in the Scofield Bible.[1]

1917 is also the year of the signing of the Balfour declaration, a declaration that officially established British support for the state of Israel. It’s likely many Jews watching this film around the world would find this date significant. It’s likely many of them, as well, would be aware or become aware that Sam Mendes was a fellow Jew, possibly transmitting an encoded message.

Briefly, the film focuses on two British soldiers, Tom Blake and William “Will” Schofield, a pair of English soldiers tasked with delivering a message on foot to another British battalion so as to save them from certain death. The German’s have cut the communication lines so such an effort becomes necessary.

One of the soldiers in the battalion they are tasked to save is Tom Blake’s brother, Joe Blake. En route, Tom Blake is stabbed to death by an inexplicably malevolent German pilot after rescuing the latter from the burning hulk of a fighter plane. This is perhaps the most salient clue that a racial/political agenda is afoot.

Will promises a dying Tom he’ll make the rest of the trip to save Tom’s brother Joe and to deliver sad tidings of Tom’s death. This becomes Will’s driving impetus. Here we understand Tom as a symbol of Christ himself and Will Scofield as his messenger. Hence the metaphor is fairly straight forward.

In fact, the film is highly encoded and many symbols would lead us to the conclusion that this is the metaphor being developed in the film. However, we’ll treat only the clearest and most obvious of them, requiring the least knowledge of myth, scripture and symbolism, and make the point in the most succinct manner.

Will is rescued by the Christ-figure Tom Blake in a critical scene in the film and it seems highly likely this is a reference to Cyrus Scofield’s conversion to Christianity or his “salvation.” After a rat sets off an armed trip wire in a German bunker, Will is buried by rocks. Tom unearths him. Yet Will is made temporarily blind by the rock dust and must be led out of the now collapsing cave by his savior Tom.

Famously, Paul’s conversion story sees the apostle going blind for three days after a visit from Christ until finally “something like scales fell from his eyes” (Acts 9:18).  Possibly the emergence of the pair from the collapsing bunker is suggestive of Christ’s resurrection from the tomb. Similarly, Tom’s rescuing of the German from the burning wreck is likely also a nod to Christ’s effort to rescue men from the flames of hell.

Importantly, at the beginning of the film, the Christ figure Tom Blake “chooses” Will Schofield to accompany him on his mission. After Tom leads Will into the Bunker (an important detail!) and then rescues him from it, Will complains, “Why in God’s name did you have to choose me?!”

As is common in Jewish parable, names are of central importance. Tom’s name is very likely a reference especially to the Thomas appearing in the New Testament understood esoterically as the “twin of Christ.”  In fact, the name Thomas means “twin.” The reference is to Thomas especially as a twin of Christ.

The Marvel comic book characters Black Tom Cassidy and the Vulture, Adrian Toomes, are two examples of this name usage in Jewish Esoteric Moralization, both appearing from Jewish creators Chris Claremont and Stan Lee respectively and appearing to represent Jewish figures. The clear Christ figure in the Matrix series, Neo or Thomas Anderson, may be another example. There the last name Anderson appears to be a reference to “Son of Man.”

The reader may find it surprising that a Jewish writer would develop a Christ-figure in his work.  After all, Jews are not Christians. However, this is quite common.  In fact, esoterically indicating Christianity as something that is detrimental to Aryans and non-Jews, yet beneficial to Jews, ranks four on my list of the five most common themes appearing in Jewish Esoteric Moralization.

After World War I, the Scofield Reference Bible flew off the rack, exceeding two million copies by the end of World War II.[2] Hence the pointless carnage of the World Wars literally sold the Scofield Bible and its apocalyptic pro-Israel message. In other words, evidently the film 1917 itself serves as an esoteric celebration of the Scofield Bible, the carnage of the World Wars and the Christian Zionism it would birth. The reader should consider this carefully. Here we find a film made by an ostensibly enlightened, liberal Hollywood Jew, esoterically endorsing apocalyptic Christian Zionism. This is what we call the Caducean.

When Will finally reaches Joe Blake, Joe is stricken by the news of the death of Tom (Christ). Joe will doubtlessly remain fiercely loyal to the notion that Tom was “a good man” as Will, a symbol representing the Scofield Reference Bible, reports. Will tells Joe as well that Tom “was always telling funny stories” and “saved his life.” Christ was also a teller of parables and this appears to be the reference. Regardless, it is clear Joe will become loyal to the memory of the Jewish God that Tom represents, Christ. Hence Will has accomplished his task.

Importantly, at Tom’s request, Will insists on relaying the news of Tom’s death to the mother of the Blake sons. Hence Will Schofield controls the message. The significance of Tom or Christ, and his life, will be controlled by Schofield or, of course, the Scofield Reference Bible. The end of the film sees Will wandering toward a lone tree set strikingly against the horizon. The tree is an important symbol with meanings explicated in my broader study. Here it might be understood, most simply, as the Tree of Life found with New Jerusalem in Revelation 22.

Again, the film is highly encoded and only the most obvious references appearing in the film are indicated here. Other symbols that require a deeper knowledge of symbolism and myth that are likely meaningful are the stones that fall on Will in the German Bunker, an injury that Will sustains to his hand on barbed wire fence and milk that Will delivers a starving mother and baby encountered en route to his destination. But for now, let’s keep it simple and understand that 1917 is a reference to the triumph of Zionism, assisted by Cyrus Scofield and the Scofield Bible.

I argue such esoteric or subliminal triumphalist messaging is developed to moralize Jewish audiences and demoralize non-Jewish audiences, whether or not this or that individual is conscious of the specific message being transmitted. And it is a more sophisticated phenomenon than has been laid out in this review. Yet simplicity is useful here to treat this obvious case of JEM or Jewish Esoteric Moralization.  Hopefully with such clear cases we can begin to establish in the reader’s mind that JEM is an important, common and salient phenomenon in Jewish Art. My thesis is that it necessitates, among other things, a rejoinder from the Aryan side, in Religion, Art and Culture, that is moralizing to Aryans.


[1] “At the popular level, especially, many people came to regard the dispensationalist scheme as completely vindicated.” Mangum & Sweetnam, 179

[2] Gaebelein, 11

 

Dissident relationships:  Reply to Kevin MacDonald

Editor’s note: This is a reply to my article “Ideas on Maintaining Relationships with the Less Committed in a Dark Age.” My comments are in bold.

As a White, female spouse of a male TOO contributor, I read with special interest Kevin MacDonald’s recent essay on how to maintain relationships among the less-committed.  His essay suits me to a T.  I have long been uncomfortable with my husband’s political writings—partly because I disagree with some of them, partly because of his use of a pseudonym, and partly because of the potential consequences for both us and for society.  MacDonald’s essay has the laudable goal of creating better family relations, but many of his points are condescending or miss the mark.  I offer my thoughts below.

As I read his essay, the main point seems to be the difficulty of maneuvering (and maintaining) a personal relationship with someone who is not in total agreement with your own ideology, and specifically the way in which he expresses that ideology.  For sake of simplicity, I will assume that the “dissident writer” is a White male, and that the “significant other” (SO) is a White female; this should cover the vast majority of the 200-some TOO contributors.

I wonder, first of all, about the motivation for such a piece.  I don’t know if Prof. MacDonald has (or had) an SO, and if so, if she is one of the “less-committed.” Does he speak from direct experience?  Or is he hearing things second-hand from his many correspondents?  If he has no firsthand experience, he is perhaps in a poor situation to comment.  And in any case, he is obviously not himself one of the beleaguered SO’s, and thus is unqualified to address things from that perspective.

KM: Yes, I have a significant other and yes, she is less committed. Like many people, she is far less interested in politics than I am.

Second, I fear that my reply may well be a futile effort because I am a woman who engages in political discussion, and women’s voices seem undervalued and underappreciated in alt-right circles.  MacDonald seems to have in mind women who apparently avoid political discussion in order to dwell on family, friends, and hobbies.  I never looked at it that way (nor does my husband) because we know that women (and men) can engage in activism and still have time for hobbies/interests.  So, from my point of view, this article could be addressed to any couple whose viewpoints differ on political issues, especially considering our current political climate.

MacDonald raises the interesting case of Anne Morrow Lindbergh, and so I will begin with some thoughts on her situation.  I will then look at the problem of relationships specifically, and then close with some critical thoughts on the whole “White interests” movement.

The Lindberghs: A Case Study

I enjoyed the reference to the Anne Morrow Lindbergh diary entries, which were all drawn from the fifth (and last) volume of diaries and letters (War Within and Without, 1939–1944).  Anne, like many SOs, finds herself in a role that she did not ask for.

My similarity to Anne is the concern I experience for my husband’s reputation.  I also struggle with understanding his intended end game.  A bigger issue for some SOs is the realization that the dissident writer intends to instigate others to a negative (i.e., violent) outcome.  The SO is often left to explain (uncomfortably) this behavior to family and friends. I do think that most women prefer personal interaction and dialogue over publications or speeches.  We see it as a quicker way to resolution, or at the very least to understanding intent.  I would also lean toward supporting a situation—even a White identity movement—that was intended to help humankind rather than hurt a particular group.  Anne has “the greatest faith” in Charles as a person, and she understands his intent.  However, some dissidents act only in their own self-interest, often emanating insecurity and a combative intent in their rhetoric.  Charles Lindbergh is hardly a dissident in this regard.

As a famous and respected person, Charles had intended to simply write a speech naming the people and governments he saw as “war agitators” in an effort to inform the American public and avoid involvement in the war that was at that time contained to Europe.  He was not bitter or hateful toward the agitators as a group of people, nor as individuals.  He stated the truth as he saw it.  Lindbergh did not intend for his speech to lead to violent retributions. It is the reaction of the public (actually the press in his case) to the dissident’s words or how they understand the intent, that leads to potentially unwarranted scrutiny.  If we describe the contributors of TOO as dissidents in the sense that they are pro-White and anti-Jewish, we assume that they know that their “truth” could be detrimental to entire groups of people.

KM: Yes, but not saying anything is certainly detrimental to the traditional White majority. Some people have to speak up. There are always going to be conflicts of interest in politics. That’s what it’s all about. Anonymous seems to see things entirely from the standpoint of possible negative repercussions for the targets of dissident writers—e.g., Jews in the case of Lindbergh. But again, the big picture is that Lindbergh was trying to avoid a catastrophe in which millions would die. In such a situation, the hurt feelings of Jews who were accurately portrayed as an important force promoting the war mean nothing. Even possible violence by lone individuals or small groups motivated to action by Lindbergh’s comments (and in the absence of Lindbergh’s endorsement) would be of trivial importance compared to the war; I am aware of no record of anti-Jewish violence occurring as a result of Lindbergh’s speech, and of course TOO does not advocate violence as a solution. 

Thus, the SO finds herself on the outside of this fraternity but with the opportunity to play the role of moderator.  Charles’ speech included statements that Anne believed would not be welcome in her community.  This played a part in her fear, although her greater fear was for her family’s ostracism.  She foresaw that his intentions would be misunderstood. MacDonald quotes Anne as sensing “that this is the beginning of a fight and consequent loneliness and isolation that we have not known before.”  She does not, however, let this potential outcome stop her from supporting her husband. She continues to speak to him about her feelings and beliefs, and he listens—even revising his wording to better address his audience and potentially assuage dissent.  From my experience, this is the best option we have when those outside of the relationship seem short-sighted or are quick to judge, as perhaps many of our family and friends can be, and as Anne’s were.  Of course, there are people we do not know who may act upon our words, and being mindful of these reactions is always prudent in public discourse and publishing. Dissident writers hold that responsibility.

As MacDonald points out, Anne states, “I cannot explain my revulsion of feeling by logic.”  Correctly, she knows this is not always possible.  And yet, she in fact goes on to give something of a “logical” analysis; I think she underestimates herself.  It is possible to know the truth of an issue and yet still realize that that very truth may be hurtful and misunderstood by others.  That is often the case in my situation.  How can I question what I have not personally researched, especially if my misgivings are based on feeling and not on logic?  Being aware of this natural reaction makes the experience less intimidating.

On the day of the speech, Anne writes, “I am afraid of the effect of his speech…and the effect on him and the cause.  He says that the point is not what the ‘effect’ will be on him …  but whether or not what he said is true and whether it will help to keep us out of war.”  Charles’ point is that he tells the truth, and he is not concerned about the resulting effect on him.  This is what my husband says as well.  He ignores the fact that there may be an effect outside of himself.  The SO has the choice to buy into the ideas written or buy into the resulting effects.  She finds herself in a dilemma when she cannot reconcile the intent of the writing with what she fears of the end game.  She must tackle this herself; and further on I discuss what the dissident writer may do to help her.

As stated, I believe that many SO’s find themselves highly concerned with consequences.   Many dissident writers throw empathy out the window so as not to weaken their position.  However, if there is concern for your SO, some acknowledgement of unintended effects would put the dissident writer in a much better position to make his case.  This, in my opinion, is necessary when one is engaged in criticism or one-sided ideologies.  Dissidents can act without foresight or in ignorance of the potential consequences, or they can moderate their points based on the effect on others.  As Anne points out, her worst fears were confirmed when Charles was “attacked on all sides” (not physically) after his speech—by the Roosevelt “Administration, pressure groups, and Jews, as now openly a Nazi.”  Anne wanted to avoid this; not strictly for fear of her situation, but to avoid a misunderstanding of the ideology behind her husband’s speech because it was not one of hate but of concern for his country.

I find it insightful that Anne asks and answers the question as to why she senses that it is wrong to name the Jews as being pro-war “even if it is done without hate, bitterness or criticism” as she does.  Her answer is “because it is segregating them as a group, setting the ground for anti-Semitism.”  She recognizes that naming or blaming of Jews is an agitator based on historical context.  This is unsettling to her because she knows that it will instigate hatred, and for that reason should be moderated.  She is not considering the truth of the statement (as Charles is). In the end, the truth is more than some influential people want to hear, and Anne’s fears are realized.

Anne understands that what may have been Charles’ intent brings about the opposite result.  This is very common today and dissident writers should understand that this may be a result of their rants, speeches and articles.  I do not single out the alt-right.  This is true of any group that does not moderate their attacks on others.  This does not mean to moderate views necessarily, but is a suggestion to moderate the mode of attacks.  Anne states that “more passion is being aroused” by statements of fact that were intended not to arouse but to quell passions.

KM: Again, I worry that too much emphasis is being placed on the possible effects that dissidents’ words may have on others. Certainly, my writing has offended the ADL and many individual Jews as well as many others on the left. I do worry that someone who claims to have been influenced by my writing will go and blow up a synagogue or something. But that can’t be helped. There are always people out there who are prone to violence as a solution for everything. But that is no reason for me to stop writing. If there is no dissent, then what I regard as the forces of evil—forces that would utterly destroy the people and culture of the country I grew up in—would have no push-back at all. As it is, we are relegated to relatively tiny corners of the internet and oftentimes to conventions held in secret, whereas those who hate us are beaming their messages 24/7 into the living rooms, classrooms, and movie theaters across the entire country. Our demonstrations are greeted with violence aided and abetted by police, government, and ultimately the courts. Our meetings are held in secret, whereas our enemies can easily muster thousands in prominent public spaces without any fear of violence. And despite our relatively weak position, they are doing everything they can to completely stifle dissent, abrogate the First Amendment, de-platform and demonetize sites like TOO and Red Ice, and ultimately legislate prison terms for politically incorrect speech as has already been done in many parts of Europe at the behest of the same forces promoting censorship in the U.S.

Present-day Relationship Conflicts

MacDonald points out that a typical situation might be that of a wife/girlfriend being “terrified of it becoming known that she is associated closely with someone” who is setting themselves up for social ostracism.  “Typical” makes it sound like a widespread problem.  It is a bit of a mystery to me as to why he would think this is a pervasive issue.  From my experience, this is an over-generalization of a woman’s reaction.  As a wife of a dissident writer, and knowing SO’s in similar situations, I would not use “terrifying” in my description of the typical situation.  I do, however, understand that in some situations the dissident does put his ‘innocent’, ‘less-committed’ family in potential unwanted peril.  But in fact, in many cases, the SO is the only thread keeping the dissident from anarchy.

KM: It’s quite different being the SO of a well-known dissident writing under my own name as opposed to the SO of a pseudonymous dissident—the former is much more terrifying for many. I don’t understand the idea that the SO may be “the only thread keeping the dissident from anarchy.” That certainly doesn’t apply to me.

MacDonald seems to speak for women in this piece, far too often.  For example, “men are far more concerned [than women] about politics and distribution of power.”  I guess he would know better than I, since he is a man.  It does not mean it is necessarily a good thing.  He also states that “men tend to suffer more [read: die] when there is a(n)…takeover.”  I don’t know about that.  Once you are slaughtered, your suffering ends.  Being taken as a concubine (against your will and all that comes from that) might lead me to question who actually suffers more. Let’s just say there is suffering by all during war/takeovers.

KM: My comments on men being more concerned about politics stem from evolutionary psychology. You interpret me to be concerned about mental suffering. I am concerned about evolutionary fitness: Male fitness is much more affected by the distribution of power than is female fitness. In nature, the vast majority of females mate, while males typically have to achieve a position in the dominance hierarchy to mate. (If you want to see the brutality of male competition, watch the National Geographic videos now available on the Disney streaming channel.) This has shaped the male brain—the fundamental premise of evolutionary psychology, well-supported by the research.

MacDonald mentions “that doxing would result in social opprobrium” and he assumes “that your significant other is not a social justice warrior.”  He assumes that the wife/girlfriend is “intolerant of conflicting opinions” and that she may be “fueled by hatred toward people” with strong right (nationalist) views.  He also states that “such people are impossible to reason with, …spew hatred… accompanied with ungrounded assertions of moral and intellectual superiority.”  I am not sure where this is coming from; there is a lot of hatred spewed toward other ethnicities when reading some White identity diatribes (maybe less true of TOO articles). I think MacDonald’s assumption is a prejudiced description of an SO with liberal views.  It was an inappropriate point for him to make.

KM: Believe me, I know some such people personally, and they are every bit as hateful as I describe and every bit as willing to cut off all contact with dissidents, including with close family. The point in my article was that I was not going to be talking about such people because they are hopeless. If the SO of a dissident is like that, the best advice is to leave the relationship or stop being a dissident. I am talking about people who are sympathetic but less committed—people who are attracted to the relationship but not on board with the whole package. That, incidentally, is my experience.

Absolutely correct is his assertion that there are pressures on employers to punish dissidents.  Companies are all too willing to fire those who dissent.  Maintaining a low profile is understandable when threatened by loss of livelihood.  In my case, my husband and I have experienced the consequences of failing to conform.  Capitalism does play into this issue, and dissident writers could/should spend more time questioning the issues caused by it.  Capitalism allows employers to call the shots and mold its employees in their thoughts and deeds—by desire or demand.  For sure, it is another possible effect that your SO must be willing to risk for the sake of supporting your ideas.

MacDonald addresses the fact that “being ostracized from polite society may not bother activists personally.”  This was previously discussed as something Charles Lindbergh addressed as well.  This comes from their belief that they are right-minded (even if not open-minded), and often fueled by like-minded friends (if only in cyberspace).  But how could a worldview be based on cyberspace relationships when the first priority for most humans is to have real, face to face interactions?   Apart from dating websites, eventually those “sympatico mates” must meet face-to-face.

KM: I agree that online relationships are ultimately unsatisfying. That’s why it’s important to have conferences, such as AmRen does. I usually go to several conferences every year (most held in secret or under police protection) and I enjoy meeting people, putting faces to names, and talking in relaxed, informal environments.

I agree regarding use of a pseudonym.  MacDonald states that it is necessary and desirable for many, but that this does not completely solve the problem. Often the reason one is used is that this option “protects” the SO. That being said, it seems to me that having a pseudonym gives permission to live two separate lives.  It begs the question: which one is the real you and which one includes the SO?  The alternate identity gives a license to say things one would not say in public.  It is just a matter of time before it no longer works.  Better to be up front understanding the importance of being your genuine self and accepting the consequences.  I would be surprised if the pseudonym option makes your SO ‘feel better,’ as their real issue should be with the dissident’s ideology and intent.

KM: Obviously, I don’t use a pseudonym, and I think it’s important that some of us do this. I have had pseudonymous writers on TOO  who have not been doxed in over 10 years. I am sure that a government agency or a determined hacker could find out real names but it seems to me to be quite rational to continue using a false identity as along as possible in cases where there would be dire consequences, such as loss of livelihood. In my case, I had no excuse because I had tenure at my university. All they could do was unleash their hate—which they did.

White and Right

Because White identity is typically bound up with feelings of being threatened, White identity ideology is self-interested by definition.  In my view, some dissident writers appear to have concern only for their own personal interests (disguised as White interests). This is not a persuasive position, assuming you are writing so that other less-informed people will join in your efforts.  Even so, it is not a persuasive position if you want your SO to join in.  It is always better to have her support than to have her sabotaging your efforts.

KM: I am curious what writers you think are only concerned with their personal interests. I can’t think of any. It’s all about the future of White people and the forces arrayed against us, and the great majority of us are doing it at great personal cost or potential cost, social or financial.

Accordingly, what Lindbergh does similarly (as an American who happens to be White) is to admit that his intent is for Americans to understand the upcoming danger of entering the war so that they are saved from the consequent peril.  However, he is able to put himself in the shoes of the British and the Jews, recognizing and stating that they have obvious interests in the war.  He shows some empathy for the position they are in. This seems very different from what SO’s are now faced with when understanding their partner.  This is the dissident’s lack of ability to put themselves in anyone else’s shoes.  From my experience, dissident writers seldom acknowledge that they understand why the other side acts or believes as they do; in addition to lack of recognition that if things play out as they wish, someone will reap extreme negative consequences.  This is a mindset that so many SO’s cannot reckon with.

KM: A lot of my writing is directed at understanding why White people think the way they do about these issues. Much of this has appeared on TOO, and my recent book, Individualism and the Western Liberal Tradition, has an entire chapter (106 pages) on it. I think that all of us on the dissident right have been there. We were brought up in liberal-left culture, and many of us, like myself, began our political journey on the left. As outsiders and former adherents to liberal-left culture, we are in a good position to understand why they think like they do—oftentimes better, I think—than they themselves are able to.

One issue not discussed by MacDonald is the dissident writer’s intent (writing as a researcher and truth reporter vs. writing as a propagandist or political ideologue).  The first thing I look for when being given the opportunity to pre-read my husband’s writings is the integrity of his research.  When (if) the White interests movement grows, its members may have different ideas of the means needed to reach the end game.  The common thread is that it is pro-White and anti-Jewish in nature. As an SO, I work to moderate the negative (anti) nature of the writings in favor of the positive (pro) aspects.  It is a weak argument to portray yourself as the victim.

White identity politics is somewhat perplexing to me and short of being of genuine.  Whites make up a small percentage of the world’s population.  Why would the world respect or support an ideology when it shows a disregard for 90% of humanity? With that said, I have no disagreement with the facts of the matter, as research has proven much of it true (referring to the Jewish control and debasing of the White culture).  There is a high-quality, well-documented case to be made and the TOO contributors have done a good job at this.  The question remains what to do about it.  And some of the alt-right views on this are too much in line with the tactics that they claim to be against.  A better approach may be to use the dissenter/SO relationship as an indicator of how to approach the topic with the larger population to gain the momentum that will be needed to address such a pervasive issue.  Of course, the dissedent must be open to considering opposing views.

KM: I don’t see why it should matter what other groups think of us. The point is we have interests and they are not necessarily incompatible with a reasonable interpretation of the interests of other peoples. A common idea on the dissident right is universal nationalism (e.g., Frank Salter)—the idea that different people should have their own homelands. I accept that as a reasonable solution. But what the globalist establishment wants is an end to White political, cultural, and demographic predominance in any country while not applying this ideology to countries like Korea, Japan, African societies, Israel, etc.

True free speech should be heard from whomever wants a voice.   The First Amendment is (contrary to MacDonald’s opinion) valued by all sides as is the fight for justice.  Although I lean toward believing that people can be reasonable when faced with dissenting views, I am in agreement about talking to your SO about the very real dangers of being a dissident of any position (not just on the right).  MacDonald suggests pointing out “that many people are being attacked these days.”  That point is obvious and somewhat condescending, unless your SO has been living in exile.  She also knows that attacks from either side are not often justified.  Using the example of Trump supporters being harassed with impunity is very hypocritical.  Disruptions are planned almost every time a highly publicized event occurs.  These disruptors often plan for violence. It is documented that Trump invites this behavior against those who do not agree with him (although I am not condoning it).   MAGA-hat wearers are not the only people being called out publicly.  Anti-Trump people get called out every day in alt-right speeches and at protests/rallies.  Democratically elected lawmakers have received death threats because of their support of gun laws. Most SOs know there are real dangers and would most likely agree to punishment, when warranted, on either side.

KM: Sorry, but the First Amendment is definitely not valued on all sides. Speakers are routinely shut down, harassed, or disinvited as a result of actions by the left on college campuses; riots have occurred, as at UC-Berkeley over conservative speakers being invited. Demonstrations even by Trump supporters are attacked on the streets of cities like Portland, with little or no attempt by the government to stop them. Charlottesville was a disaster created by the police pushing the rightists into crowds of well-armed, violent leftists. The vast majority of this is left-on-right violence, not the reverse. And because I believe that Jews are very powerful in the U.S., realize that free speech is not at all a Jewish value—not only absent from traditional Jewish communities, but quite apparent in the contemporary world where Jewish organizations have uniformly supported “hate crime” legislation throughout the West. Jewish organizations, such as the ADL, and organizations with prominent Jewish funding and Jewish staff members, such as the SPLC, have taken a lead role in getting people and organizations de-platformed from social media and financial institutions. Just recently, Pres. Trump signed an executive order on the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions Movement that will be a devastating blow to criticism of Israel on college campuses and elsewhere.

And frankly I resent being called condescending for pointing out that many people are being attacked these days. In my experience, it has been effective with the less committed to point out that people like Tucker Carlson and Trump administration officials have been harassed in public. This is because they are in the mainstream enough to have TV shows or be employed in the government. Many SO’s think that dissident-right ideas are disreputable. It helps to tell them that we aren’t the only people being attacked, but that good, honest people with much milder ideas are being attacked as well. 

Yes, attacks are happening against people on both sides. But it’s quite clear that the vast majority of the violence and harassment is coming from the left. Are leftists forced to hold meetings in secret or be prepared to fight if they decide to demonstrate in a city like Portland? I think not. Are leftist speakers denied platforms at universities? Rarely, and only if they are prone to doing things like criticizing transgenderism (perhaps because of its effects on women’s sports) or Israel. The left has a virtual hegemony in the culture and they want to keep it that way.

I have an issue with the statement that “your significant other may relate to the fact that the censorious left is shutting down many ideas that were entirely mainstream and respectable just a few years ago.”  This is probably true.  However, mainstream ideas are only mainstream for a short period of time before they become law (or no longer law), tradition, or simply out of fashion.  They evolve based on cultural input.  If we do not invite new ideas, which often replace the old, we risk stagnation.   I think it is the censorship that we object to, and on that I agree.

KM: We on the dissident right are very involved in trying to understand why the culture has changed so much. If you want to read my opinion on what happened, I suggest reading The Culture of Critique for starters. The culture doesn’t just change by happenstance or drift. People do their best to shape culture in the direction they think will serve their interests, and in my opinion, the main shifts in the last 50 years have come about because of Jewish activism. I have done my best to rigorously support that proposition.

This may bring us close to “the wall-to-wall propaganda and ubiquitous surveillance by government” which no one wants—even the left.  MacDonald tags the left with supporting big tech.  Clearly, each side supports big tech (except maybe TOO contributors who are in a quandary, as without tech they would have no platform!); and it is a very big issue.  It is without a doubt one of the biggest issues we continue to fight against, and it is aided by capitalists (liberals and conservatives alike).  Trump pedals propaganda constantly as well as supporting government surveillance (especially of non-Whites).  There is blame to share, and this issue needs to be addressed by all sides.  We do indeed have to stand up to this.

KM: Big tech is far from neutral in the culture wars. Notoriously they are on the left, and they are much influenced by the ADL which has formed partnerships with Facebook, Google, Twitter and Microsoft to combat “cyberhate,” including pressuring You Tube to remove accounts associated with the Alt Right. We don’t see them removing or shadow-banning accounts of people on the left.

Of course, Trump pedals his point of view, like all presidents have done; I am unaware of non-Whites being targeted specifically by government surveillance. If so, there would be a deluge of lawsuits by the ACLU, etc.

Finally, it’s common on the dissident right to critique capitalism—not only because of the political proclivities of big tech, but because they have colluded with the open-borders crowd to promote immigration because they get cheap labor. Virtually all the big American companies are committed to liberal/left positions on issues such as LGBTQ+, race, and immigration. They will not sponsor people like Tucker Carlson who is so hated by the left, with the result that all his sponsors are small companies looking for a niche market.

These issues may threaten all that we (collectively) value.  I do not consider myself a “dyed-in-the-wool social justice warrior” by any stretch of that term. However, these issues threaten humanity, and MacDonald is suggesting that if we tap into women’s maternal instincts, they will understand.  It is again condescending to generalize women as MacDonald does in this piece.  The women I know are not more conservative when married and as they have gotten older.  I have not lived in a shell; but have had the opportunity to know and been active in my community and my workplace with women and men of all sides of the political spectrum.  From my experience, the older they get, the more enlightened they become, making them more open-minded.  Using the words “buck up” is like saying ‘shut up and put up,’ and I recommend avoiding this way of getting your SO on board.  It also seems to me that you claim to want to avoid making her fearful; but you want to warn her about evil in the world.  If you want to reach your significant other; treat her like an equal.

KM: I am not being condescending but simply pointing to well-replicated findings. In claiming that women are more nurturant than men and that this affects their politics (resulting in the well-known gender gap on issues pulling for empathy, such as refugees, welfare programs, etc.), I am well within the research mainstream (reviewed in my recent book). And yes, marriage has a big effect. These findings of course do not necessarily apply to individual women. They are statistical patterns.

I understand the suggestion by MacDonald that the dissident writer keep their obsession with politics out of “day-to-day conversation.”  That is probably what I would prefer in my situation as well.  However, since how a person views the world drives all their actions, it is not possible in a real relationship.  Keeping your ideology in the closet is not a recommended way to pursue a relationship or keep an existing one intact.  Modern day women have been showing for decades that we want open and communicative relationships.  Covertly discussing these ideas (especially when the consequences of the end game are so relevant for all of humanity) is a major mistake.  Maybe that is how it has been done in the past, but aren’t we searching for better solutions?

KM: Sorry, my advice stands. Talk politics with people who are interested in politics. Why talk politics with someone who doesn’t much care? It can only lead to dissension or boredom. The key to good relationships is finding common ground—to talk about things that both people are interested in.

Closing Thoughts

I have suggested above some of the things that should not be done when trying to maintain a relationship with the less-committed SO.  The two best options for your SO, if you seek to obtain a positive relationship, are for her to: 1) buy in to your ideas, or 2) buy in to the risks. There are multiple ways of approaching your SO.  They include moderating your level of dissent as well as explaining your intent.   Keep in mind that this may be a continual process, maintaining respect for each person’s right to have their own ideas.  Tone down the condescending, demeaning, and sexist comments, because nothing will result from your ideology without the female White race on board.  If you intend to go forward with oppressing our views, you will never achieve your end game.

Anne and Charles Lindbergh may have had differing opinions as to how much finger-pointing should occur when blaming others for world issues, but their honesty with each other is what kept their relationship strong.  Hiding the true nature of dissent will never work in relationships.  If the choice is shutting down versus keeping lines of communication open, an SO would always choose keeping lines of communication open.  With any SO, it is always a bad idea to tiptoe around a topic. That is, unless you are prepared for future conflict and spending your life alone.

I would like to close by quoting Anne Morrow Lindbergh’s introduction to her final volume of her diaries.  Her story was (in her words)

“an intensely personal story of two individuals: a complex man and his struggle to follow what his background, his character and integrity demanded; and a complex woman of quite a different background, who must reconcile her divided loyalties in a time of stress.”

As I am well aware, issues of divergent political values between couples is a complex and difficult problem, and requires effort and compromise on both sides.  Generally speaking, the men contributing to TOO are intelligent and well-meaning.  And surely their SO’s are similar.  Perhaps “live and let live” is the best advice here, if a true meeting of the minds is impossible.

 

Rape-Gangs Revisited: Third-World Pathology Triggers First World Pathology, as British Authorities Ignore Asian Sex Trafficking of Children for Fear of Racial Unrest

When I was a leftist, I used to sneer at Christianity for being irrational and mandating belief in impossible things. Well, let’s compare the cults. Christianity mandates belief in a single miraculous birth 2000 years ago in Palestine. Leftism — the religion of the well-educated, morally superior elites who run the West — mandates belief in billions of miraculous births over many millennia and much of the earth’s surface. Clearly, leftism is by far the more irrational cult.

One human race, one human brain

But why does leftism believe in billions of miraculous births? Because it insists that human beings didn’t evolve different brains and psychologies as they migrated into different environments, stopped inter-breeding, and differentially acquired new genes from separate human species like Neanderthals, Denisovans, and ghost populations in Africa. According to leftism, there is only one human race and only one human brain. Swedes and Somalis, Tibetans and Tongans, Moldovans and Māori – they’re the same under the skull. They’re all capable of exactly the same high performance in all fields of intellectual endeavour.

The reality of race vs the lies of leftism

Or so leftism claims. This makes it by far the more irrational cult. Christianity has a mechanism for the miraculous virgin birth of Jesus Christ, namely, divine intervention. Leftism has no mechanism for its billions of miraculous births, because it doesn’t believe in the supernatural. Instead of supplying a mechanism, it simply insists that we’re all the same under the skull. And when Somalis and other Blacks don’t match Swedes and other Whites in intellectual endeavours, leftism dishonestly updates concepts from Christianity. Why do Blacks fail? Because Whites wilfully and wickedly prevent them from realizing their sky-high potential. In short, Whites are guilty of the sin of racism. And some Whites are also guilty of blasphemy, in that they deny leftist dogma and attribute Black failure to Black genetics. Here at the Occidental Observer, for example, we blasphemously believe in racial differences and claim that different races are genetically adapted to different environments and cultures.

Insist on the biologically impossible

But that doesn’t plumb the full depths of leftist irrationality and belief in biological impossibilities. Leftism doesn’t only insist that brain-evolution was miraculously prevented among human beings. It also insists that brain-evolution was miraculously reversed. Somehow human beings have abolished the neurological and psychological differences that had previously existed between the males and females of our ape-like ancestors. And so leftism proclaims that women are capable of exactly the same high performance as men in all fields of intellectual endeavour. When women fail to match men, leftism again attributes this to sin and blasphemy. Men are guilty of sexism and some men blasphemously believe that women’s brains are different for genetic reasons.

Yes, the cult of leftism has a two-step recipe for creating a better world. First, insist on the biologically impossible. Second, bash the unbelievers. If it weren’t for racism and sexism, non-Whites and women would be performing at exactly the same high level as Whites and men. But as I’ve often pointed out, leftists are not genuinely interested in creating a better world and improving the lives of non-Whites and women. Leftists are interested in power and privilege for themselves, which is why they abandon their own principles whenever reality contradicts leftism. For example, the small Yorkshire town of Rotherham is a stronghold of leftism. It is also a stronghold of rape-culture, where the Labour council and the very pro-Jewish Labour MP, Denis MacShane, ignored the organized rape and sexual trafficking of working-class girls by grossly sexist men who embodied the very worst aspects of misogynistic patriarchy.

A simple choice: admit the truth or censor it

How could this happen? It happened because the girls were White and their abusers were brown-skinned Pakistani Muslims. This contradicted leftist ideology, which pretends that women and non-Whites are all victims of brutal White men and their hate. Leftists in Rotherham had a simple choice: they could either admit the truth and help the victims or deny the truth and help the cause of leftism. They didn’t hesitate: they denied the truth and allowed the Muslim rape-gangs to flourish. But Rotherham is, as I’ve said, a small Yorkshire town. In my article “Rape-Gangs Unlimited,” I predicted “that much bigger scandals remain uncovered in cities like London, Manchester, Birmingham, Sheffield and Bradford.”

Sure enough, in 2020 there’s a reluctant report in the Guardian about a small part of the non-White rape-culture that flourished in the northern city of Manchester, another stronghold of leftism:

Victoria Agoglia, killed by leftism and Islam

Up to 52 children may have been victims of a sex abuse scandal in Greater Manchester, with most offenders getting away with their crimes because of errors by police and children’s services, the Guardian has learned.

Some of the police officers involved in the 2004 case are still serving and the police watchdog has been called in to re-examine if there was any wrongdoing. The revelations came as an independent report found that the police investigation into child sexual exploitation failed vulnerable girls in care after being shut down prematurely — partly because senior officers prioritised solving burglaries and car crime.

Operation Augusta was launched in 2004 by Greater Manchester Police (GMP) following the death of 15-year-old Victoria Agoglia, who died of an overdose in 2003 after being injected with heroin by a 50-year-old man. …

The report found that although Augusta identified 16 child victims and 97 potential perpetrators — mostly men working in the restaurant trade — only three were convicted at court. The operation was shut down prematurely in July 2005, with the force blaming a lack of resources. As a result, most of the affected children — white girls aged 12 to 16 in care in Manchester — were “failed” by police and children’s services, the authors concluded.

[Greater Manchester police assistant chief constable Mabs Hussain] denied any suggestion that the original inquiry was inadequate because offenders were mostly from an Asian background: “There was no suggestion that there was any fear, from the evidence I have seen.” [This is false; see below]

The report suggested GMP failed to learn lessons from the curtailed operation, noting that nine years after Victoria’s death, nine Asian men in Rochdale were found guilty of sexually exploiting vulnerable young white girls. Burnham commissioned the research after Margaret Oliver, a detective on the Augusta team, went public criticising GMP in the aftermath of the Rochdale case.

“Don’t believe any of this rubbish that police have learned from their mistakes. I worked on an almost identical operation in 2004, Operation Augusta, which had identified dozens of young victims and dozens of suspects,” she said in a media interview in 2017. …

Operation Augusta identified various restaurants and takeaways in south Manchester where suspects were employed. Intelligence suggested that offenders were targeting care homes within the city of Manchester area, particularly one home used as an emergency placement unit for children entering the care system, which the report authors said “maintained a steady supply of victims” for the perpetrators, who befriended the girls as soon as they arrived. …

Joanne Roney, chief executive of Manchester city council, said: “This report makes for painful reading. We recognise that some of the social work practice and management oversight around 15 years ago fell far below the high standards we now expect. We are deeply sorry that not enough was done to protect our children at the time. While we cannot change the past we have learned from it and will continue to do so to ensure that no stone is left unturned in tackling this abhorrent crime.” (Police errors may have let abusers of up to 52 children escape justice, The Guardian, 14th January 2020)

In fact, a senior police officer from Rotherham has said that “With it being Asians, we can’t afford for this to be coming out,” admitting that the force ignored sex abuse by grooming gangs for 30 years for fear of stoking racial tensions — glaring testimony to the complicity of British elites in the immigration catastrophe.

And who can believe that their leftist enablers are sincere in their sorrow over what happened? Joanne Roney and her fellow leftists aren’t “deeply sorry” about the consequences of their own ideology. Nor was the leftist Joanna Simons, “the chief executive of Oxfordshire county council,” after a very similar scandal in the southern city of Oxford back in 2013. Simons said: “We are incredibly sorry we were not able to stop it any sooner. We were up against a gang of devious criminals. The girls thought they were their friends. … These are devious crimes that are very complicated.”

One of the victims told a trial how she was made to have sex with ‘at least 100 Asian men’. Asif Ali and Tanweer Ali (right) got terms of terms of 10 years and 14 years respectively. (Daily Mail caption)

“B” is for Brazen

In Oxford, one of the devious criminals, Mohammad Karrar, covered his tracks by ringing social workers and threatening violence against his victim, his victim’s family and the social workers themselves if he was prevented from seeing her and carrying on his abuse. An official report said that Karrar was “brazen in his exploitation of Girl D and acted in the belief that the authorities would never challenge him.” The b-word also appears in the Manchester scandal, where the death of Victoria Agoglia “exposed a network of paedophiles brazenly abusing young people in care… [who] should have been brought to justice but, appallingly, most [of them] escaped and some were left to reoffend.”

Of course the rape-gangs were – and are – “brazen.” There is a lot of inbreeding in Britain’s vibrant Muslim communities, which reduces their average IQ even further, but non-White rapists don’t have to be intelligent to understand how leftism works. If you’re non-White, you’re a victim and leftists will allow you to express your vibrant culture as you please. Then the leftists will pretend that they’re “deeply sorry” and “incredibly sorry” about allowing you to rape, torture and run child-prostitution rings.

No martyr-cult for White girls

But leftists are not sorry and have not abandoned the lies and irrationality that allow rape-gangs to flourish. As you can see above, the leftist Guardian is still weaselling about the crimes in Manchester. It says “Up to 52 children” when it should say “100s or 1000s of White girls.” It says that the authorities made “errors” when it should say that the authorities made deliberate, Guardian-approved choices to ignore crimes of which they were fully aware. It uses the generic term “man” and “men” to conceal the full truth. Who was responsible for the sexual abuse? Why, it was “men working in the restaurant trade.” And who injected 15-year-old Victoria Agoglia with a fatal overdose of heroin in 2003? Why, it was “a 50-year-old man.” The Guardian is happy to reveal the sex of the criminals, because that assists the leftist lie that women are the helpless victims of brutal sexist men. But it conceals the race and religious background of the criminals, because that contradicts the leftist demonization of White men and White Christianity.

But it wasn’t Christianity that killed Victoria Agoglia: it was an alliance between leftism and Islam. She was fatally injected with heroin by a non-White Pakistani Muslim even as the leftist authorities in Manchester were fully aware that she was “being repeatedly abused, raped and plied with drugs by predatory paedophiles.” The leftist authorities – police and social services – did nothing to help her. That is far worse than the murder of Stephen Lawrence, the Black teenager who was stabbed to death by a White gang in London in 1993. The police in London allegedly failed Stephen Lawrence after his death. The police in Manchester indisputably failed Victoria Agoglia for many months before her death. But only Stephen Lawrence has become the centre of a leftist cult that incessantly bewails the racism of the White British and the “institutional racism” of the British police.

Laura Wilson, killed by leftism and Islam

Laura Wilson was also ignored. She was the 17-year-old White girl stabbed to death in Rotherham in 2010 by two Pakistani Muslims whose activities, once again, were fully known to the leftists responsible for what they would laughably call Laura’s “welfare.” And there have been many other White women and girls in many other British towns and cities who have died at the hands of non-Whites even as the leftist authorities knew that they were being harmed and were at risk of murder. But none of those White victims have leftist martyr-cults because their deaths don’t assist the cause of leftism and the leftist pursuit of power.

The life-cult and the suicide-cult

On the contrary, their deaths flatly contradict leftism. We are not all the same under the skin and non-White failure is not caused by White racism. Mass immigration from the corrupt, tribalist and highly illiberal Third World causes huge and growing harm to Britain and all other White nations that are subject to it. Christianity believes that “the truth shall make you free.” Leftism believes in lies, censorship and enslavement.

When the Western world was Christian, it achieved astonishing things in art, literature, music and science. When the Western world turned leftist, it began to die. Leftism is a suicide-cult that has to be destroyed. And it will be destroyed, because the truth about racial and sexual differences won’t be suppressed for very much longer. An ideology built on fantasies and lies is like a house built on sand. When floods sweep away the sand, the house will fall. When science sweeps away the fantasies and lies, the ideology will fall.

An Introspective of White Ethnocentrism

“The fiendlike skill we display in the invention of all manner of death-dealing engines, the vindictiveness with which we carry on our wars, and the misery and desolation that follow in their train, are enough of themselves to distinguish the white civilized man as the most ferocious animal on the face of the earth.”
           Herman Melville, Typee, 1846

Inert in the face of mass migration, and entranced by the foreign policy objectives of hostile elites, today’s “white civilized man” appear far removed from the ferocious animal perceived by Herman Melville. While still capable of inventing all manner of war machines, and retaining the ability to engage in vindictive and devastating conflicts, we seem uniquely incapable of doing any of it in our own interests. Instead, the “ferocious animal” of today is tame, on a leash, and obedient to obscure masters. One of the biggest problems for the Dissident Right, and perhaps the most serious, is the seeming collapse of White ethnocentrism in the second half of the twentieth century. The “liquid” nature of modernity, economic developments, the mass dissemination of guilt propaganda, the assault on the family, and, in some cases, the criminalization of aspects of White advocacy have all conspired to undermine, stigmatize, and destroy both national-cultural White identities (English, French, German etc.) and confluent “New World” White identities (American, Canadian, Australian etc.). These assaults from multiple angles have been so profound that by far the most prominent focus of Dissident Right activism has been to identify these external threats and then to attempt forms of rhetorical counter-attack. As such, the broad trajectory of pro-White literature, my own included, involves material on the hostility of Jews, globalism, neocon wars, Black crime, the mechanics of White guilt, and how we are censored or otherwise exiled from the mainstream.

Discussion of these subjects is absolutely essential, even if the argument could be made that we too often neglect the great White elephant in the room  —  the problem that both surrounds us and confounds us: the majority of Whites who simply fail to act in their interests, and even collaborate with outsiders against their ethnic interests. Probably no thinker in our circles has done more to move beyond neglect of ethnically pathological behaviors among Whites than Kevin MacDonald who, in a number of essays (e.g. see here, here and here) and his 2019 Individualism and the Western Liberal Tradition: Evolutionary Origins, History, and Prospects for the Future, has almost single-handedly attempted to improve our understanding of what’s happening and to suggest possible remedies. With the election of Donald Trump, and the evolution of European populism, White identity and political interests are also coming into increasing prominence as academic and media talking points, the work of Matthew Goodwin and Eric Kaufmann being the most obvious examples. The methodologies of such studies involve group psychology, voting patterns, and economic analyses; their findings deserve careful study.

In the following essay, however, I propose a different way of looking at White ethnocentrism. Rather than turning a lens towards elections, the economy, group psychology, or the impacts of globalism, I want to do something quintessentially European — to turn the lens inwards. By examining the origins and nature of my own sense of ethnocentrism, I hope to understand more about the ethnocentrism, or lack of ethnocentrism, in other Whites. I do so in the understanding that my sense of ethnic identity might be radically different from others. In fact, I suspect that there is a multiplicity of ethnocentrisms at work among Europeans, each as unique as a fingerprint, and that this is one of the reasons for our predicament. Nevertheless, the following essay has been written in the hope that, even given the differences of White ethnocentrisms, something valuable might be learned, or that an interesting and productive debate might be started.

*****

I honestly can’t remember a point at which I first regarded myself as possessing a heightened, or above average, ethnocentrism. I certainly can’t recall instances before the age of 18 where I was not only conscious of being White, but proud of that fact and conceiving of myself as having interests as a White man. Looking back on my childhood, it’s clear to me that I was raised in an overwhelmingly White environment, and ethnic outsiders, such as they existed in my world, were found almost exclusively on television or in the realm of pop music. In other words, I was raised in an environment where being White was simply the default state, and ethnics were merely presented at the fringes of that environment as something safe, entertaining, even attractive. One jarring exception to this state of affairs occurred in my late teens, when the 2001 Oldham Riots, and later riots in Bradford, Burnley, and Leeds, broke out in the north of England. These riots were explicitly racial in nature, and had been prompted to a large extent by an increase in violent crime by Pakistanis and other South Asians against Whites. The most savage, and most publicised, of these attacks was the assault of Walter Chamberlain, a 76-year-old war veteran who was so badly beaten by three Pakistanis on his way home from a rugby match that he required surgery to rebuild his face. He had walked through “their area.”

The assault on Mr Chamberlain lit the match in the racial tinderbox, and Oldham erupted in mutual petrol bomb attacks, assaults, and arsons. It was through the blanket coverage of these race riots that I learned not only that there were growing ethnic enclaves throughout the West, but also that these brought in their wake “no-go areas,” rampant crime, and vicious anti-White hostility. The riots in Oldham coincided with the fact I had begun to study politics at high school, part of which involved looking at race relations. In fact, just a few weeks prior to the Oldham Riots, I’d been asked to watch Mississippi Burning (1988), a crime thriller loosely based on the 1964 murder investigation concerning three civil rights workers (two Jews and a Black) by the Ku Klux Klan. Looking back on it from my current vantage point, the film is exceptional multicultural propaganda. It’s extremely well-made from a technical standpoint, boasts tremendous acting talent in the form of Gene Hackman and Willem Dafoe, and is utterly relentless in demonising the population of the American South while eulogising Blacks. Nevertheless, if memory serves me right, it had only a middling effect on my opinion of race relations, and any embryonic feelings of White guilt were swiftly destroyed one afternoon by my first encounter with the face of Mr Chamberlain, adorning the front pages of multiple newspapers as I made my way to buy lunch.

Walter Chamberlain

I followed the Oldham Riots with great interest, and recall thinking of myself as White for the first time because of the violence. Looking back over some old news articles covering those events, it’s really stunning how open some Oldham residents were about the racial realities they were forced to live with. Take, for example, the following remark from the landlord of a local pub, the Fytton Arms: “The Asians make you racist. You’re not brought up to hate them, they make you hate them.” Another man told reporters: “They won’t live like us. They won’t work. I don’t believe for a minute they can’t get a job because they are discriminated against. They don’t want jobs.” On the assault on Walter Chamberlain, another added: “That’s how sick and low they are, three lads knocking 10 bells out of an old bloke. What’s he going to do back?” In retrospect, I believe the Oldham Riots woke up a lot of White people, both near the epicenter and far from it. The riots marked the beginning of what would eventually be a remarkable rise in support for the British National Party. For those of us further afield, even if we didn’t hate Asians, to paraphrase the landlord of the Fytton Arms, “we weren’t brought up ethnocentric, but the Asians made us ethnocentric.”

Once the riots were suppressed, the government invested millions in “race relations” measures designed to bribe the Asians and gag the Whites. The years since 2001 have witnessed endless official exhortations to “celebrate diversity” in the town, while clampdowns were announced “on anything which might be deemed offensive,” including the flying of St. George’s flag. The town is still largely segregated, and an uneasy peace prevails. White ethnocentrism probably remains strong in Oldham but, for now, it’s shackled and dormant. Reflecting back on those years, after the riots my own ethnocentrism entered a short period of dormancy until, prompted by a history class that required me to watch Schindler’s List (1993) — how strange the role films have played thus far!— I was sent down another, more convoluted, path to White ethnocentrism.

*****

Until doing a short high school course of study on the rise of National Socialist Germany, part of which required coursework on Schindler’s List, my knowledge of Jews was limited to the highly philo-Semitic teachings of a Presbyterian Sunday school I attended between the ages of 5 and 10. It’s quite a leap to go from purportedly heroic Israelites parting seas and surviving the dens of lions to yellow stars on clothing and, in the narrative I was given, mass death on an industrial scale. It was probably the sheer scale of this gap — the contradictory exposure to extremes of philosemitism and antisemitism — that sparked a greater than average curiosity about what exactly had happened in Europe between 1933 and 1945, and why. Truth be told, that same curiosity is still there, and I have to say that while readers sometimes write to me saying that my essays have helped them understand certain topics, the essays are primarily a method of improving my own understanding — a kind of “thinking on paper.”

I started examining Jewish interactions with European populations, on a serious and advanced level, in my early 20s, around the same time I became a father. In terms of my own life history, these two events are connected in more senses than mere timing, since both contributed to heightened ethnocentrism. I found Ed Dutton’s recent J. Philippe Rushton: A Life History Perspective (2018) fascinating not just because of the analysis of Rushton’s work but what Dutton had to say about Rushton’s early life, especially:

All the behaviors which Rushton has displayed—dropping out of school, marrying young, having a child young, having an affair—are predicted by low IQ. But he manifestly had a very high IQ, so, instead, these reflect a fast Life History Strategy, and specifically low Conscientiousness. Rushton was ‘living for the now’, following his impulses, with little regard for the future.

Like Rushton, by my early 20s I exhibited behavior reflective of a fast Life History Strategy — I hadn’t dropped out of school but had at times been very “disruptive.” Despite excelling academically, I was frequently in fights and spent many hours in detention, I married young (20), and had a child young (age 21 to Rushton’s 19). I never had an affair or touched drugs (or even alcohol), but I did “live for the now,” following my impulses, with little regard for the future. Even now, I have a higher than average number of children (4), something more typical today of lower-IQ, risk-prone populations. And yet I also, like Rushton, continued my education alongside being a father, and graduated from university (also like Rushton) with First Class Honours, later proceeding (again like Rushton) to a PhD. In some ways, I regard my own experience of fatherhood as slowing my Life History Strategy, something I’m sure I’m not alone in experiencing.

For me, becoming a father wasn’t just a fact of biology, but also something spiritual. I remember holding my first child for the first time, and hearing in my mind the final words of Dante’s Paradiso: “But my will now and my desire were turned, like a wheel rotated evenly, by a love that moves the sun and the other stars.” This dramatic shift in my personality and sense of responsibility contributed in the longer term to a slower Life History Strategy, more conscientiousness (especially regarding my children), more caution, more deliberation on risk, and greater awareness not only of my own mortality but of the threat of death more generally. I became very protective, and began to be concerned with things like finding safe places to raise children, and safe people they could associate with. As they grew older, I became interested in what my children were being taught, and by whom. I began to think of myself, and my children, as part of a biological and spiritual continuum. Fatherhood had fathered a sense of ethnocentrism.

Fatherhood had fathered a sense of ethnocentrism.

*****

This life-shift occurred around the same time I encountered troubling incongruities in historical and contemporary representations of Jewish-European relations. It also coincided with the fact I was travelling more with my young family, spending time not only in cities across Europe but also the United States. There were alarming instances of ethnic crime, like the sexual assault of a family friend by a Black in Florida, an attempted break-in by Blacks in North Carolina, street harassment by gangs of Africans (twice) and Arabs (once) in Paris and Spain, attempted thefts by gypsies in Rome, but more insidiously alarming was my general sense that the White world was shrinking, becoming tragically and despondently peppered with “Oldhams.”

As my investigations of Jewish-European interactions deepened and expanded, I began to confront the Jewish role in promoting notions of tolerance and ethnic pluralism in White countries, and then encountered the work of Kevin MacDonald. MacDonald’s own personal account of the journey to White ethnocentrism had quite a profound effect on me, since it mirrored mine (and maybe even the landlord of the Fytton Arms) in a small but important number of ways, the most important of which was that White ethnocentrism really wasn’t something we were raised with, but that environmentally impressed itself upon us. It seemed to me that White ethnocentrism can do this either in dramatic and inescapable ways, by taking the form of a surface-level, instinctive reaction to the open and immediate violent hostility of ethnic outsiders, or it can be the result of a very broad and deep reflection on one’s immediate environment, circumstances, and group history. The latter path would appear to require above average intelligence, as well as exposure to certain stimulating factors and an ability to assimilate a range of historical, philosophical issues. Of course, it can also result from a combination of both — a violent ethnic confrontation that prompts deeper reflection and more intensified feelings of ethnocentrism. Actually expressing this newfound sense of ethnocentrism would then require a new set of traits altogether, including low conscientiousness (worrying less about what others would think), a greater tendency to risk-taking behaviors, and perhaps even higher than average levels of aggression. In other words, in attempting to define an ideal type of ethnocentric White, we are back to what we might be termed the “Rushton combination” of r and K traits and strategies, with enough IQ to grasp the problem at hand, and enough recklessness to push through a wall of social stigma in order to do something about it. This combination is, in all probability, quite rare in the population at large which would go some way towards explaining the relatively stagnant nature of White ethnocentrism at present.

In any event, it occurs to me that high levels of ethnocentrism don’t appear natural to Europeans. I think we lack the innate and instinctive forms of ethnocentrism we perceive in others, like the Jews, Arabs, and South Asians. Even in my early exploration of Jewish matters, I think I was angered more by a sense that certain aspects of Jewish behavior (usury, nepotism, monopoly, cultural hostility) appeared, quite frankly, as “unfair” rather than being a direct attack on my interests as a White person, and those of my family or people. Even today, some critics of my essays have mentioned that I seem to be motivated by a sense of unfairness rather than something more coldly rational, and perhaps they aren’t completely wrong. I’m sure that, like most quintessentially European types, I haven’t entirely escaped from preoccupations with questions of fairness and morality, even if I think that to lose these traits entirely (as some Nietzscheans have advocated) would be to tragically lose something that makes us who we are. We are preoccupied with fairness. We are caught up with ideas of morality. We’ve evolved that way, and it will be the challenge of our time to adapt these traits in a way that helps rather than hinders the development of ethnocentrism — something that is necessary if we are to  survive as a group and remain dominant in our homelands and historically-held territories.

*****

What I find very difficult to understand and explain are those Whites who experience utterly catastrophic inter-ethnic encounters and yet fail to develop an ethnocentric response. Search the media and it won’t be long until you find stories of Whites who have been raped by non-Whites and find some way to blame White people for it. Similarly, it won’t take long to find stories about fathers of murdered daughters who urge tolerance for ethnic minorities and utter non-sequiturs about what the daughter “would have wanted.” Such stories should be compared and contrasted with John Derbyshire’s now infamous 2012 article “The Talk: Nonblack Version,” which more or less makes the case that every good White parent should educate their children about the dangers posed by non-Whites. The reaction to Derbyshire’s piece was ferocious, but I ask a single, simple question: How many kids getting Derbyshire’s talk would go on to die at the hands of violent ethnic minorities? I think it would rather drastically reduce the number of inter-ethnic deaths.

Every time I hear about a young White woman murdered by ethnics, either in her home country or while travelling in some remote part of the world, I think of Derbyshire’s piece and say to myself, “Well, I bet her parents aren’t ‘racists’.” It’s really very simple — the daughters of ‘racists’ don’t think it’s a great idea to go travelling in remote India or in Muslim countries, and as such, they don’t get raped and beheaded in places like Morocco. The standout moment of 2019’s Joker comes in the penultimate act when the punchline to Arthur Fleck’s only real joke of the film is: “You get what you fucking deserve,” and, in the cruelest of senses, this applies to those who fail to “evolve” into ethnocentrism despite the environment demanding it. Ethnocentric Whites will manage to avoid the worst of ethnic violence, by moving away from non-Whites, by keeping their children away from them, by imparting knowledge about them, and by planning for a future in which racial realities will play an important role. Ethnically blind Whites will continue to bear the brunt of multiculturalism. They will be used as pawns by hostile elites, their children will be murdered, and their future will be bleak and utterly without hope.

*****

How should I characterise my sense of ethnocentrism? This is more difficult than I initially thought. Our movement has adopted a few new labels of late, including White advocacy and even “White Wellbeing.” There’s something about the latter that makes me cringe, despite the obvious good intent behind it. I sometimes listen to podcasts and hear a lot about “our people” and their achievements, and things to that effect. Again, I think this is very well-meaning, and I think we should absolutely try to encourage a sense of group pride. But, ironically, and for me personally, despite all the demonization of the Dissident Right as a hotbed of racial supremacism and ethnic chauvinism, my sense of White ethnocentrism is quite frankly a lot more personal and humble than that. My sense of White ethnocentrism is rooted in a desire to protect my family and to, as Bob Matthews once put it, “continue the flow” of my lineage. In regards to how my ethnocentrism, and the ethnocentrism of other Whites, might impact ethnic minorities, it should suffice to state that the problem began with them. They’re in my homeland; I’m not in theirs. Their presence and “racism” (which is really just White existence forced into conflict with an opposing force) are a mutual or dependent arising. One does not exist without the other. The presence of outsiders will provoke White ethnocentrism, at least among the healthy and adaptive. If “anti-racist” ethnic aliens are sincere in their desire to end White racism they should take the only authentic measure guaranteed to achieve that end — they should leave, and leave quickly.

More than pride in being White, more than any sense of historical achievements by the European peoples, I simply thank whatever gods may be that I possess a sense of ethnic identity.

Dočkáme se v roce 2020 rozmachu nacionalistické levice?

Dočkáme se v roce 2020 rozmachu nacionalistické levice?

Dočkáme se v roce 2020 rozmachu nacionalistické levice?

Autor: Andrew Joyce

„Lidský život je nepřetržitým bojem, nikoliv pouze metaforickým; nejen s nouzí nebo nudou, ale také opravdovým bojem s ostatními lidmi. Člověk naráží na všech stranách na protivníky, žije v ustavičném konfliktu a umírá s mečem v ruce.“

Arthur Schopenhauer – Parerga und Paralipomena (kap. XII. „Dodatky k nauce o utrpení světa“)

Přestože pro lidi v prostředí pravicového disentu je mezi filozofy podle všeho favoritem Nietzsche, osobně mám značnou slabost pro Arthura Schopenhauera. Jeho popudlivý filozofický pesimismus byl vždy blízký mému vlastnímu temperamentu a během let jsem tak opakovaně a rád nacházel nečekanou útěchu v jeho kvazibuddhistické a vysoce soucitné konceptualizaci utrpení. Pojetí života coby nekončících střetů se soupeři je nedílnou součástí Schopenhauerovy filozofie – i mého osobního náhledu na politiku i filozofii. Asi nemusím nijak sáhodlouze prokazovat, že lidé zapojení do pravicového disentu si rozhodně nemohou stěžovat na nedostatek protivníků.

Jsou proti nám seřazeni ze všech stran politického spektra – a čas od času dokonce nějaký „vyraší“ také z našich vlastních řad. Politická filozofie pravicového disentu se tak dnes víc než kdy předtím zdá být předurčena k neustálému konfliktu a já se proto nemohu zbavit neradostného dojmu, že až jednoho dne zemřu s metaforickým mečem v rukou, všechny rozbojované bitvy budou zuřit dál, vidina konečného vítězství kdesi v nedostižné dálavě. Proto si čas od času dopřávám trochu uvolnění v podobě optimistického smýšlení (pro Schopenhauera se Spenglerem forma zbabělosti), jako třeba když se snažím hledat spojence tam, kde jsem dříve hleděl jen na pevné šiky nepřátel. Tím se konečně dostávám k samotnému tématu této eseje: nedávnému vývoji na levici, který jako by naznačoval možnost vzepětí antiglobalistické, antiimigrační a antisionistické/antisemitské politiky.

Švédští komunisté se probouzejí

Není to dávno, co web Sputnik přinesl informaci, že skoro polovina členů Komunistické strany ve švédském Malmö z rudé partaje vystoupila. Plánují totiž založit novou dělnickou stranu, která nebude mezi své hlavní cíle počítat mj. multikulturalismus, zájmy LBGT nebo boj se změnou klimatu. Jeden z přeběhlíků Nils Littorin místním novinám řekl, že dnešní levice se stala součástí elity a „postoje dělnické třídy se jí tak odcizily a staly v jejích očích problematickými“. Levice podle něj „prochází dlouhodobou krizí identity“ a jeho seskupení se hodlá soustředit na tradiční levicové hodnoty, tedy třídní politiku. Littorin dodává: „Levice nechápe, proč značná část dělníků nevidí v multikulturalismu, hnutí LGBT a Gretě Thunbergové něco úžasného a namísto snah o pochopení se chová, jako bychom se ocitli v Německu 30. let a dělníci, volící Švédské demokraty byli nenávratně prolezlí bacilem nacismu.“ Na poměry levice nevídaně prozíravě říká, že podpora pravicových voličů politikům jako Donald Trump nebo Boris Johnson je hlavně „následkem všeobecného zklamání liberálně ekonomickou migrací, která má za následek konkurenci na nízkopříjmových pozicích a ghettoizaci společenství, z nichž těží jedině velcí zaměstnavatelé“. „Chaotická“ imigrační politika bělošským dělnickým vrstvám nijak nepomohla, naopak vedla ke „střetu kultur, segregaci a vyloučení následkem nekontrolovaného přílivu z části světa, pro něž jsou typické kultura cti a klanové smýšlení“.

Littorin pokračuje ve svém rozumném zhodnocení situace i ohledně programu LGBT hnutí. To spolu s klimatickými tématy představují součást „státní ideologie“, kterou dnes „lidem tlačí do chřtánu“. Děje se tak podle něj na úkor skutečně palčivých problémů, jako jsou chudoba, bezdomovectví nebo příjmová nerovnost. „Tak se například pojem ‚hrdost‘ začal spojovat takřka výhradně se sexuální orientací. Podle nás je ale základem lidské důstojnosti práce nebo třeba penzijní pojištění, tak aby člověk ve stáří nemusel třít bídu s nouzí.“

Krom upřednostnění pracovních míst a penzí nad okázalými oslavami sodomie se Littorin a spol. také zapřísáhli nechat za sebou označení komunismus i jeho étosem, který popisují jako

…pošpiněné slovo s pejorativním nádechem, ostatně ne zcela neprávem. V komunistických stranách existuje riziko elitářství, nestřídmosti a přesvědčení, že určitá avantgarda má vést dělnickou třídu, která si není vědoma svých nejlepších zájmů. Jednodušší a správnější by ovšem bylo zeptat se lidí, co skutečně chtějí. Komunismus zemřel spolu se Sovětským svazem, nepovedlo se jej aktualizovat a přenést do 21. století. Ustrnul tak na stránkách sto let starých knih.

Události v Malmö ovšem mají paralelu i v celostátní švédské politice, když předák levicové strany Örebro Markus Allard vyjádřil podobné myšlenky ve svém komentáři „Socialisté nepatří na levici“, kde obviňuje mainstreamovou levici z naprostého opuštění své základny a přechodu od dělnické třídy k „parazitickým, granty živeným prvkům střední třídy“.

Britští socialisté v novém kabátě

Takřka současně dochází k podobnému vývoji také v Británii, kde levicový veterán George Galloway oznámil založení nové Britské dělnické strany (Workers Party of Britain), jejíž orientaci vymezil jako „tvrdě pro Brexit a tvrdě labouristickou“ a dodal, „pokud patříte k liberálům, kteří se považují za levičáky, protože ještě dnes smutně pokukují po Evropské unii a pokud podle vás vede cesta kupředu pokřikováním ‚rasista‘, ‚homofob“ nebo ‚transfob‘ na každého, kdo s vámi nesouhlasí, nejspíš nebudeme váš šálek čaje.“ Gallowayova podpora Brexitu vychází z jeho přesvědčení, že moderní britská levice „nenabízí žádnou alternativní vizi k agresivnímu neoliberalismu a jeho deindustrializované, finančním sektorem vedené ekonomice s mizernými mzdami a sází na to, že nejlépe to půjde i nadále udržovat v chodu jako součást Evropské unie.“ Zvlášť kosmopolitní elity Labouristické strany podle něj „mají za to, že jsme nějaký primitivní kmen, který si maluje obličeje namodro a jediné co dokáže, je volit jednu pravicovou vládu za druhou“, což považuje „nejen za nesmírně přezíravé, ale také kontraproduktivní – už vůbec pak nemluvě o nemístně optimistickém pohledu EU“. V problematice imigrace Galloway věří, že na „neregulované masové imigraci není zhola nic levicového. Připravuje země původu imigrantů o jejich potenciální elity a snižuje mzdy v cílových zemích. Prospěch z toho mají bohatí, kteří profitují jak z laciné pracovní síly pro své společnosti, tak přetlaku a tím pádem i nižších nákladů na služby jako au-pair, baristé nebo instalatéři. Pracující vrstvy ale trpí.“

Galloway také zopakoval, že jeho nová strana se bude držet jasně protiizraelské linie a naprosto odmítá definici antisemitismu z dílny IHRA.

George Galloway Britská dělnická strana IHRA
Galloway a jeho Dělnická strana se dokonce vymezují i proti extrémnějším formám LGBT indoktrinace, zejména glorifikaci transgenderismu. Galloway, který byl v minulosti mj. terčem útoku (vlastními slovy) „transanarchisty“ během jednoho ze svých projevů, v tomto následuje probrexitovou Komunistickou stranu Velké Británie (marxisticko-leninistickou), která v textu Politika identity a trend transgenderismu: Kam nás vede ideologie LBGT a proč na tom záleží?  (Identity Politics and the Transgender Trend: Where is LGBT ideology taking us and Why does it matter?i řadě dalších článků nebo tomto eminentně zajímavém projevu transgenderovou ideologii odsazuje coby antimaterialistickou a protivědeckou:

Biologické odlišnosti mezi pohlavími jsou skutečné. Neobjevují se jen u lidského druhu, ale napříč celou živočišnou říší. Sexuální reprodukce je přirozený biologický proces, v přírodním světě zachovaný díky rozmanitosti jím vytvářené. V přírodním světě je to všudypřítomný fenomén. Nezapomínejme ale ani na to, jaký má tato debata dopad na nás. Řídili jsme se tímto trendem a přinejmenším posledních čtyři nebo pět let se s politikou identity (idpol) hojně setkávali mezi příznivci i kandidáty naší strany. Idpol se totiž v tomto období stala módou. A jako každá móda podléhá trendům. Z ještě v 70. letech okrajových myšlenek některých akademických institucí se dnes stal globální mainstream, aktivně propagovaný. Sice ne komunisty nebo socialisty, ale mnozí z nich jej přijali a nechali se buržoazní společností ochotně zavést do této slepé uličky. Vznikla tak skupina za „socialisty“ se označujících lidí, kteří už nebojují proti některé z forem útlaku, ale proti realitě samotné!

Levice v krizi?

Nic z výše nastíněného není tak úplně překvapením a dost možná by se dokonce dalo hovořit o nevyhnutelných vedlejších efektech toho, co Nils Littorin nazval dlouhodobou „krizí identity“ levice. Přijetí a podpora multikulturalismu a jeho parafilických přívěsků nikdy nedávalo větší smysl v kontextu racionální kritiky kapitalismu a napětí mezi papírovou touhou po solidaritě dělnické třídy a rozbroje vyvolávajícími pseudomarxistickými doktrínami (jako studie „bělošství“), vytvořenými k mobilizaci importovaných nebělošských skupin proti nejpočetnější součásti dělnické třídy (tedy bělošských modrých límečků), nutně hrozilo vyhloubit hluboké trhliny a napětí ve chvíli, kdy by se štěstí obrátilo k levici zády.

A to se skutečně také stalo, byť bychom neměli zlehčovat ani zapomínat na masivní ideologické i kulturní úspěchy levice. Jednotlivci i skupiny zaštiťující se prapory sociální rovnosti a věčného pokroku totiž i nadále drží kontrolu nad vládami, akademickým světem i masmédii. Levice však v poslední době bez stínu pochybností zažívá politický sestup. Ztrácí hlasy, ale především srdce a mysl svých voličů. Rád bych také zdůraznil, že jim je nepřetahují skutečně pravicové ideje, ale jejich vyprázdněné schránky („Volný trh!“, „Postavte tu zeď!“) a charizmatičtí globalističtí herci, kteří tyto rádoby ideje prodávají podobně jako pochybní obchodníci ojetá auta nebo vodu po holení. Bílá dělnická třída ve volbách bezmyšlenkovitě hlasuje pro volný pohyb zboží a služeb, zatímco ji židovský supí kapitalismus vykořisťuje právě pod tímto praporem, likviduje její města, posílá její práci do ciziny a zabavuje jí její domovy. Titíž lidé také hlasují pro zeď, které se nikdy nedočkají – a která by beztak nevyřešila jejich problémy, neoddělitelně spjaté s kapitalismem, ani jim nezajistila většinově bělošskou budoucnost. Nečiní tak s myšlenkou otázky identity nebo rasy, ale ze stejných pohnutek, které vedou majitele večerky k instalaci kamerového systému: vždy jakoby na dosah stojící Zeď nebude nikdy postavena, dokud nebude symbolizovat o nic víc než přání ochránit pouhý majetek. Prázdné skořápky lidí na takzvané pravici sice nabízejí jen pochybná placeba – ale na politickou levici, alespoň historicky údajného vyznavače tvrdého materialismu, to momentálně bohatě stačí.

Někteří se snaží tento stav svádět na nepřítomnost charismatických vůdců, nejednotu nebo nedostatek přitažlivých programových bodů. Objevily se dokonce i úvahy, že se evropská levice dopustila smrtelného omylu, když se pokusila utkat s pravicí na jejím domácím hřišti „flirtováním s izolacionistickým nacionalismem nebo neoliberalismem“. Skutečnou příčinu ale hledejme ve vytrvalém odcizování a šikanování bělošských dělnických vrstev levicí, která se navíc postupně „odkopala“ jako elitářská kosmopolitní klika, která ze svých pohodlných postů básní o útlaku jen málokdy skutečném a často imaginárním, rozhodně však na vlastní kůži nepoznaném. Přičteme k tomu fakt, že levicová ideologie se stala čímsi beznadějně zamotaným a komplikovaným s tím, jak se její vyznavači neustále snaží nacpat „hranatou“ Marxovu doktrínu do nových a stále abstraktnějších „kulatých“ a „trojúhelníkových“ otvorů, z čehož vznikají marxistické výklady takových pomíjivostí jako graffiti, populární hudba a transvestité, pro průměrného dělníka nic než snůška zženštilých středostavovských blábolů. Do toho všeho pak mladí, ale přesto neschopní se rozhoupat aktivisté, bez práce i zdravého rozumu, hledají všude možně nové formy útlaku, podobní stařence trpící demencí, pátrající po kabelce, kterou vyhodila už před dvaceti lety. A tak zatímco komentátoři s chutí debatují, nemohu se při pohledu na celé dění ubránit dojmu, že pseudolevicoví lháři se momentálně prostě jen nedokáží vyrovnat těm pseudopravicovým.

Mohli by se z těchto rebelů stát spojenci?

Když mi bylo asi jedenáct, našla si má matka novou přítelkyni, Skotku něco přes třicet, která mi od začátku přišla velice zvláštní. Musely to být její oči. Tehdy jsem ještě o schizofrenii nic nevěděl, záhy jsem ji ale měl poznat dosti zblízka. Jednoho dne tato žena zazvonila u nás doma, a protože jsem ji znal, otevřel jsem a pozval ji dovnitř. Zavolal jsem na matku, která byla nahoře, a mezitím se bavil se Skotkou, která nehnutě stála, dívala se přímo na mě a působila jako naprosto normální, veselá a výřečná mladá žena. Ptala se mě na školu a trochu jsme se bavili o vědě, o které toho podle všeho dost věděla. Teprve po několika minutách jsem si uvědomil nevábný zápach linoucí se místností a domyslel si, že se žena pokálela. Když se konečně objevila matka, upadla žena do nesmyslného blábolení, které vyvrcholilo jejím pokusem zmocnit se v kuchyni nože a následným útěkem z našeho domu. Přestala prostě brát předepsané léky. Později jsme se dozvěděli, že ji pozdě večer našli policisté, jak freneticky a v slzách s bosýma, zakrvavenýma nohama tančí na nedalekém hřbitově, na sobě nic než noční košili a vysvětluje zesnulým, že je Bůh, zarmoucený smrtí ukřižovaného syna.

Na tento zážitek se ani po více než dvaceti letech nedá zapomenout. Otiskl se také do mého vnímání reality, vztahů i důvěry. Stačí na tomto místě jen zdůraznit, že i šílenci občas mluví souvisle a logicky, přestože se jejich psychika bortí jako domek z karet. A pokud se na prohlášení těchto přiměřeně „vidoucích“ levičáků podíváme z trochu větší blízkosti, nenalezneme i u nich také stopy šílenství? Opětovný pohled na výklad britských komunistů a trocha čtení mezi řádky cosi podezřelého naznačují rozhodně. Jistě, „biologické odlišnosti mezi pohlavími jsou skutečné“. Samozřejmě. Ale totéž platí i o biologických odlišnostech mezi rasami – a přesto se naši někdejší přesvědčení britští materialisté, momentálně vedení plnokrevným etnickým Indem Harpalem Brarem, rozhodli proti této skutečnosti bojovat. Měli bychom také zmínit, že Brarova dcera Joti se stala Gallowayovou místopředsedkyní v jeho „tvrdě probrexitové a labouristické“ Britské dělnické straně.  Galloway sám pak byl už čtyřikrát ženatý – a tři z jeho žen byly nebělošské (Palestinku Aminu Abu-Zayyadovou si vzal v roce 1994, Libanonku Rimu Husseiniovou v roce 2007 a etnickou Indonésanku Putri Gayatri Pertiwiovou v roce 2012). Přes všechna svá naoko protiimigrační prohlášení se tak člověk jen těžko zbavuje dojmu, že Galloway patří ke skalním zastáncům multikulturalismu a jeho strana se v případě volby vždy postaví do tábora internacionalismu v každém z možných výkladů tohoto slova.

George Galloway Britská dělnická strana
Jestliže tedy v táboře znechucených levičáků narážíme na ostrůvky zdravého rozumu, lze to připsat převážné absenci židovského vlivu v těchto nových enklávách a tedy i všemožných intelektuálních pokřiveních, jež s sebou přináší. Ve své eseji z roku 2018 „O ‚levicovém antisemitismu‘ v minulosti i současnosti“ (On “Leftist Anti-Semitism”: Past and Present)  jsem se zamýšlel nad možností postupného odklonu Židů od „tvrdé“ levice kvůli vzestupu antisionismu a jejich stále výraznějšímu přimknutí se k centristickému neoliberalismu:

Židovská slepota k vlastním výsadám, skutečná či předstíraná, samozřejmě patří k hlavním příčinám nepopiratelného napětí mezi Židy a moderní levicí. Nejspíš bylo nevyhnutelné, že si naivní, avšak upřímní levicoví rovnostáři pomalu uvědomili, že jejich „soudruzi židovského vyznání“ jsou nejen elitáři, ale také elita velice svébytného druhu. Souběžné hlásání otevřených hranic/společného majetku na jedné a „země pro židovský národ“ nutně musí vyvolat otazníky v mysli leckterého majitele propoceného trika s Che Guevarovou podobiznou – zvlášť když je doprovázeno kakofonií palby izraelských zbraní a nářkem zkrvavených palestinských dětí. Podobně problematickou se ukázala být také masová migrace, onen umně vyrobený toxin řinoucí se evropskými dálnicemi a železnicemi. Na západní břehy se valí jedna vlna za druhou zlomených lidí, kteří si s sebou přinášejí čerstvé a palčivé křivdy, často přímo z izraelského pomezí. Tito lidé nahlédli za oponu, takže jen velice neochotně sdílejí politické nástroje západní levice s příbuznými agresorů z IDF – jediným pojivem zde zůstává touha připravit nenáviděné bělochy o vše. Proto se může snadno stát, že levice přestane být pro Židy pohostinným místem, aniž by se však stala skutečně, autenticky nebo tradičně antisemitskou. Lze tedy očekávat přeskupení Židů mimo kruhy radikální levice, v politickém prostoru, který lze nejlépe označit jako radikálně centristický: centrismus koketující s levicí jen pro účely multikulturalismu a dalších škodlivých „rovnostářských“ výdobytků, ovšem pravicový, když přijde na ochranu a výsady elit (doma pro židovské společenství, mezinárodně pro Izrael) – tedy centrismus založené na starém osvědčeném pravidle „co je nejlepší pro Židy“.

Jak je patrné z nekonečného střetnutí Židů s britskou Labouristickou stranou v uplynulých letech, znamená politická relokace Židů směrem k jakémusi beztvarému a oportunistickému centrismu kolizní kurz s tou částí levice, která nejen že zastává pevně antisionistické pozice, ale také se ohrazuje proti nepokrytě silovým projevům židovské moci, jako všeobecné přijetí definice antisemitismu z dílny IHRA, nebo hospodářské zneužívání pravidel politicky nevyhraněnými (ani levicovými nebo pravicovými, ale židovskými) oligarchy jako Paul Singer. To – společně k jejich tradiční nechuti být součástí pravice – Židům ztíží hledání jakékoliv identifikace na politickém spektru, kromě té otevřeně židovské, což ovšem vrhá nevítanou pozornost okolí na jejich aktivity i zájmy. Bezprecedentní příklad tohoto vývoje jsme mohli vidět těsně před britskými parlamentními volbami, kdy vrchní rabín Ephraim Mirvis otevřeně vyzval britské Židy, aby se postavili Jeremymu Corbynovi. Něco takového by měli lidé znepokojení židovským vlivem, kteří dříve se značnou dávkou frustrace pozorovali, jak se Židé maskují svůj vliv pomocí různých politických kabátů, jen a jen přivítat.

Otevírá se tak potenciální, pochopitelně nedokonalá, ale snad do jisté míry reálná, příležitost hájit podprahově nebo dokonce víceméně otevřeně bělošské zájmy prostřednictví důvtipného, nominálně ostře levicového aktivismu proti masové migraci (z ekonomických, nikoliv rasových pohnutek), proti Izraeli a vlivu mezinárodního sionismu, proti některým výstřelkům kultury politické korektnosti nebo proti parazitickému kapitalismu židovských supích fondů. Nemusím asi dodávat, že levicoví aktivisté nemusejí čelit podobnému břemenu společenských, profesních nebo právních postihů za svou politickou činnost jako my na pravici, zejména té „tvrdé“, disidentské. Nejspíš se příliš nezmýlím ani v předpovědi, že člověk vystupující proti imigraci s účty na sociálních sítích křičícími do světa „Britská dělnická strana“, se musí bát vyhazovu pro svou politickou činnost mnohem méně než někdo, kdo se nijak netají svým členstvím v National Front. Proto pro mladé aktivisty jistě stojí přinejmenším za zvážení, jestli si pro obranu bělošských zájmů nevytvořit jakousi „levičáckou“ masku, podobně jako Židé v minulosti neváhali přebírat nejrůznější užitečné politické masky ke skrytí svých hlubších etnických zájmů. Osobně bych doporučoval spojení infiltrace a přetvářky. Nejdůležitější jsou totiž niterné motivace a možné výhody dosažení konečného cíle – tedy prosazení bělošských zájmů.

Podpora podobných hnutí ale pochopitelně skýtá nejrůznější úskalí. Rozhodně bych se tak vyhnul masivní investici času nebo peněz do těchto skupin, jelikož panuje značné riziko, že většina jejich členů vyznává politické pozice v ostrém rozporu a škodlivé našim ústředním cílů. V řadě otázek, v nichž bychom snad mohli najít společnou řeč – imigrace, LGBT šílenství nebo kultura politické korektnosti – také vidím bohaté příležitosti ke zradě a jen těžko se zbavuji dojmu, že tento vývoj je hlavně projevem dočasné bezradnosti a že hlavním záměrem je nějak „napálit“ bělošské modré límečky, aby znovu začaly hlasovat pro levici.

Nadcházející rok 2020 však nakonec přece jen může přinést otevření nové fronty v této válce, a tak s novým rokem na čas umlčím svého vnitřního Schopenhauera a připiji si na to.

Esej Andrewa Joyce Will 2020 See the Emergence of a Nationalist Left? vyšla na stránkách The Occidental Observer 29. prosince 2019.

“Modify the standards of the in-group”: On Jews and Mass Communications

Editor’s note: This article originally appeared in September, 2018, in two parts. It is a classic, and an important addition to the research on Jewish involvement in creating the culture of critique—the anti-White culture that we live in today. A revision to The Culture of Critique would of necessity include a summary and discussion of this material. The above photo is a testament to the way we live now—viewing the world through lenses shaped by activist Jews.


“To be successful, mass propaganda on the behalf of out-groups would have to modify the standards of the in-group.
Samuel H. Flowerman, Mass Propaganda in the War Against Bigotry, 1947.
[1]

“The whole story is transparently barmy.” This is what Guardian journalist Jason Wilson had to say in a 2015 article discussing “conspiracy theories” about Cultural Marxism. Barmy, for the uninitiated, is a British informal adjective with the meanings “mad; crazy; extremely foolish.” Wilson continues by attempting to explain “the whole story”:

The vogue for the ideas of theorists like Herbert Marcuse and Theodor Adorno in the 1960s counterculture culminated with their acolytes’ occupation of the commanding heights of the most important cultural institutions, from universities to Hollywood studios. There, the conspiracy says, they promoted and even enforced ideas which were intended to destroy traditional Christian values and overthrow free enterprise: feminism, multiculturalism, gay rights and atheism. And this, apparently, is where political correctness came from. I promise you: this is what they really think … The theory of cultural Marxism is also blatantly antisemitic, drawing on the idea of Jews as a fifth column bringing down western civilisation from within, a racist trope that has a longer history than Marxism.

Re-reading this article recently, I wondered what Mr Wilson would say if I told him I possessed a document wherein an influential Jew linked to Marcuse and Adorno unambiguously sets out a scheme for the capture of the media, the mass brainwashing of White populations with multicultural propaganda, the manipulation of in-group culture to make it hostile to its own sense of ethnocentrism, the spreading of a culture of political correctness, and, ultimately, the co-option of the West by small ethnic clique pursuing its own interests under the guise of “promoting tolerance.” I wonder what he’d say if I told him the same Jew operated a network of hundreds, if not thousands, of other Jewish intellectuals engaged in the same single task — unlocking a psychological “backdoor” to White culture in order to completely reorient it. I think I’m correct in assuming that Mr Wilson would call me “barmy,” and accuse me of regurgitating the Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion. I suspect he would believe I’m a fantasist and an anti-Jewish conspiracy theorist. I know he’d dismiss even the possibility that such a document might actually exist. And yet it does exist.

The Intellectual Context

It’s quite possible that none of you have heard the name Samuel H. Flowerman, but I can say with certainty that you all, in a sense, know him nonetheless. If you’re even remotely familiar with the Frankfurt School, then you’re familiar with one aspect of his work. And, as we will soon discuss, if you find yourself living in a culture brainwashed into self-hatred then you’re familiar with another, though related, aspect of his work. Flowerman, it must be conceded, has been largely forgotten by history. He lurks in larger shadows left by “the exiles.” But Flowerman was in some respects as crucial a member of the Frankfurt School circle as any other. Of course, he wasn’t German-born. Nor was he a member of the Frankfurt School for Social Research. Instead, he was born in Manhattan in 1912, the grandson of a jeweler who arrived by ship from Warsaw’s Jewish district in 1885. And yet he would later achieve enough influence within his own group, as both activist and psychologist, to act as Research Director for the American Jewish Committee, and, most famously of all, to direct and co-edit the Studies in Prejudice series with Max Horkheimer.

For most who have in fact heard of him, this is perhaps the greatest extent of their knowledge of Flowerman. But for an accident, it would certainly represent the limits of mine. Very recently, however, I was conducting some research on Jewish activism in the cultural background preceding Brown v. Board of Education, and found myself, as I have so many times before, tumbling down the proverbial rabbit hole. After initially focusing on the figures of Jonathan Kozol and Horace Kallen (whose influence extends well beyond the popularisation of what he coined “cultural pluralism”), I came across a 2004 article in the Journal of American History by Howard University’s Daryl Scott titled “Postwar Pluralism, Brown v. Board of Education, and the Origins of Multicultural Education.”[2] Scott mentioned Flowerman because of the latter’s desire (pre-Brown) to inject theories derived from Studies in Prejudice into the education system, believing that moulding children was one of the best methods to achieve long-term and sustained socio-cultural change [see here for evidence the policy is continued to this day by the ADL].

Flowerman, a fan of post-Freudian psychoanalysis, possessed a background in both the study of education and of mass communication, and this heavily informed his thinking and activism.[3] In particular, he was doubtful that mass propaganda could, by itself, directly affect significant change among the White masses and make them abandon their “prejudice and latent authoritarianism” [i.e. acknowledging their own ethnic interests]. He was fascinated instead by the way peer group pressure exerted influence on the individual school children he had studied, along with the potential influence of teachers as shapers of minds as well as mere educators. For example, in a 1950 article for New York Times Magazine titled “Portrait of the Authoritarian Man,” Flowerman argued that, in order to produce “personalities less susceptible to authoritarian ideas, we must learn how to select better teachers and to train them better; we must see them as engineers of human relations instead of instructors of arithmetic and spelling.”[4]

The combined result of his research and thinking in these areas was his argument that it should be desirable for people like him to obtain control over the means of mass communication. Not only, argued Flowerman, should this control be used for blanket “pro-tolerance” propaganda, but it should also actively reshape in-group standards — thus reforming peer group pressures to become antagonistic to in-group ethnocentrism. His (then) highly ambitious goal was a culture that policed itself: a politically correct culture in which Whites, via peer pressure, conformed to new values — values much more user-friendly to Jews. His views and goals were later summarized by Herbert Greenberg, a colleague and co-ethnic in the same field, in 1957:

Flowerman de-emphasized the value and effectiveness of propaganda as a technique for reducing prejudice. He also agrees with the conception that techniques based on group structure and inter-personal relationships are the most effective.[5]

Flowerman and Greenberg were just two members of what was effectively a series of interlinked battalions of Jewish psychologists and sociologists operating with a kind of religious fervour in the fields of “prejudice studies,” opinion-shaping, and mass communications between the 1930s and 1950s, all with the goal of “unlocking” the White mind and opening it to “tolerance.” In a remarkable invasion (and creation) of disciplines similar to the Jewish flood into the medical and race sciences in the 1920s and 1930s, Jews also flooded, and then dominated, the fields of opinion research and mass communications — areas of research that overlapped so often under Jewish scholars like Flowerman that they were practically indistinguishable.

Even a quick review of lists of Past Presidents reveals that Jews were vastly over-represented in, if not dominated, the membership and presidencies of both the American Association of Public Opinion Research (AAPOR) and the World Association of Public Opinion Research (WAPOR). And of the four academics considered the “founding fathers” of mass communication research in America, two (Vienna-born Paul Lazarsfeld and Kurt Lewin) were Jews. Of the two European American founding fathers, most of Harold Lasswell’s graduate students were Jewish[6] (e.g., Daniel Lerner, Abraham Kaplan, Gabriel Almond, Morris Janowitz, and Nathan Leites) and he also sponsored the Institute for Social Research’s project on anti-Semitism.[7] The fourth, Carl Hoveland, had an equally Jewish coterie around him at Yale, where he operated a team of researchers along with Milton Rosenberg and Robert Abelson. Historian Hynek Jeřábek notes that Lazarsfeld’s influence in particular can’t be understated — by 1983, seven years after his death, “the directors of social research at the three largest media networks in the United States, CBS, ABC, and NBC were all his former students.”[8] Another Jew, Jay Blumler, has been called “a founding father of British media studies.”[9]

In fact, the Jewish dominance of the study of public opinion (and the potential for its manipulation) simply can’t be overstated. In addition to those already named, Joseph Klapper, Bernard Berelson, Fritz Heider, Leo Bogart, Elihu Katz, Marie Jahoda, Joseph Gittler, Morris Rosenberg, Ernest Dichter, Walter Weiss, Nathan Glazer, Bernard J. Fine, Bruno Bettelheim, Wallace Mandell, Hertha Hertzog, Dororthy Blumenstock, Stanley Schachter, David Caplovitz, Walter Lippmann, Sol Ginsburg, Harry Alpert, Leon Festinger, Michael Gurevitch, Edward Shils, Eugene Gaier, Joseph Goldsen, Julius Schreiber, Daniel Levinson, Herbert Blumer, I. M. A. Myers, Irving Janis, Miriam Reimann, Edward Sapir, Solomon Asch, and Gerald Wieder were just some of the hundreds of highly influential academics working in these fields that were born into Jewish families, associated heavily with other Jews, contributed work to Jewish organizations, married Jews, and yet concerned themselves with a degree of fanaticism with White opinion and ethnocentrism in America. This is to say nothing of their graduate students, who numbered in the thousands.

Despite some superficial differences in the titles of “opinion research,” “prejudice studies,” and “mass communications,” these academics all worked with each other to some degree, if not directly (in organisations or in co-written studies or papers) then via mutual associations. For example, it is a matter of historical fact that, in addition to three of the four founding fathers of mass communications research being Jews, all three were also very intimately involved with the Frankfurt School and the broader Jewish agenda to ‘adapt’ public opinion. Paul Lazarsfeld and Kurt Lewin, the two gurus of mass communication, together attended a 1944 conference on anti-Semitism organized by the research department of the American Jewish Committee (headed by Samuel H. Flowerman) and the Berkeley faction of the Frankfurt School in exile (headed by Theodor Adorno).[10] David Kettler and Gerhard Lauer also point out that Lazarsfeld was in regular communication with Max Horkheimer, was “strongly supportive of the Horkheimer Circle and its work,” and even furnished the latter with “notes and recommendations for the Horkheimer Circle’s unpublished ‘Anti-Semitism Among American Labor.’”[11] He was also a colleague at Columbia with and close confidante of, Leo Lowenthal.[12] By the late 1940s, Lazarsfeld’s ex-wife and mother of his child, Marie Jahoda, had even come to act as an American Jewish Committee liaison between Horkheimer and Samuel H. Flowerman, and co-wrote a number of articles on “prejudice” with Flowerman in Commentary.

One should by now begin to see clear connections forming between the American Jewish Committee, the Frankfurt School, “prejudice studies,” Jewish dominance of the academic field of “mass communications,” and, finally, the flow of influence from this field into the mass media (most clearly in the positions at CBS, ABC, and NBC quickly obtained by Lazarsfeld’s students). These connections will be important later.

A reasonable working hypothesis for such a sudden concentration of mutually networking Jews (often from different countries) in these areas of research would be that Jewish identity and Jewish interests played a significant part in their career choices, and that the trend was then accelerated by ethnic nepotism and promotion from within the group. Jeřábek appears to concur when he states that “Paul Lazarsfeld’s Jewish background, or the fact that many people around him in Vienna were Jewish, can help to explain his future affinities, friendships, or decisions.”[13] Setting aside the deep historical context of conflict between Jews and Europeans, a contingent and contemporary explanation might be that Jews were moved into fields involving mass opinion and perceptions of prejudice because they were deeply disturbed by the rise of National Socialism.

A more general, but, perhaps more convincing explanation considering their activities over time, is that these Jews were in fact disturbed by any form of ethnically defined and assertive White host culture. For example, some of the foreign-born academics listed above, such as Marie Jahoda and Ernest Dichter, had even been arrested and detained in pre-Anschluss, pre-National Socialist Vienna as cultural and political subversives in the early 1930s. They then made their way to the United States or the United Kingdom where they more or less continued the same behavior. It is highly likely that these individuals sought both to understand and change the mechanics of opinion and mass communications in their host populations in order to make it more amenable to Jewish interests. When they were effectively exiled from one host population they merely transplanted their ambitions to a new one. The only alternative hypothesis, long used in Jewish apologetics for any similar instance of Jewish over-representation, is that huge numbers of mutually networking Jews convened in these disciplines purely by accident. Nathan Cofnas and Jordan Peterson, for example, might argue that Jews accidentally entered these areas of study en masse simply because they possessed high IQs and liked living in cities.

The problem with such reasoning is that the work produced by these academics and activists was so highly focused against White American opinion, rather than appearing random or accidental, that it strongly indicates these scholars entered the field of mass communications with a clear and common agenda. For example, Jewish mass communications scholar Bernard Berelson was not just a researcher in public opinion, but also conducted a series of propaganda tests on how to make White Americans find their own ethnocentrism abhorrent. In 1945 he conducted a study in which a cartoon was shown to the public that made connections between Fascism and American culture. The cartoon, titled “The Ghosts Go West…,” showed ghosts leaving the graves of Hitler, Mussolini, and Goebbels, and flying to America carrying a banner that read: “Down with Labour Unions, Foreign Born, Jews, Catholics, Negroes.” The message was clearly that “intolerance” in America was basically the demonic ghost of fascism. Interestingly, however, the study found that Jews exposed to the cartoon were so fixated on the banner that they missed the underlying message altogether and believed the cartoon was a far right creation. The potentially confusing nature of the piece meant it was never deployed as a “pro-tolerance” propaganda weapon.[14]

Berelson was also later a colleague and friend of Frederick S. Jaffe, the Jewish then-Vice President of Planned Parenthood. Both Jaffe and Berelson later became somewhat notorious because of a memo (known in history as the Jaffe Memo) sent in 1969 from the former to the latter, in which anti-White sociopath Jaffe put forth his own series of protocols that included a table that summarized many proposals from various sources regarding population control. This table contained proposals such as compulsory abortions for out-of-wedlock births, sterilizations for women with more than two children, encouraging homosexuality, and encouraging women to work. Both would also later work together on the infamous 1972 Rockefeller Commission Report which incorporated many of Jaffe’s proposals. We thus see more links between Jewishness, “prejudice studies,” the discipline of mass communications studies, and anti-White Jewish activism more generally.

In reality, the work of all these scholars orbited the same themes, if not openly, then more secretively (as in the case of Lazarsfeld’s work with the Institute for Social Research). Marie Jahoda, the ex-Austrian subversive, produced a series of studies that were mere variations on the theme of White ethnocentrism, something she pathologized most famously in Antisemitism and Emotional Disorder (1950).[15] In the same year, Morris Janowitz and Bruno Bettelheim worked together to produce Dynamics of Prejudice.[16] Meanwhile Joseph Gittler produced such works as “Measuring the Awareness of the Problem of Group Hostility,”[17] and “Man and His Prejudices.”[18] Herbert Blumer produced “Race Prejudice as a Sense of Group Position.”[19] Fritz Heider worked with Kurt Lewin and Solomon Asch on unlocking the ways in which conformity could alter group behavior and individual opinions.[20] Ernest Dichter believed his studies of the mass communications in marketing could lead to the development of persuasive techniques that could “stop the new wave of anti-Semitism.”[21] The work of Walter Weiss concerned “mass communication, public opinion, and social change as they bear on changing racial attitudes.”[22] And aside from his secretive work with the Institute for Social Research, Paul Lazarsfeld, while working at the Bureau of Applied Social Research at Columbia University, introduced the notion of “social bookkeeping,” a systematic service that would note and evaluate “prejudice” in any material appearing in mass media of communications. I could go on.

Marie Jahoda

What we see here is the origins of an extensive Jewish joint enterprise in which the unlocking and alteration of White American public opinion is the goal. This is not conspiracy theory, but an established and provable fact. In a sense, the Frankfurt School, or Institute for Social Research, was the tip of an iceberg. The work of Horkheimer, Adorno et al, both drew from, and enthused, a large and growing army of Jewish academics working in the fields of public opinion and mass communications. This was a body of academics and activists keen to translate theories on “prejudice and the authoritarian personality” into action — to change the opinions and thinking of the host population. They would go on to develop forms of testing and analysis to further these goals, and their students would go on to take dominant positions in the fields of the mass media and mass communications. In many cases these academics speak openly of the need for control of the media and the mass dissemination of sophisticated propaganda (all of which could be tried and perfected at the expense of their universities in the name of ‘prejudice research’). Of all these activists, however, none produced a work more bluntly subversive than Samuel Flowerman’s 1947 essay “Mass Propaganda in the War on Bigotry.” It is to the protocols of Samuel H. Flowerman that we now turn our attention.


“Millions of leaflets, pamphlets, cartoons, comic books, articles
and more recently radio and movie scripts — have been produced and disseminated in the propaganda war.”  Samuel H. Flowerman, Mass Propaganda in the War Against Bigotry, 1947.[1]

The Protocols of Samuel H. Flowerman

Samuel H. Flowerman, as Research Director at the American Jewish Committee, as colleague of the Institute for Social Research, and as a kind of hub for the expansive Jewish clique of mass communications scholars, was at the center of the drive to put Jewish “opinion research” initiatives into practical action. The clearest articulation of what this practical action would look like was articulated in his 1947 essay, “Mass Propaganda in the War Against Bigotry.” Flowerman’s foremost concern was that, although millions of dollars were being spent by organisations like the American Jewish Committee and the Anti-Defamation League on propaganda, propaganda may not by itself be sufficient for the mass transformation of values in the host population — in particular, for the weakening of its ethnocentrism.

Flowerman begins by explaining the format and extent of existing efforts: “Millions of leaflets, pamphlets, cartoons, comic books, articles — and more recently radio and movie scripts — have been produced and disseminated in the propaganda war (429).” Flowerman’s use of the language of warfare is of course interesting in itself and will be discussed further below. For now, we should focus on what Flowerman lists as the five aims of the “propaganda war”:

1. “The restructuring of the attitudes of prejudiced individuals, or at least their neutralization.”
2. “The restructuring of group values toward intolerance.”
3. “The reinforcement of attitudes of those already committed to a democratic ideology perhaps by creating an illusion of universality or victory.”
4. “The continued neutralisation of those whose attitudes are yet unstructured and who are deemed “safer” if they remain immune to symbols of bias.”
5. “Off-setting the counter-symbols of intolerance.” (429)

Flowerman concedes that the level of work and control required to achieve these aims would be extensive, and that the project was highly ambitious, seeking nothing less than “successful mass persuasion in the field of intergroup relations (429).” But he is equally clear in the conditions required for such success.

Flowerman’s first condition is “control by pro-tolerance groups or individuals of the channels of mass communication.” (430) Since Flowerman’s entire context of “pro-tolerance” activism was essentially Jewish, we may assume he is strongly implying that the channels of mass communication should fall into Jewish hands. Since “control” in Flowerman’s phrasing is not qualified, and since many newspapers, radio stations, and movie production companies were already in the hands of “pro-tolerance” Jews, the implication is also present that this control should be absolute. In addition, notes Flowerman, total control of these channels may still not be sufficient in itself. The host population will still need to be exposed to the productions of mass communications, and this was to be assured via “force, commercial monopoly, and/or crisis (designed or accidental).” (430) Only then would ‘pro-tolerance’ forces see “the persuasive devices and techniques of the elite playing upon the susceptibilities of the manipulated.” (430) Flowerman closes here with reference to Erich Fromm’s theory that people have “a desire
to be controlled.”

The second of Flowerman’s conditions for “successful mass persuasion in the field of intergroup relations” is saturation. This condition, like that of control and monopoly of the channels of mass communication, is intended as absolute. In other words, the message of “pro-tolerance” was to be ubiquitous and all-pervasive — beyond what was possible in 1947 and probably beyond what could even be conceptualized in 1947. In Flowerman’s words: “In addition to the large sums of money currently being expended on tolerance propaganda, significantly greater sums would probably be needed to achieve the degree of saturation — as yet hypothetical — required.” (430) The general idea here is to increase the “flow of pro-tolerance symbols” as a proportion of “the total stream of communications.”

In November 1946, a three-day convention, partly organized by Flowerman, was held in New York, bringing together “experts in the general field of public relations, including advertising, direct mail, film, radio, and press; professional workers on the staff of national and local agencies specifically concerned with fighting group discrimination; and social scientists from the universities and national defense agencies.”[2] Jews, of course, dominated all of these areas, and the list of attendees included the previously mentioned figures Bruno Bettelheim, Sol Ginsburg, Hertha Herzog (radio research director of McCann-Erickson, Inc.), Julius Schreiber, Paul Lazarsfeld, Joseph Goldsen, and Morris Janowitz. One of the findings of the mass communications scholars present at the convention was that even control and saturation may not be sufficient to ensure a transformation of opinions and values in the demographic majority. This was the case when the propaganda encountered particularly strong-minded individuals, or when the propaganda got lost in the overall stream of communications that one encounters in the course of everyday life. Flowerman thus writes with frustration that “we are developing a nation of individuals who work, worry, love, and play while news commentators, comedians, opera companies, symphony orchestras, and swing bands are broadcasting. This continuous onslaught for ‘something for everyone’ results in a kind of ‘radio deafness.’” (431) In order to overcome this obstacle, Flowerman returns to a key aspect of his first condition — the use of crisis (he writes that this can be “designed or accidental”) to focus attention on delivered propaganda. Flowerman writes:

As for overcoming the ‘radio deafness’ to commercial announcements and the general atmosphere of make-believe of radio entertainment, only symbols associated with acute crisis would seem to have a chance. For the great bulk of American people racial and religious intolerance is not regarded as a critical situation. … The absence of critical stress serves to diminish levels of attention to pro-tolerance symbols. (431)

Practical contemporary examples of what this tactic might look light would be the ubiquity of pro-diversity propaganda in the aftermath of Islamic attacks, Charlottesville, school shootings, moral panics about racism, ADL hype about the ever-present threat of anti-Semitism, murders by immigrants, and migrant drownings in the Mediterranean. The point here is that regardless of context, “crisis” is to be manufactured into almost every situation in order to focus attention on the real goal — the successful delivery of “pro-tolerance” messages, even (or especially) in circumstances in which tolerance has proven deadly, to the host population. Jews or, in the more ambiguous phrasing, “the agents of pro-tolerance,” would thus need to achieve (in Flowerman’s own words) the ambitious trifecta of “control, saturation, crisis.” (432) Crisis is therefore Flowerman’s third condition.

The fourth condition is the achievement of an alteration of predispositions in the individual via modification of their surroundings and peer pressure. Here Flowerman argues that “pro-tolerance” propaganda should not rely on intellectual means but instead on “social perception, which is affected by the predispositions of the audience. In turn, these dispositions are affect-laden attitudes which may have been produced by parents, teachers, playmates, etc.” (432)

The point here is that Flowerman and the mass communications clique believed that their propaganda would be better received by the masses if the psychological context of reception was itself changed. In other words, people raised in the demographic majority who are imbued with a sense of communal pride, social responsibility, cultural achievement, and national purpose are unlikely to be predisposed to be receptive to messages on behalf of outsiders. Some intervention in peer interactions and peer culture was thus necessary in order to break up such an obstacle to the reception of “pro-tolerance” propaganda. As just one example, we return here to Flowerman’s 1950 article for New York Times Magazine in which he argues for the training of teachers “as engineers of human relations instead of instructors of arithmetic and spelling.”[3] Children can thus “engineered” to be more receptive to “pro-tolerance” propaganda in adulthood.

This condition bleeds into the fifth — the manipulation of the basic instinct of humans to conform to group standards. Flowerman writes:

Consciously or unconsciously, individuals use group frames of reference in social situations even when they are physically separated from the group. … The strength of group sanctions is a potent force to reckon with even for an individual with a strong ego. … It would appear, then, that to be successful mass propaganda on behalf of out-groups would have to modify the standards of the in-group. … Mass pro-tolerance propaganda, to be successful, would have to change such values, which would be difficult to imagine without control, saturation, crisis, etc. (432)

What Flowerman is proposing here is essentially a revolution in values, after which a politically correct culture emerges where the demographic majority becomes self-policing and antagonistic to its own ethnic interests. In this environment — achieved via “control, saturation, crisis”— the strength of group sanctions among the White American in-group is directed towards manifestations of in-group ethnocentrism instead of outsiders. It’s nothing less than a proposal for the cultivation of White guilt and pathological altruism, and the diminishment of White ethnocentrism and cultural pride.

The sixth condition is the cultivation of influential figures on behalf of the “pro-tolerance” agenda. This required great subtlety. Flowerman writes that the research of his mass communications colleagues and co-ethics shows the targets of their propaganda:

are willing to assign to some individuals a stamp of approval which they deny to others … We know that many leaflets written and endorsed by popular heroes and accepted even by prejudiced individuals are often dismissed on the ground that they are being distributed by minority groups in their own self-interest. Many prejudiced individuals cannot conceive of such distribution by dominant groups. (433)

What Flowerman is here complaining of is the fact that some members of the demographic majority are perceptive enough to accurately point out the real origin of “pro-tolerance” propaganda, and to dismiss it on those grounds. By “minority groups,” the coy Mr Flowerman of course means Jews. He then cites a specific case:

In an experiment being conducted at the University of Chicago by Bettelheim, Shils, and Janowitz, veterans were exposed to pro-tolerance propaganda including a cartoon by Bill Mauldin. A prejudiced respondent, sharing the general esteem in which this popular soldier-cartoonist is held by ex-GI’s, said that he had regarded Mauldin as a “regular guy” but he supposed that if you paid a man enough you could get him to do anything; this respondent believed that the material he saw was being distributed by “a bunch of New York communists.” (433)

Thus we see the pathologisation of a veteran because he perceived with stunning accuracy the hand of subversion behind the use of a popular icon to promote an agenda entirely alien to his interests. Despite exceptions such as this veteran, the overall susceptibility of the masses was deemed sufficiently high for the strategy of “sponsorship” to be progressed. As a result, reports Flowerman,

propagandists, recognising the need for impeccable sources of authority, are producing material endorsed by popular heroes in sports, entertainment, and in the armed forces. Recently a plan has been developed to promote the insertion of full-page newspaper advertisements paid for and sponsored by “respectable” local business organizations. The effect of this campaign will have to be determined. (433)

Developed alongside his colleagues in the Institute for Social Research and the mass communications clique, these, then, are Flowerman’s six conditions for a radical transformation of values in the White American demographic majority:

1) Control of the channels of mass communications;
2) Saturation with Pro-tolerance messages;
3) Crisis, designed or accidental;
4) Diminishment of Cultural Pride and Self-esteem;
5) Cultivation of Self-Punishment and Group Self-Sanctioning;
6) Sponsorship of willing dupes or traitors.

Although these six conditions form most of the body of “Mass Propaganda in the War Against Bigotry,” Flowerman also spends some time discussing the ideal content of “pro-tolerance” propaganda. In this regard, he comments:

The most striking feature, the spearhead, of propaganda, is the slogan. … Current pro-tolerance or anti-intolerance slogans urge unity and amity, warn against being divided by differences of race and religion, describe our common origin as immigrants to these shores, remove myths about racial differences, and denounce bigots and bigotry. Some popular slogans are: Don’t be a Sucker!, Americans All – Immigrants All, All Races and All Creeds Working Together etc.

Don’t Be A Sucker! was the name of a wartime film produced by the Army Signals Corps at a time when it was working heavily alongside Jewish Hollywood executives and script writers; its film production center was headed by Col. Emmanuel ‘Manny’ Cohen.[4] According to Wikipedia, the film:

has anti-racist and anti-fascist themes, and was made to educate viewers about prejudice and discrimination. The film was also made to make the case for the desegregation of the United States armed forces. An American who has been listening to a racist and bigoted rabble-rouser, who is preaching hate speech against ethnic and religious minorities and immigrants, is warned off by a naturalized Hungarian immigrant, possibly a Holocaust survivor or escapee, who explains to him how such rhetoric and demagogy allowed the Nazis to rise to power in Weimar Germany, and warns Americans not to fall for similar demagogy propagated by American racists and bigots. In August 2017 the short film went viral on the internet in the aftermath of the violent Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia and various copies have been uploaded to video sharing sites in the past year.

Flowerman was dissatisfied with the slogans of his time, however, believing them to be too “general in nature, vague as to goals, and unspecific as to methods.” (434) He believed that merely defining fascism as the enemy was insufficient because, at that time, the host population believed “fascism was strictly a foreign phenomenon characteristic particularly of Nazi Germany.” Propaganda depicting fascism as the enemy was therefore going to be ineffective in making the host population see its own values as oppositional and requiring destruction. Referring to works like The Authoritarian Personality, Flowerman writes: “Studies abound in which subjects subscribed to tenets of fascism although they rejected the fascist label itself. The pervasiveness of prejudice in so many individuals makes it difficult to set up a real enemy.” (434) He acknowledges that “in much anti-intolerance propaganda” the enemy is defined as “white, native-born Protestants,” but makes it clear that he wishes this to be expanded “for logical and psychological reasons.” One gets the impression that “Diversity is our Strength” and “Fight Hate” would have been much to his satisfaction.

*****

We now find ourselves returning to our point of departure. “The whole story is transparently barmy,” said the Guardian’s Jason Wilson when discussing “conspiracy theories” about Cultural Marxism. Consider again what he says this “conspiracy theory” amounts to:

The vogue for the ideas of theorists like Herbert Marcuse and Theodor Adorno in the 1960s counterculture culminated with their acolytes’ occupation of the commanding heights of the most important cultural institutions, from universities to Hollywood studios. There, the conspiracy says, they promoted and even enforced ideas which were intended to destroy traditional Christian values and overthrow free enterprise: feminism, multiculturalism, gay rights and atheism. And this, apparently, is where political correctness came from. I promise you: this is what they really think … The theory of cultural Marxism is also blatantly antisemitic, drawing on the idea of Jews as a fifth column bringing down western civilisation from within, a racist trope that has a longer history than Marxism.

In light of the facts addressed in this essay, such a theory would seem thoroughly borne out, with the only required alterations being that the process started before the 1960s and involved many more figures than the staff of the Institute for Social Research. The problem with people like Wilson is that they are proof of the very ‘conspiracy theory’ they refute. Raised in a controlled media, saturated with pro-tolerance propaganda, psychologically blasted with crisis after crisis, stripped of cultural pride, consumed by White guilt, and influenced by purchased “sponsors,” he is the perfectly gullible product of the protocols of Samuel H. Flowerman and the mass communications clique.

Not barmy, but more or less ridiculous, Wilson becomes an intellectual pygmy biting at the heels of his betters — those who, like the veteran in the study of Bettelheim, Shils, and Janowitz, see the true origin of the propaganda and are pathologized for their perceptivity.


[1] Flowerman, S. H., “Mass propaganda in the war against bigotry,” The Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 42(4), (1947) 429-439.

[2] S.H. Flowerman and M. Jahoda, “The study of man – can prejudice be fought scientifically?” Commentary, Dec., 1946.

[3] S. H. Flowerman, “Portrait of the Authoritarian Man,” New York Times Magazine, April 23 1950, 31.

[4] See for example, Richard Koszarski, “Subway Commandos: Hollywood Filmmakers at the Signal Corps Photographic Center,” Film History Vol. 14, No. 3/4, (2002), 296-315.


[1] Flowerman, S. H., “Mass propaganda in the war against bigotry,” The Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 42(4), (1947) 429-439.

[2] D. M. Scott, “Postwar Pluralism, Brown v. Board of Education, and the Origins of Multicultural Education,” Journal of American History, Vol 91, No 1 (2004), 69–82.

[3] For an example of Flowerman’s thoughts on Freud and psychoanalysis see S. H. Flowerman, “Psychoanalytic Theory and Science,” American Journal of Psychotherapy, Vol. 8, No. 3, 415-441.

[4] S. H. Flowerman, “Portrait of the Authoritarian Man,” New York Times Magazine, April 23 1950, 31.

[5] Herbert Greenberg, “The Effects of Single-Session Education Techniques on Prejudice Attitudes,” The Journal of Educational Sociology, Vol. 31, No. 2 (1957), 82-86, 82.

[6] Ido Oren, Our Enemies and US: America’s Rivalries and the Making of Political Science, (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, (2003), 13.

[7] Thomas Wheatland, The Frankfurt School in Exile (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2009), 384.

[8] Hynek Jeřábek, Paul Lazarsfeld and the Origins of Communications Research, (New York: Routledge, 2017), 18.

[9] James Curran, “Jay Blumler: A Founding Father of British Media Studies,” in Stephen Coleman (ed) Can the media save democracy? Essays in honour of Jay G. Blumler (London: Palgrave, 2015).

[10] John P. Jackson and Nadine M. Weidman, Race, Racism, and Science: Social Impact and Interaction (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press), 176.

[11] David Kettler and Gerhard Lauer, Exile, Science and Bildung: The Contested Legacies of German Emigre Intellectuals (New York: Palgrave, 2005),  184.

[12] James Schmidt, “The Eclipse of Reason and the End of the Frankfurt School in America,” New German Critique 100 (2007), 47-76, 47.

[13]Jeřábek, Paul Lazarsfeld and the Origins of Communications Research, 23.

[14] Bureau of Applied Social Research, “The Ghosts Go West”: A Study of Comprehension, (Unpublished), 1945, Directed by Bernard B. Berelson. Cited in Flowerman, S. H., “Mass propaganda in the war against bigotry,” 438.

[15] See for example, “The dynamic basis of anti-Semitic attitudes,” The Psychoanalytic Quarterly, Vol. 17, No. 2, (1948); “The evasion of propaganda: How prejudiced people respond to anti-prejudice propaganda” The Journal of Psychology, 23 (1947), 15-25; Studies in the scope and method of “The authoritarian personality. (New York, NY, US: Free Press, 1954); “Race relations in Public Housing,” Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 7, No. 1-2 (1951).

[16] Morris Janowitz and Bruno Bettelheim, Dynamics of Prejudice (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1950).

[17] Joseph Gittler, “Measuring the Awareness of the Problem of Group Hostility,” Social Forces, Vol. 34, No. 2 (Dec., 1955), 163-167.

[18] Joseph Gittler, ”Man and His Prejudices,” The Scientific Monthly, 69 (1949 ), 43-47.

[19] Herbert Blumer, ““Race Prejudice as a Sense of Group Position,” Pacific Sociological Review, 1 (Spring 1958), 3-7.

[20] Irvin Rock and Stephen Palmer, “The Legacy of Gestalt Psychology,” Scientific American, Dec 1990, 84-90, 89.

[21] Ernest Dichter, The Strategy of Desire (New York: Routledge, 2017), 15.

[22] Bert T. King and Elliott McGinnies, Attitudes, Conflict, and Social Change (New York: Academic Press, 1972), 124.