Obscuring the Jewish Issue In Alt Media: Example #2—Banking Dynasties

In my previous essay in this series, we examined the Jews who owned and operated the media “watch dogs” and fact checkers who harassed and censored popular natural health doctor Joseph Mercola and Children’s Health Defense (CHD), especially for their views on covid vaccines and the covid pandemic generally. While Mercola wrote in extensive detail about the media firms defaming and denouncing him as a quack and “disinformation agent,” and CHD featured Mercola’s essay on its website in solidarity, neither mentioned the overwhelmingly Jewish dominance of their adversaries, such as at Publicis Groupe and Newsguard, among others. Mercola and CHD were strong enough to mount an aggressive defense against their accusers, but too weak to indicate that they were primarily Jews. I speculated that Mercola and CHD must have known, but suffered the grip of Semitophobia in imagining what dire defamation would ensue should they mention the Jewish Issue. They could confront Big Pharma, main media and the government health agencies, but not Jews.

(I must note that I have changed the title of this series from “Jewish Problem” to “Jewish Issue,” because I have come to think that Jews are not simply a problem to be solved, but something much more complex: an issue to be resolved.)

Now another popular and growing outlet, Global Research, appears to have succumbed to the same Semitophobia as Mercola and CHD in obscuring the Jewish Issue. Titled “How Private Interests and the Banking Dynasties Control Washington,” I was naturally intrigued to see if author Shane Quinn (“obtained an honors journalism degree and he writes primarily on foreign affairs and historical subjects. He is a Research Associate of the Centre for Research on Globalization”) obscured or revealed the Jewish Issue on this obvious topic.

Like many authors at Global Research, Quinn is too critical of US foreign policy, especially in the decades throughout the Cold War prior to full Jewish dominance in the US. I strongly disagree with such statements he makes as “The disappearance of the USSR in 1991, a strategic catastrophe for Russia…” and “The Soviet Union’s existence had guaranteed a measure of security in the international arena, providing a bulwark against the expansionist forces of the United States.” In my understanding, the disappearance of the USSR was an eventual blessing for the Russian people—the overwhelmingly Jewish oligarch predation during the transition was the catastrophe—and while the US was mostly concerned with capitalist access to resources and markets, its pretext of preventing the spread of communism was not without merit, especially given its disastrous record in many places.

Much of the later portion of Quinn’s essay focuses on arms makers and oil companies, departing from the focus of the title, banking dynasties. For our purpose here, let us examine the following key statement Quinn makes in his sixth paragraph:

The strongest branch of the Federal Reserve is the New York Federal Reserve Bank, which fell under the control of 8 long-established banking families. Only 4 of these dynasties hail from largely American backgrounds which are Goldman Sachs, the Rockefellers, Lehman Brothers and Kuhn Loeb. The other 4 are the Rothschilds in Paris and London, the Warburgs from Germany, the Lazards from France and Israel Moses Sieff from Britain.

Quinn gives no specific citations, only a general bibliography. I traced this quote to his source The World Disorder: US Hegemony, Proxy Wars, Terrorism and Humanitarian Catastrophes by Luiz Alberto Moniz Bandeira (Springer, 2019). Bandiera cites Dean Henderson’s essay on Global Research of June 2011, “The Federal Reserve Cartel: The Eight Families,” which was reposted in October of this year because it is “Of relevance to the current crisis.” Global Research calls it a “carefully researched article.” Quinn citing Bandiera citing Henderson all quote almost the exact same phrase:

W. McCallister, an oil industry insider with House of Saud connections, wrote in The Grim Reaper that information he acquired from Saudi bankers cited 80% ownership of the New York Federal Reserve Bank—by far the most powerful Fed branch—by just eight families, four of which reside in the US. They are the Goldman Sachs, Rockefellers, Lehmans and Kuhn Loebs of New York; the Rothschilds of Paris and London; the Warburgs of Hamburg; the Lazards of Paris; and the Israel Moses Seifs [sic] of Rome.

The only J W McAllister (different spelling) I could find was an author of science fiction and fantasy books self-promoting on Twitter. I found no reference to a book, article or publisher named The Grim Reaper. Who the “Saudi bankers” were who disclosed the eight families that owned the Federal Reserve, and how they knew, remains a mystery. It is considered that the House of Saud itself is crypto-Jewish, descended from followers of the Jewish depraved cult leaders Sabbatai Zevi and Jacob Frank.

I do have an issue with Quinn’s extensive plagiarism in this section of his essay, quoting verbatim or almost verbatim, without proper citation. For our purposes however, let us accept that this reference is accurate since it is so widely cited as a credible source. A quick glance at the eight names immediately shows that at least six are Jews: Goldman Sachs, Lehmans, Kuhn Loeb, Rothschilds, Warburgs and Israel Moses Sieffs. After confirming their Jewish racial origins (not necessarily their religion), we will examine another Jewish banking family, the Lazard family of Paris. The Rockefellers we will maintain as the lone exception, since they are well-known to be White Anglo-Saxon Protestants (WASPS), although inter-marriage, collusion and philo-Semitism must not be excluded.

Goldman Sachs

While the bank’s Wikipedia entry makes no mention of Jews, it does explain the founding of the investment bank in 1869 by Jew Marcus Goldman, joined by Goldman’s son-in-law Jew Samuel Sachs in 1882. Of thirteen CEOs and Presidents, ten were/are Jews, aside from the founders including Weinberg, Levy, Rubin, Friedman, Blankfein and Solomon (current). Be assured all of their Wikipedia “Early Life” or “Personal Life” entries reveal that they were/are Jews. Much of the rest of the Goldman Sachs entry chronicles the frauds and scandals the bank has perpetrated, and some of the enormous fines it has paid while maintaining its status in the government’s Troubled Assets Relief Program—a bailout scheme for banks such as Goldman Sachs that are “too big to fail.”

In his excellent Rolling Stone essay of 2010, Wall Street journalist Matt Taibbi recounts six major swindles Goldman Sachs has perpetrated. His title is expressive of his theme: “The Great American Bubble Machine: “From tech stocks to high gas prices, Goldman Sachs has engineered every major market manipulation since the Great Depression — and they’re about to do it again.” Taibbi gives us this succinct description of Goldman Sachs: “The world’s most powerful investment bank is a great vampire squid wrapped around the face of humanity, relentlessly jamming its blood funnel into anything that smells like money.” Humorous, but true.

Lehman Brothers

The history of this corrupt investment bank began when three Jewish brothers, Henry, Emanuel and Mayer emigrated to the US southeast from Germany, and founded Lehman Brothers in 1850. As was common among Jews in the American Southeast, at least one brother, Mayer, owned seven Black slaves. They began trading in cotton before and during the Civil War, and moved their headquarters to New York City by 1870.

Later a son named Phillip and then a grandson Robert led the company through the troubles of the Great Depression. By 1969 Robert died and none of the founding Lehmans were in management. A non-Jew named Pete Peterson (real name Petropoulos, apparently Greek) took over through hard times, and by 1977 merged Lehman Brothers with the Jewish Kuhn Loeb and Co. (see below). Peterson brought up Jewish Lewis Glucksman to be co-CEO, but inevitable disputes ousted Peterson and left Glucksman sole Jewish CEO. Due to his dysfunctional personality disrupting internal operations, American Express bought Lehman Kuhn Loeb in 1984. Peter A Cohen became CEO. By 1993 Harvey Golub was CEO, during which time American Express spun off Lehman Brothers Holdings as a public offering. Richard Fuld took over the new firm. He was named by Time Magazine as one of the top 25 people to blame for the financial collapse of 2008. Cohen, Golub, and Fuld are or were Jewish.

In 2008 when Lehmans was foundering under losses in the subprime mortgage crisis, members of executive management joined together to force non-Jewish President and Chief Operating Officer Joseph Gregory to resign, and installed non-Jew Bart McDade in his position. Fuld remained as CEO, but was distanced from the new President and upper management. McDade brought back two executives Gregory had dismissed, at least one of whom, Michael Gelband is likely Jewish based on a Haaretz article from 2017. I could not confirm whether the other returning manager Alex Kirk is Jewish.

In mid-September 2008, Lehman Brothers filed for bankruptcy, further shocking the financial markets in their downward plunge. By March 2010 consideration arose that Fuld might go to prison, along with other executives, Jewish and non-Jewish, at Lehman Brothers.

Kuhn Loeb

This international investment bank based on Wall Street in New York City was founded by Jews  Abraham Kuhn and his brother-in-law Solomon Loeb in 1867. Jewish Jacob Schiff came to America and married Loeb’s daughter and led the bank to prominence and competition with JP Morgan’s bank in funding America’s industrial development.

To demonstrate the nepotism and close in-group extended family relations of these Jewish bankers, Jewish author of an acclaimed Schiff biography Naomi W Cohen states: “For many years the early Schiffs shared ownership of a two-story house with the Rothschilds.” Jacob was raised in this house. Wikipedia tell us that Jacob’s father Moses was a broker for the Rothschilds.

At Kuhn Loeb, Jacob Schiff issued loans amounting to $200 million at the time, $4.6 billion in 2020 values, to the empire of Japan in its war with Russia in 1904–5. Schiff’s Wikipedia entry admits that Schiff harbored a hatred for the Czar and Russia due to alleged “pogroms” against Jews there, but only supported the Kerensky Provisional government, not Bolshevik Jews Trotsky (Bronstein) and one quarter Jew Lenin (Ulyanov) when they quickly seized power from Kerensky. This could be whitewashing, since other accounts claim Schiff was so anti-Russian he was willing to be pro-Bolshevik. Some historiography claims it was possibly Jacob Schiff who issued the order for the Czar, his wife and five children to be slaughtered in the basement of the Ekaterinberg house where they were confined.  A number of the most active murderers were Jews.

Schiff died in 1920, and Jews Otto Kahn and Felix Warburg took leadership of the bank. Kahn gained public prominence and was called “The King of New York.” As a lawyer, Kahn was adept at smooth-talking a Federal Congressional investigation of the Great Crash of 1929 (for which Jewish bankers bore a large share of guilt).

In 1933, the smooth and affable Kahn successfully disarmed antagonism against members of the banking community during four days of testimony before the United States Senate’s Pecora Commission hearings into the Wall Street Crash of 1929.

Felix Warburg was a member of the infamous Jewish banking family that had been operating since 1798 in Germany. So many of these Jewish bankers we are examining intermarried, becoming one large extended family of nepotism exercising control over huge areas of finance and commerce. Felix married Jacob Schiff’s and Teresa Loeb’s daughter Frieda, bringing him into the family and into leadership at Kuhn Loeb bank. American Communist author John Spivak

argued that the (Business Plot to enact a violent coup d’etat of the Roosevelt administration in 1933) was part of a ‘conspiracy of Jewish financiers working with fascist groups’, referring specifically to Felix Warburg, the McCormack–Dickstein Committee, and certain members of the American Jewish Committee in collusion with J. P. Morgan.

As we saw, Kuhn Loeb merged with Lehman Brothers, which was then bought by American Express in 1984. At that time the Kuhn Loeb corporate name was retired. The families continued.

The Rothschilds

Turning to those foreign bankers cited by Quinn in noting that the Federal Reserve, “fell under their control,”  we come at once to the Rothschilds of Paris and London. So much has been written about the Rothschild (Bauer) banking family, making it the most infamous of all the Jewish banking families, that we can hardly consider much of it here. Werner Sombart in his canonic work The Jews and Modern Capitalism mentions the Rothschilds only once, among a list of other Jewish banking families dominant in Europe by at latest 1850. The National Socialist government of Germany under Dr. Joseph Goebbel’s Ministry of Information established a new agency, the Institute for the Study of the Jewish Question, which produced its report by 1937, Germany and the Jewish Problem, also identifying the Rothschilds—among a number of other Jewish bankers—as primarily responsible for the impoverishment and ruin of the German nation and people during the Weimar period (1919–1932). Rothschilds were also active in neighboring Austria, centered in Vienna’s financial district, from which the world-wide Great Depression spread through Europe, just as in the US it spread from Wall Street in New York City.

The greatest white-washing of the Rothschilds’ devastating usury, war-mongering and mass impoverishment activities while glutting their rapacious greed and world control agenda is found in Niall Ferguson’s two volume official biography of the family, The House of Rothschilds, Volume 1: Money’s Prophets, 1798–1848 and Volume 2: The World’s Bankers, 1849–1999. Even here Ferguson acknowledges the family used deception, family and tribal nepotism, blackmail, of course ruinous usury rates imposed on desperate people, economic bullying and other typically unscrupulous Jewish business practices on a grand scale to increase its already enormous fortune. Ferguson would never use these terms, but we must if we are to be honest about the devastating effects the Rothschild Jewish banking family has had throughout the world.

I wrote a historical research essay that was featured on the cover of the September/October 2021 anniversary issue of The Barnes Review, titled “Hitler Versus the Rothschilds.” Readers learned that the National Socialist government, in bold moves for self-defense of their nation and people, imprisoned five members of the Rothschild family, starting immediately after the Anschluss (re-unification of Germany and Austria) in the spring of 1938, including Louis Rothschild, President of the Vienna branch of the banking empire. This alone was reason enough for the Rothschilds to direct Britain, France, the US and other nations to wage war on Germany—60-70 million people died in World War II, but the Rothschilds profited (One Rothschild family member, an aunt named Aranka, died in the Ravensbrook prison for women, reportedly from disease such as typhus. Louis was released to Britain after one year in German prison).

The outcome of World War II saw the promise of the Balfour Declaration, an agreement between the British government and the House of Rothschild first arranged in 1916, to give British-administered Palestine over to Zionist Jews for their final “homeland.” The Rothschilds were instrumental in establishing the Zionist state though their funding of the Jewish National Fund, and the Palestine Jewish Colonization Association, support for Theodore Herzl and the World Zionist Congress, funding for infrastructure, including government buildings and for arms to the Zionist terror groups Haganah, Irgun and Stern Gang (Lehi) and many other measures to build up the nation of Israel. Almost immediately this inflicted the Nakba (i.e., “the Catastrophe”), on at least 700,000 Palestinian people who had been living and working in the region for centuries, and caused their ongoing misery and death to this day—to say nothing of the ongoing misery and death Israel has spread throughout the wider Middle East since, at the urging and support of the Rothschilds.

In the last section and Conclusion, we will turn to the most respected and accepted account of the founding of the Federal Reserve, which of the eight families Quinn cites, the Rothschilds and Warburgs are the primary culprits.

The Warburgs

This Jewish banking family is said to have originated as Venetian Jews, built up a fortune in Spain, and ended up establishing in Warburg, Germany, adopting the name in the 1500s. After establishing major banking firms from 1798 through to a great-great grandson in 1946, Wikipedia (which we know is Zionist-controlled) is so honest as to state:

Paul Warburg is most famous as an architect of the US Federal Reserve System, established in 1913. Paul was a member of the first Federal Reserve Board, and its Vice Chairman until his resignation in August 1918.

The only edit I would introduce here is from “famous” to “infamous,” since the Federal Reserve system and its accompanying income tax collection to pay the interest on the debt to the Jewish bankers has been to blame for the greatest impoverishment and financial enslavement ever imposed on the US population. Paul Warburg himself wrote a comprehensive account of the creation of the Federal Reserve, titled The Federal Reserve System, Its Origin and Growth (Arno Press, A New York Times Company, New York, 1975).

Four other major accounts of the creation of the Federal Reserve are presented, three of them having Paul Warburg in the title: J. Lawrence Broz, The International Origins of the Federal Reserve System (Cornell University Press, 1997); Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, “Paul M Warburg,” Federal Reserve History, n.d.; Michael A. Whitehouse, “Paul Warburg’s Crusade to Establish a Central Bank in the United States,” The Region (Publication of the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis, 1989); Richard A. Naclerio, “Paul M. Warburg: Founder of the United States Federal Reserve.” History Faculty Publications—Sacred Heart University, 2013. In the Broz book, the name Warburg is mentioned 105 times in 260 pages.

The Abstract of Naclerio’s paper at Sacred Heart University will serve to summarize:

The name Paul Moritz Warburg is synonymous with the founding of the Federal Reserve System. Over the years preceding the formation of the Federal Reserve, Warburg wrote many essays and gave many public addresses on banking reform. His reform ideas were modeled on the central banking systems of many European counties he dealt with through the family business M.M. Warburg.

From this, we may ourselves further summarize: Paul Warburg imposed the same ruinous debt control and usury grift on the Unites States as his ancestors and other Jewish bankers had imposed on European nations. In our last section and Conclusion we will return to Warburg’s role in creating the Federal Reserve, referencing the most well-known work on the subject.

The Lazards

Just as with the five brothers of the Rothschild and Warburg families, this Jewish banking family’s enormous wealth and power began in 1848 when the five brothers began their bank during the the California Gold Rush. Within three years they were established in San Francisco and New York and expanded into foreign markets. By 1854 Alexandre Lazard moved to Paris to set up a banking firm there, and by the turn of the twentieth century they were operating interlocking investment houses in Paris, New York and Britain.

In the post-World War II affluence, the Jew Andre Meyer led the US operations of Lazard. Meyer teamed up with the Jewish Felix Rohatyn to practically invent the Mergers & Acquisitions market, in some cases known as “hostile takeovers.” Subsequent top management and CEOs at Lazard include Michel David Weill and two of his brothers, Bruce Wasserstein, and Kenneth Jacobs. Be assured all their Early Life sections in Wikipedia declare they are Jews, except Jacobs, whose entry is under the category American Jews. One current Lazard Board Member of note is Richard Haass, Jewish, who has also been the President of the powerful Council on Foreign Relations for almost twenty years. I profile Haass and the other Jews who dominate the CFR in my essay Jews of the CFR.

Notable current and former employees include Jews Mark Pinkus, Steve Rattner, Gerald Rosenfeld, Nathaniel Rothschild, Bernard Selz and many others. Most have started their own investment firms, with Rosenfeld a former CEO of Rothschild North America, and Selz also an “anti-vaccination supporter.” Of note among Lazard employees in politics and public service are Jews Ron Bloom (economic advisor to the Obama Administration), Peter R. Orszag, (Director of the Office of Management and Budget under Obama, Director of the Congressional Budget Office, Fellow at CFR, New York Times columnist), and Lord Peter Mandelson (former British Secretary of State),

Israel Moses Sieff

The Sieff family of Jews came from Lithuania and set up a profitable textile business in Britain. Israel Sieff was born in Manchester and became friends with Simon Marks, also Jewish and son of a founder of a wealthy department store, Marks and Spencer. When Israel and Simon married each other’s sisters, they became brothers-in-law. Sieff joined the firm in 1923 as vice-chairman and joint managing director, Together he and Marks expanded Marks and Spencer throughout the British Isles, selling clothing, health and beauty aids, and food. When Marks died in 1964, Sieff became sole Chairman. By 1966 Sieff was recognized as Baron Sieff, of Brimpton in the Royal County of Berkshire. Sieff died in 1972 before the chain expanded into Canada, France and Belgium.

Israel Sieff was a devoted Zionist, and at the age of 26 “was a member of the Zionist Commission which visited Palestine under the leadership of Chaim Weizmann.” In fact, Sieff was its secretary. The Zionist Commission was inspired by the Balfour Declaration to visit Palestine and study conditions there in order to make recommendations to the British administration for the eventual creation of the Jewish state of Israel. Weizmann went on to become Israel’s first President.

In 1932 when Israel’s son Daniel died at the age of seventeen, Israel endowed the creation of the Science Research Institute in Daniel’s name, later renamed the Weizmann Institute of Science in 1949. This was located in the Jewish town of Rehovot, in the Negev Desert which was in Palestine at the time of its founding.

After Israel’s death in 1972, his son Marcus—also recognized as Lord Sieff of Brimpton by Margaret Thatcher—became chairman of Marks & Spencer until 1984. This was the era when Marks & Spencer spread into other European nations, struggling to remain solvent during repeated failures.

Marcus may have been a more devoted Zionist than his father, according to The Guardian promotion piece obituary of 2001:

Sieff, who came from a strongly Zionist family, had first visited Palestine in 1929. In 1948, he was invited by David Ben Gurion, Israel’s first prime minister, to become adviser on transportation and supplies for the Israeli defence ministry.

We know of the efforts of Jewish organized crime bosses such as Meyer Lansky and Samuel Bronfman in supplying arms to Israeli terror groups, and Marcus Sieff was officially asked to participate by Ben Gurion himself. This Sieff was chairman of the First International Bank of Israel Financial Trust from 1983 to 1994, chairman of the firm which published The Independent, and president of the Anglo-Israel chamber of commerce.

Turning to Marks & Spencer itself, we see Under Criticisms and Controversies, Anti-Israel Protests:

Marks & Spencer has been repeatedly targeted and boycotted by anti-Israel protestors during the Arab League boycott of Israel. In 2014, it was reported that the Marble Arch branch was picketed weekly by protesters objecting to the sale of Israeli goods.

Very little is mentioned of any involvement of the Sieff family in banking, and nothing among these various Wikipedia entries of its involvement in the Federal Reserve. The company does partner with notoriously corrupt—and Jewish—bank HSBC to offer financial services and loans. We must look to the work of Stephen Mitford Goodson, A History of Central Banking and the Enslavement of Mankind (2014) to find some association. On page 76 Goodson presents a list of “(the Federal Reserve’s) principal shareholders”:

Rothschild banks of London and Berlin
Lazard Brothers banks of Paris
Israel Moses Sieff banks of Italy
Warburg banks of Hamburg and Amsterdam
Shearson American Express
Goldman Sachs of New York
JP Morgan Chase Bank

Goodson’s source for this is the iconic work of Eustace Mullins, Secrets of the Federal Reserve, published in 1993. It states:

The shareholders of these banks which own the stock of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York are the people who have controlled our political and economic destinies since 1914. They are the Rothschilds, of Europe, Lazard Freres (Eugene Meyer), Kuhn Loeb Company, Warburg Company, Lehman Brothers, Goldman Sachs, the Rockefeller family, and the J.P. Morgan interests. (p. 50)

Mullins makes no mention of Sieff, and provides no citations, instead offering an extensive bibliography. We have no reference for where Goodson derives his knowledge of Sieff banks in Italy being principal shareholders of the Federal Reserve by 2013. I could find no other reference to Sieff banks in Italy. It is interesting that five of the Jewish families mentioned here are on the list of eight Quinn cites at the founding of the Federal Reserve, with American Express possibly qualifying as a sixth, since it once owned Kuhn Loeb. Mullins’ list also covers six of Quinn’s original families, substituting Lehmans for Sieffs.

The Canon on the Founding of the Federal Reserve
The most well-known source among certain circles describing the founding of the Federal Reserve is The Creature from Jekyll Island by G. Edward Griffin. In this extensive work, Griffin concurs that Paul Warburg was the dominant force in imposing the central bank’s control over the US, citing other authors who state the same:

With the exception of Aldrich, all of those present (on Jekyll Island) were bankers, but only one was an expert on the European model of a central bank. Because of this knowledge, Paul Warburg became the dominant and guiding mind throughout all of the discussions. Even a casual perusal of the literature on the creation of the Federal Reserve System is sufficient to find that he was, indeed, the cartel’s mastermind. Galbraith says “Warburg has, with some justice, been called the father of the system.” Professor Edwin Seligman, a member of the [Jewish] international banking family of J. & W. Seligman and head of the Department of Economics at Columbia University, writes that “in its fundamental features, the Federal Reserve Act is the work of Mr. Warburg more than any other man in the country.” (p 17)

Griffin lists the seven men in the gilded train car traveling to Jekyll Island on that cold winter night in 1910, who controlled one quarter of all the world’s wealth. Number seven is described thus:

Paul M. Warburg, a partner in Kuhn, Loeb & Company, a representative of the Rothschild banking dynasty in England and France, and brother to Max Warburg who was head of the Warburg banking consortium in Germany and the Netherlands. (p 5)

Griffin says it was Rothschild funding that enabled Paul and Felix Warburg to buy partnerships in Kuhn Loeb (p 18). Also, “the blunt reality is that the Rothschild banking dynasty in Europe was the dominant force, both financially and politically, in the formation of the Bank of the United States,” (p 331) which preceded the Federal Reserve. An alliance between the Rothschilds and JP Morgan in America partially hid the Rothschild role in the formation of the Federal Reserve, since “anti-Semitism” and “anti-Rothschild” sentiment was high regarding bankers. Morgan himself may have faked “anti-semitism” as part of the cover-up:

How much of Morgan’s apparent anti-Semitism was real and how much may have been a pragmatic guise is, in the final analysis, of little importance, and we should not give unwarranted emphasis to it here. Regardless of one’s interpretation of the nature of the relationship between the Houses of Morgan and Rothschild, the fact remains that it was close, it was ongoing, and it was profitable to both. If Morgan truly did harbor feelings of anti-Semitism, neither he nor the Rothschilds ever allowed them to get in the way of their business. (p 419)

Of the other six men on the train to Jekyll Island Griffin lists, no one else is Jewish:

  1. Nelson W. Aldrich, Republican “whip” in the Senate, Chairman of the National Monetary Commission, business associate of J.P. Morgan, father-in-law to John D. Rockefeller, Jr.;
  2. Abraham Piatt Andrew, Assistant Secretary of the United States Treasury;
  3. Frank A. Vanderlip, president of the National City Bank of New York, the most powerful of the banks at that time, representing William Rockefeller and the international investment banking house of Kuhn, Loeb & Company;
  4. Henry P. Davison, senior partner of the J.P. Morgan Company;
  5. Charles D. Norton, president of J.P. Morgan’s First National Bank of New York;
  6. Benjamin Strong, head of J.P. Morgan’s Bankers Trust Company; (p 5)

Conclusion

Our focus is on whether, in revealing the names of the banking family dynasties in Quinn’s Global Research article obscures the Jewish Issue. He most certainly does, given that at a glance at least six of the names out of eight are immediately recognizable as Jewish, yet Quinn will not say as much. Many other sources we have examined in this essay also obscure the Jewish Issue. For instance, in 611 pages G Edward Griffin only mentions Jew, Jews and Jewish 9 times, a few of them only in citations.

Overwhelmingly the single group responsible for imposing and operating the Federal Reserve system over the American people and yielding enormous wealth for themselves, were Jews. Of these, the Jew Paul Warburg, backed and even at the direction of the Jewish Rothschilds, were the dominant culprits.

This is of immense importance. It goes beyond even the control that the Federal Reserve’s system has over the US economy. It leads us toward the final revelation of a Jewish agenda for world domination. Recall the statement made by son of Paul Warburg, James Paul Warburg, on the Congressional Record in 1950, before a Senate Subcommittee of the Committee on Foreign Relations, regarding Revision of the United Nations Charter. We will consider it in its succinct but potent entirety:

I am James P. Warburg, of Greenwich, Conn., and am appearing as an individual.

I am aware, Mr. Chairman, of the exigencies of your crowded schedule and of the need to be brief, so as not to transgress upon your courtesy in granting me a hearing.

The past 15 years of my life have been devoted almost exclusively to studying the problem of world peace and, especially, the relation of the United States to these problems. These studies led me, 10 years ago, to the conclusion that the great question of our time is not whether or not one world can be achieved, but whether or not one world can be achieved by peaceful means.

We shall have world government, whether or not we like it. The question is only whether world government will be achieved by consent or by conquest.

Today we are faced with a divided world—its two halves glowering at each other across the iron curtain. The world’s two superpowers—Russia and the United States—are entangled in the vicious circle of an arms race, which more and more preempts energies and resources sorely needed to lay the foundations of enduring peace. We are now on the road to eventual war—a war in which the conqueror will emerge well nigh indistinguishable from the vanquished.

The United States does not want this war, and most authorities agree that Russia does not want it. Indeed, why should Russia prefer the unpredictable hazards of war to a continuation of here [sic] present profitable fishing in the troubled waters of an uneasy armistice? Yet both the United States and Russia are drifting—and, with them, the entire world—toward the abyss of atomic conflict.

Here we see a Jewish banker, direct descendant of the man who established the Federal Reserve declaring we shall have a world government. He incites fear, drives division, and claims concern for the little people of the nation, an old strategy and cover story we have seen from Jewish bankers many times in history, and particularly now with fears of “climate change,” viral pandemics, and another nuclear war with Russia.

Clearly Jewish bankers have vast influence over the United States and much of the world, but authors such as Quinn, Griffin and many others are afraid to say so. Obscuring the Jewish Issue in banking does not keep anyone safe, including the authors. It only makes living in the world more dangerous. It might mean the end of the world as we’ve known and loved (or at least tolerated) it up until now.

As we penetrate the obscuring of the Jewish Issue in alt media, we have hope that we can move toward a final resolution of the Jewish Issue before the mass doom of the “world government” that James P. Warburg insisted was inevitable. It is coming now in the form of the World Economic Forum’s “Great Reset,” and it is known that the Board of Trustees of the WEF is dominated by Jews, and that Executive Chairman Klaus Schwab is Jewish through his mother.

Knowledge is power, and power is an effective self-defense.

Christoph Steding: The struggle of the Reich against the decadent West, Part 2

Go to Part 1.

It should be noted that Steding is opposed even to the culture of the Holy Roman Empire, which he considers as a mere “European cultural community” in which the Germans occupied a position hardly suited to their central location. It could perform “cultural tasks” because it was a very loose structure whose individual parts were always in a state of disintegration.” Indeed, the desire among ideologues to bring about a revival of the Holy Roman Empire is itself only a Romantic sentiment that is repeated in the similar yearning for a return to “the Germany of poets and thinkers who are emphatically understood as political fools.”

In this unreal world of Romanticism fake psychological theories proliferated to ease the increasing malaise felt by the European peoples. Thus:

Psychological theories and psychotherapies were again not coincidentally developed in Switzerland or in the Netherlands easily falling prey to all eastern and western spiritual wisdoms and were greedily seized on by the interim Reich. In these theories it was always a matter of apparently clearing paths to reality to men living in an unreal existence, deracinated, but highly cultivated — thus, also interesting — men of a chaotic age hostile to the Reich — even though their secret effort therein was always to obstruct this path to the facts themselves. Hence the unceasing raisonnement[1] that is so striking in the dialectical theologians, in Kierkegaard, and which they intentionally do not ever want to allow to stop, just as professional psychologists may never allow their analyses to stop.

More alarming is the quick mastery of this decaying society by the Jews, who now stepped in to take over the German intelligentsia:

Now it becomes understandable also why in the interim Reich a certain sort of Jews could become the trustees of German “culture,” to such an extent that at that time German “culture” seemed almost identical to Jewish “culture.” For, quite uncommon opportunities had to appear to the Jews as the eternally distant — because eternally wandering — foreigners, aliens, always living only for themselves and as the members of a very ancient people, when, among the German people always born only for the Reich — that is, for intensified reality in general — there occurred the distancing from their own task, that self-alienation which, through German thoroughness, led to an alienation from all reality, that is, also solidity. Significantly, Burckhardt or Bachofen or Nietzsche or Kierkegaard had very competent admirers and interpreters among Jews such as those of the George Circle[2] or those of ]Ludwig] Klages or Karl Jaspers, who belonged to or stood intellectually close to it.

This cultural ambiance created by the Jews was essentially an interpretational one psychologically related to the stock-exchange world of financial relations and networks:

It did not fail to happen that the German culture in this period — when it was delivered to the men of the border zones distant from the Reich essentially, and indeed from the “mere” reality of normal daily life, and to the Jews always standing only at the peripheries — became essentially unoriginal, to speak literarily, and realized itself especially as an “interpretational culture” speaking roundabout all things. It becomes clear, further, how to this interpretational culture — even Burckhardt, Huizinga and Georg Brandes or Kierkegaard are only interpreters — corresponded, in the economic field, to the bank and stock-exchange culture where everything was resolved in relations, thus in fictions, where once again special opportunities appeared to the Jews as those never, or seldom, standing within but rather always in relative positions.

Einstein’s theory of relativity was a similar expression of the same psychological peculiarity of the Jews within the realm of physics. More dangerous are the psychoanalysis and historical materialism of the Jews Freud and Marx. The Marxist ideology is characterized by an abstractness and distance from reality that reduces all society and politics to the dictates of a literary work, Das Kapital. The predilection of the Jews for Bolshevism is indeed due to the innate utopian quality of their thought:

Once again, it is not accidental that precisely the Jews are especially predestined for Marxist Bolshevism and represent the major percentage of the theoreticians of this modern movement. As a consequence of the age of their nation they live a “distant” and withdrawn, almost unreal literary, existence when one compares them to the young nations of Europe to which the German especially belongs. … It is therefore no wonder why this bourgeois-Bolshevist “culture” sees its real goal in the destruction of all substantial forms in favor of a universal “cultural synthesis,” in reality, thus, of a cultural porridge.

The Jewish bourgeois intelligentsia exploited the Germans

either as active pioneers of Bolshevism, as especially in Russia, or also in the Reich, as spokesmen of controlled democracy and of solely mercantile stock-exchange capitalism.

while

it hates to a quite extraordinary degree every genuine reality and every genuine sense of reality as it was developed always most strikingly among the peasant population who, accordingly, have to undergo a special manipulation by the Bolshevist intelligentsia living off numerical speculations and the grotesque world of machines.

Indeed, the Judaized bourgeois world tends to proliferate in artificial urban settings rather than in natural rural ones so that the products of the new German intelligentsia resemble in general hothouse horticultural ones. Further, the marked feminine character of cultural history is shared by the Jews too as a people:[3]

Cultural history is therefore obvious and evident to many Jews – the exceptions here confirm the rule – because among Jewish men too a quite striking feminine character predominates.

*   *   *

In his focus on the Prussian ethos as a virile political foundation, Steding, like Carl Schmitt in his 1919 work, Politische Romantik, was totally opposed to all political “Romanticism,” which both authors considered as an aestheticizing of politics that has dangerously eroded the genuine political instinct of the Germans.[4] The essentially apolitical worldview that resulted from liberal doctrines is manifest in the spirit of Geneva (where the League of Nations had its headquarters from November 1920) as well as in the Marxism that radically intensified the political nihilism of liberal ideologies.

Schmitt’s and Steding’s rejection of Romanticism as a movement that is purely aesthetic and devoid of political impetus is noteworthy, since many of the thinkers associated with the National Socialist movement, like Alfred Baeumler and Ludwig Klages, drew on German Romantic literature for their inspiration. Steding, on the other hand, points out the opposition to the political concerns of the Reich that are contained in Klages’ psychological experiments as well as in his support of Bachofen’s disquisitions on matriarchal mysteries. Similarly, Nietzsche too is criticized by Steding for his “Dionysiac” rhapsodies which undermined the “Apollonian” orientation of the Reich. It is not surprising to Steding that Nietzsche[5] became a staunch critic of Bismarck’s Reich as well as a champion of the lighter French culture against what Nietzsche considered to be the essential lack of any vibrant “culture” — in the Western European sense — within the German Reich.

Though Heidegger was at one time a teacher of Steding’s, he disagreed sharply with the latter’s denunciation of Nietzsche.[6] This is true also of Alfred Baeumler, who had in his 1931 work Nietzsche, der Philosoph und der Politiker characterised Nietzsche as a herald of National Socialism. A sharp denunciation of Steding’s exposure of Nietzsche’s anti-Reich sentimentality appeared in a review in Alfred Rosenberg’s Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte (September 1939) by Heinrich Härtle[7] in which the author described Steding’s view of Nietzsche as “enemy of the Reich” as a “heresy.” Walter Frank, however, defended Steding as a hero of the Third Reich by appending a refutation of Steding’s critics in the second edition of the book that he published in 1940.

It barely needs mentioning that Steding’s Prussianism entails a belief in the political superiority of the North Germanic race. Steding admits that the recent emergence of non-Nordic racial elements, such as the eastern Baltic,[8] into the forefront of European affairs may have produced incidental felicitous examples of lyricism and Romantic mysticism but “in the establishment of the architectonic organization of our Central European world [they have had] as little a share as Dostoevsky had in the construction of the Tsarist Empire.” Steding also believed that, unlike the urbanized populations of the “cultural” centers of Basel, Amsterdam, etc., the peasant population of North Germany did not feel that they were different from their fellows in neighbouring countries like Holland or the Scandinavian countries, and this commonalty should serve as the foundation of the new European Reich. Thus Steding differs from Langbehn, who in his work Rembrandt als Erzieher had glorified the Northwestern Germanic peoples as the most culturally developed. Rather, Steding reveals that only the North Germanic peoples of Germany itself could correct the alarming degeneration of the North Germanic peoples in the outlying countries that had become neutral with regard to the German Reich and even hostile to it.

It is not surprising then that, in spite of Alfred Rosenberg’s aversion to Steding’s work, it found a very favourable acceptance in the SS circles headed by Heinrich Himmler and Reinhard Heydrich which considered the work a “philosophy of history in the grand style.”[9]

*    *   *

In this context, we must pause to compare Steding’s focus on the North Germans as quintessential “political animals” with Nietzsche’s ravings in Zur Genealogie der Moral (1887) about “the magnificent blond beast avidly prowling round for spoil and victory,” for they are superficially similar in setting aside the conquering North German peoples from other more “cultured” ones. However, Steding’s North Germans are more gifted in state-formation than the merely adventurous Nietzschean “beasts.” Indeed, Nietzsche’s depiction of the ancient Germans is diametrically opposed to that of Steding’s state-conscious Germans:

they enjoy freedom from every social constraint, in the wilderness they compensate for the tension which is caused by being closed in and fenced in by the peace of the community for so long, they return to the innocent conscience of the wild beast, as exultant monsters, who perhaps go away having committed a hideous succession of murder, arson, rape and torture, in a mood of bravado and spiritual equilibrium as though they had simply played a student’s prank, convinced that poets will now have something to sing about and celebrate for quite some time.[10]

Steding’s North Germans are closer to Spengler’s Prussians in his 1919 essay, Preußentum und Sozialismus (Prussianism and Socialism), which contrasted Prussian socialism with the socialism of the English, which Spengler considered as a form of Viking-like individualism that has encouraged the colonial rapacity of the British Empire and the mercantile ruthlessness of its leaders. The Norman conquest of England had put an end to the Anglo-Saxon way of life and introduced the “piracy principle” whereby “the barons exploited the land apportioned to them, and were in turn exploited by the duke.”[11] The modern English and American trade companies are enchained to the same motives of profiteering. The Prussian form of socialism, on the other hand, is based entirely on the notion of the primacy of the state, which is indeed the ideal of the Teutonic knight, diametrically opposed to the roving plunder of the Viking:

The Teutonic knights that settled and colonised the eastern borderlands of Germany in the Middle Ages had a genuine feeling for the authority of the state in economic matters, and later Prussians have inherited that feeling. The individual is informed of his economic obligations by Destiny, by God, by the state, or by his own talent . . . Rights and privileges of producing and consuming goods are equally distributed. The aim is not ever greater wealth of the individual or for every individual, but rather the flourishing of the totality.[12]

Another precursor of Steding’s North German-oriented ideology was Julius Langbehn, whose Rembrandt als Erzieher was an early contribution to what was later termed the Conservative Revolutionary movement. The political successes of Prussia at the time of the unification of Germany in 1871 threatened to engulf Germany with its militarism, industrialization, and rationalist tendencies in science and art. Marxists responded to this threat with essentially economic projects based on the principle of “class struggle.” Idealists on the other hand proposed a cultural revolution through the renewal of German culture itself. Langbehn’s work sought to combat the evils of democratic culture at the turn of the century — established by parvenu cosmopolitan elites that promoted foreign, especially French artistic fashions — with a return to the natural aristocratic ethos of the strongest element in the German population, the North Germans. According to Langbehn only a reversion of Germany to its North German character could effectively neutralize the materialistic scientific spirit that had begun to disintegrate its culture at the end of the nineteenth century.

The increasing sterility of modern science can be countered only by a regeneration of the psychological sources of creativity within the German character. These sources are located by Langbehn — quite unlike Steding in this regard — in the German’s sense of individuality and his developed personality. The modern Germans should learn from the best individuals and personalities of their historic past, and to facilitate this exercise, Langbehn chooses the Lower German painter Rembrandt as the symbolic exemplar of the quintessential German spirit. Rembrandt was indeed not classical but mysterious in his connection to the Dutch soil and peasantry as well as to the natural aristocratic ethos of the Lower Germans.

Quite unlike Steding, Langbehn considers the Dutch as the embodiment of the spirit of freedom that was expressed most strikingly in their war of independence against the Spanish Hapsburgs in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Langbehn significantly maintains that a truly conservative nation, that is, a nation that is strongly rooted in its traditions, is “liberal” or devoted to freedom, whereas a liberally disposed people, on the other hand, need the discipline of conservatism. Other Lower German sources of the psychological quickening of the German spirit are Denmark/Sweden and England.

Steding takes care in his work to attack Langbehn for maintaining that individualism is essential to cultural development and “style.” We have seen that Steding refutes Langbehn’s argument by pointing out the selfless quality of monumental architecture such as was developed in the great empires of Egypt and Rome. Langbehn is incapable too of appreciating the superb architectonic of the Prussian army as itself a cultural product. Thus, while Langbehn may have yearned in his work for a “secret Kaiser” who would be an ideal ruler molding the life of the nation, the reality was the unfortunate transformation of the actual German Kaiser into a Hollandized cultural artefact.

Within National Socialist circles, Carl Schmitt was particularly pleased with Steding’s work and wrote a long review of it in 1939.[13] Like Steding, Schmitt had, already in the 1920s, denounced the “Helvetization” of Germany through the League of Nations and he now considered Steding’s work, marked by what he called “philosophischen Tiefen” (philosophical profundities), a “grosse Waffenschmiede” (great arsenal) in the fight against Liberalism and Communism. Already in 1931, in his work Der Hüter der Verfassung (The Guardian of the Constitution), Schmitt had introduced the notion of the “stato agnostico of the neutral powers. This agnosticism deprives the state of its executive aura and transforms it into a mechanical product of technology. Like Steding, Schmitt valued the Prussian state above Western European democracies and his review of Steding’s work repeats his analyses and arguments in his 1934 work Staatsgefüge und Zusammenbruch des zweiten ReichesDer Sieg des Bürgers über den Soldaten (State Structure and Collapse of the Second Reich: The Victory of the Citizen over the Soldier) to highlight the corrupting action of the Liberal constitutionalism introduced into the Prussian state that resulted in the defeat of 1918 and the establishment of the Socialist republic of Weimar.

Steding’s view of the importance of the German Reich as an organizing force on the continent coincided with Schmitt’s own theories of “Grossraum (great space).” Schmitt defended Hitler’s expansionist goals against the ostentatious pacifism and anti-militarism of the League of Nations in his Die Wendung zum diskrimierenden Kriegsbegriff (The Turn to a Discriminating Concept of War) (1938). At the same time, the turn in his writings around this time from the geopolitical concepts of the “state” and the “great space” to that of the “Reich” reflects his reading of Steding’s congenial work. It is not surprising that he referred to the book among his friends as “the only intelligent book from the National Socialist circle.”[14]

*    *   *

Although the disease that Western European culture inflicted on the German Reich was acute, Steding believed that it should be considered a God-given opportunity for the regeneration of the Reich and the European continent. The diagnosis of the disease that Steding offers in his work is itself a requirement for the healing that must be undertaken by individuals, societies and nations within Europe so that they no longer languish in the dying past but assert their will-to-live to produce the vital culture of a politically grounded Reich. We have seen that Steding’s vision of a Reich is one that is informed not only by the political aptitude of the North Germans but also by its strict avoidance of the feminisation and romanticism characteristic of liberal culture. Steding believed that Germany was to be the center of any future European Reich not only because it is the central land in Europe, but because Bismarck and Hitler had shown that it was possible for the political realism required for empire-building to triumph over the decadent aesthetic culture of a Western Europe that obstructed the restoration of Europe as a political power.


[1] reasoning, argumentation.

[2] The intellectual and artistic circle of the poet Stefan George.

[3] This characteristic had been pointed out already by the Jewish writer Otto Weininger in his Geschlecht und Charakter (1903).

[4] Schmitt and Steding thus refute the thesis of the Jewish cultural critic associated with the Frankfurt School, Walter Benjamin, who maintained in his 1935 work Das Kunstwerk im Zeitalter seiner technischen Reproduzierbarkeit that Fascism represented an aestheticisation of politics, or an introduction of aesthetics into politics that subjugated the proletarians through mass rituals and war so as to distract them from their real economic needs. Benjamin’s criticism — directed primarily at the modern technological reproductions of art as well as at the Italian Futurist glorification of arms and war – does not appreciate the anti-aesthetic stance of champions of the German Reich like Schmitt and Steding. Since the latter sought to combat the self-destructive tendencies of all culture that is not informed by the political vision of a Reich, Benjamin.” critique is more applicable to a Jewish capitalist society like the United States than to Fascist Italy or Germany.

[5] Nietzsche held the Chair of Classical Philology at the University of Basel for ten years from 1869.

[6] See Nicolas Tertulian, “Scènes de la vie philosophique sous le IIIe Reich” in Y.C. Zarka (ed.), Carl Schmitt ou le mythe du politique, Paris: PUF, 2009, pp.121-160.

[7] Härtle published a book on Nietzsche in 1938 called Nietzsche und der Nationalsozialismus.

[8] Steding’s aversion to the Baltic peoples may be one reason why Alfred Rosenberg, a Baltic German, was opposed to Steding and his work.

[9] See Helmut Heiber, Walter Frank und sein Reichsinstitut für die Geschichte des neuen Deutschlands, Stuttgart, 1966, p.525.

[10] F. Nietzsche, On the Genealogy of Morality, tr. C. Diethe, Cambridge: CUP, 2006, p.23.

[11] Oswald Spengler, “Prussianism and Socialism,” in Selected Essays, Chicago, IL: Henry Regnery Co., 1967, p.62.

[12] Ibid., p. 62.

[13]Neutralität und Neutralisierungen. Zu Christoph Steding, Das Reich und die Krankheit der europäischen Kultur,” in Deutsche Rechtswissenschaft, IV, 2, April 1939, pp. 97-118, reprinted in C. Schmitt, Positionen und Begriffe im Kampf mit Weimar — Genf — Versailles, 1923—1939 (1940).

[14] Quoted in Armin Mohler, “Christoph Stedings Kampf gegen die Neutralisierung des Reiches,” Staatsbriefen, 6 (1990), pp.21-25.

Christoph Steding: The struggle of the Reich against the decadent West, Part 1

Christoph Steding (1903–1938) was born in the village of Waltringhausen in Lower Saxony to a peasant family that had been settled in the region for several centuries. Much like Switzerland, the Netherlands, and Scandinavia — which lost political animation ever since the Thirty Years’ War was concluded with the Peace of Westphalia of 1648 — the area in which Steding grew up was more or less politically neutral since the decline of the Hanseatic League at the end of the seventeenth century. Only its incorporation into the North German Confederation of 1867, after Prussia’s victory in the Austro-Prussian War, granted it some continued political significance. This fact may have influenced Steding’s later decision to write his magnum opus on the contest between neutral states and imperial ones like Bismarck’s Reich and the Third Reich.

Steding attended the universities of Freiburg, Marburg, Munich and, again, Marburg. For his doctoral thesis he first wished to present a study of mediaeval Javanese culture but later had to change the subject of his dissertation to the bourgeois liberalism of sociologist Max Weber. He obtained his doctorate in 1931 and, at the end of 1932, he won a grant from the Rockefeller Foundation that enabled him to undertake extensive travels in Switzerland, the Netherlands and Scandinavia that lasted for two years.[1] The subject of his researches during this period was the role played by these neutral states in the Bismarckian Reich.

In 1935, Steding returned to Germany and worked on the long study which was called Das Reich und die Krankheit der europäischen Kultur (The Reich and the Disease of European Culture). It found the support of Walter Frank, director of the Reichsinstitut für Geschichte des neuen Deutschlands[2] (Reich Institute for the History of the New Germany) whom Steding met in November 1935, and, in the summer of 1937, he was invited to deliver a talk at Frank’s institute titled “Kulturgeschichtsschreibung und politische Gesichtsschreibung” (Cultural and Political History).

Although Steding never joined the NSDAP, he was an enthusiastic supporter of Adolf Hitler. He first heard Hitler speak at meetings in October 1935 and, in 1937, following a meeting he attended at which Hitler and Mussolini were speakers, Steding noted in his diary that the Führer reminded him immediately of Hegel’s words in 1806 about Napoleon — that the latter seemed to Hegel like the “world-soul” on horseback. In January 1938, however, Steding died of a renal illness.

Since he had strongly supported Steding’s project, Frank worked on Steding’s manuscript from June to September 1938 and published it in the form in which it now exists, unfinished in spite of its extraordinary length (around 760 pages), but with a completed Introduction by Steding himself (written in the autumn of 1937), and a Foreword by Frank. The publication of the book was a success since it was reprinted five times during the Reich, until 1944, while a short extract from it called Das Reich und die Neutralen (The Reich and the Neutrals) was also published in 1942 as an encouragement to the front soldiers. However, Alfred Rosenberg was opposed to Steding’s work[3] and his collaborators criticized it sharply in their various reviews of it.[4]

Steding’s work is, in Frank’s edition, divided into two parts, the first dealing with the ideological consequences of the political neutralisation of the border states and the second with the diverse cultural attacks conducted by these neutral states against the Reich. The aim of Steding’s work is to reverse what Steding himself describes in the opening lines of his Introduction as “a withdrawal of the Germanic peoples from world history” ever since the French Revolution. Already the decline of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation from the end of the Thirty Years’ War signalled the end of the dominance of the Germans as the organizing force of the Holy Roman Empire:

The victory of the Western powers, of the Swedes and the French, was at that time (in 1648) as much the beginning of the disintegration of their kingdoms as the so-called victory of 1918. The liquidation of the ancient Frankish empire in the French Revolution, the withdrawal of Sweden, the decomposition of Austria, the destruction of the Germanically infused Russia of Peter the Great, and the modern destruction, issuing from within, of the Anglo-Saxon world — of the Empire, are only consequences of that process of the crippling of Central Europe that emerged most visibly with the Thirty Years’ War.[5]

Not only did Switzerland withdraw into a sterile neutrality but the English and the Dutch too turned away from the Germanic core in Central Europe through their wide-ranging colonial enterprises. France, meanwhile, sought to steadfastly reduce the European influence of Germany from the time of Louis XIV up to the French Revolution and Napoleon Bonaparte. Bismarck’s Second Reich was the first attempt to reverse the process of Germanic decline and, when Bismarck’s efforts were undermined by the Westernising Kaiser Wilhelm II, Adolf Hitler arose to restore Germany to its rightful role as the authentic anti-liberal leader of Europe.

Whereas the Western European states, including Scandinavia, may rejoice at the growing prosperity that they experienced in relation to the Germanic centre, Steding points out that economic considerations cannot obscure the fact that the Germans remain the most highly developed politically since they have been prepared and matured “by God in a quite special way through endless suffering in order to be able to cast the deepest glance into the structure of our world.” The Bismarckian Reich and the Prussian state were thus the most potent sources of the political renewal of Europe and Hitler’s Reich must be considered a continuation of the Prussian insofar as it had the same political discipline and expansionist impulse.

*   *   *

                   The social condition of Europe after 1918, sealed by the Treaty of Versailles and the League of Nations, was one of corruption and degeneracy that served as a preparation for the Bolshevist invasion from the East:

And to this degeneration of European man, this threat to all of Europe from within, there corresponded a threat from outside, through Tartar-Jewish Bolshevism, such as did not exist up to now. For, this external threat receives its character of extreme dangerousness only through the fact that European man, as a result of his corruption, becomes the condition of the possibility of the self-consciousness of the Tartar steppe against Europe and at the same time encourages the latter covertly to advance to an attack. … Material well-being seems to have been lent by fate only to anesthetize Western Europe via the sensuality of material pleasure and to then conduct it so much more surely to perdition.

We see that what Steding is describing here is the cancerous corruption of European society that is today called “Modernism” and “Cultural Marxism.” And it is one of the merits of Steding’s work that he pinpoints the cultural centers where this movement of degeneracy was initially located, in Basel, Amsterdam, Copenhagen and the other metropolises of Western Europe. Basel is, in Steding’s synoptic view of European history, the center most responsible for the dissemination of cultural historiography that revolted against the manly spirit of the Prussian Reich. This influence of Basel spread to German academic centers, primarily Heidelberg:[6]

For that reason, Heidelberg — which not wrongly was considered the city of Max Weber — had with an inevitable necessity to become a “cultural centre” of the first rank. Here, especially in the field of the sciences, the division and fragmentation characteristic of modern culture into disciplines that became autonomous was realized in a quite exemplary manner.

German emigrants like writer Thomas Mann (1929 Nobel Laureate for Literature) and Hugo Ball (the founder of the Dadaist movement in Zürich) as well as the numerous other literary and philosophical figures based in Basel and Zürich discussed in Steding’s work, represent a stage that is incommensurate with the living Reich of Bismarck or that of Hitler, since they belong to a past that the Reich has “banished” from its domain and that is naturally opposed in its decadence to the Reich. For Steding, the Western states are in a state of degeneration since they have become apolitical, neutral, and the Reich is the only source of political as well as cultural health within Europe, for politics precedes culture and the latter cannot become independent of the former as it has in the Western states.

Steding considered Thomas Mann and Max Weber as particularly pronounced embodiments of bourgeois decadence, the latter especially for his Puritanism and Protestantism and his Neo-Kantian rationalism:

Puritanism was the religion suited to the bourgeoisie and the bourgeois culture which was especially classically realized in the neutral intermediate states at the mouth of the Rhine and at the source of the Rhine; and even in Denmark, Lutheranism since the nineteenth century stands closer to the spirit of Dutch Puritanism than to that of German Lutheranism. Further, Puritanism and Neo-Kantianism stand especially close to each other, because in Kant himself the classical sources continue to have an effect, and indeed, in a passionate Neo-Kantian such as Max Weber, was the close connection of this philosophical orientation to the spirit of the Puritan Protestant ethic is palpable.

Another reason for Steding’s opposition to Weber is the fact that his circle was often frequented by Jewish Bolshevist writers like Georg Lukács and Ernst Bloch.

In fact, Steding’s targets are all the intellectuals emergent from the French Revolution, the Russian Revolution and the Wilhelmine Reich who encouraged the “Helvetization” and “Hollandization” of Germany and Europe. The decadence of the neighboring Western states is represented not only by the cultural historian Burckhardt in Switzerland and his disciple Huizinga in Holland but by intellectuals like philosopher Søren Kierkegaard in Denmark, who exerted a major influence on what is called Existentialist philosophy, and the Jews Husserl and Freud in Vienna, while through the influence of the Jewish literary critic Georg Brandes, the alien worlds of Zola and Dostoevsky were imported in translations into Germany. Even Norwegian writers like Knut Hamsun who are celebrated as champions of the Reich do not really represent the political substance of the Reich since their works are marked by an irony and hopelessness that are alien to the positive impulses of the Reich.

The Dutch cultural historian Johan Huizinga[7] in particular exemplifies the Romantic obsession with the decline of Germanic culture, with the “autumn of culture” as he called it in the title of his famous book Herfsttij der Middeleeuwen (Autumn of the Middle Ages). The end result of the spreading liberal culture of the bourgeois and Judaized intelligentsia is the withdrawal into a Romantic world of historical reflections that no longer has any political vitality in it:

[T]he “culture” protesting against Bismarck and Hitler is essentially characterized by the fact that it looks backwards and lives on the political past, which is so distant that one no longer understands it, so that life has become literary, interpretative, collecting and conserving, and is able to bring forth only ornamental squiggly forms or unimaginative photography as its type of productivity (cf. Thomas Mann, [Swedish playwright August] Strindberg, [Norwegian writer Knut] Hamsun), one therefore considers Goethe and Schiller only in a “literary” way and therefore one hates in Bismarck and Hitler precisely that they act as such because it cannot be misinterpreted so easily as Goethe and Schiller and because its efficient reality is too real for it to be understood — like the efficient reality of Schiller and Goethe or Hegel — only as “culture” in the sense of a literary culture of words.

The opposition between the moribund aesthetic culture of Western Europe and the rising political vitality of the Third Reich is evident even in the lack of depth that characterises the Western European cultural historical writing:

It is extremely significant that there is, in this world of neutral culture, nothing corresponding to the German word “destiny.”[8] Neither in Holland nor in the North. And no doubt even German Switzerland knows nothing of the meaning that every political man associates with this word. There is therefore nothing corresponding to this word in the domain of the states of neutral aesthetic culture because, [in those states] there has for a long time been no more history, which as such is always destiny and fate, and because, consequently, these states, like the old Western European states in general, can no longer represent any genuine destiny that engraves new features into the face of Europe. That is why the aesthetic culture, which also sees itself as a pioneer fighter for “justice,” opposes “power” because it must, being history-less and aesthetic, that is, moribund and impotent, fight to the death against the new creative principle that arose with the consolidation of the Reich in the center, in the heart of Europe. 

*   *   *

The major defects of liberalist culture, according to Steding, are indeed its aestheticism and feminism. Two major objects of Steding’s critique in the initial chapter of the cultural historical section of his study are Jacob Burckhardt[9] and Johann Bachofen.[10] While Burckhardt adheres to the Greek version of the irrationalism promoted by Nietzsche, Bachofen rather sympathises with the Asiatic and African peoples:

To be sure, Bachofen fights with extreme fierceness against the modern democratizing of the world since he sees its consequences. But he is one of its chief pathfinders since he has, according to his essence and attitudinal constitution, reached “materialistically” — and with his Basel and his Switzerland — such a stage of maturity that he has been able to give up his naïve peasant innocence of materialism and matriarchal naturalness, his voluntary self-restriction, and now assert matter as matter in an unrestricted manner.

The danger of the preoccupation with these exotic cultures is that it leads to an increasingly materialistic worldview:

That is indeed why Switzerland became ever “freer,” ever more democratic, that is, ever more materialistic in the sense of Marxism. That is why it had to, precisely with the foundation of the Reich, represent the rights of matter, that is, of “culture,” especially harshly. It could not do that more unequivocally than when it answered the overcoming of Marxism in the Reich with a special victory of Marxism within its own borders, naturally especially in the cities like Basel, Zurich and Geneva, whose present spirit is the linear continuation of the Bachofen “culture” and Dionysian-democratic-liberal spirit of freedom.

Bachofen’s focus on the matriarchal and the feminine in Nature is inextricably tied to the desire to develop a country in an industrial and capitalistic manner:

Not by accident does Bachofen explain to us that among matriarchal peoples, industrial activity is especially developed.[11] The capitalistic “character” of a culture that necessarily behaves in a way hostile to the Reich is even more especially supported by the matriarchal, gynecocratic quality of these areas, if indeed there is not in general an inner connection between the public and the secret world-rule and capitalism, which can be concluded from Bachofen’s remarks. And nobody will maintain that the Western European world, which was realized in a more classical manner in Switzerland, the Netherlands and Denmark than in actual Western Europe — especially in the Anglo-Saxon countries — is an objection to the theses of Bachofen. Rather, the mores existing there as regards the position of the woman impels the search for as many connections between this phenomenon and the total urbanization and industrialization of all of life. For the two determine the public and private life of this world.

Indeed, cultural historiography in general exhibits a feminine character:

Cultural history is the actual feminine approach to the historical world. Its essential art is the art of the exclusion of the essential by discarding the event, destiny, deeds, from history and, instead of these, the cultural historian gathers together a colourful “tapestry of life” from the private, as it were, “beautiful,” side of the past, the arts, sciences, cosmetic arts. And it is further significant that the representation of these subjects that should be treated especially in salons is determined by intuitions, feelings, sympathies and antipathies, in short, by moods. The selection of the material results from a mood, the representation in itself is moody, playful, alinear, even “painterly,” so that coherence in this sort of historical writing must be sought especially in its lack of coherence, just as fine chats with beautiful women are necessarily distinguished by inconsequential zigzag courses, anecdotes and games. The perfect woman is able to realise herself primarily especially in the arts, stringing together with nimble, clever fingers that which has no intrinsic connection and making an apparent whole with ideas that diverge one from the other.

While it may be true that Steding is excessively prejudiced against whatever cultural merits the literary movements that militated against the Bismarckian as well as the Hitlerian Reich may have possessed, the central argument of his work remains sound: no organizational power can emerge from emotional expressiveness and feminine sentimentality. This political energy is characteristic only of the German Reich and, without it, there will no longer be any real politics but only diffuse individualism and nihilism.

It is true also that Steding does not dwell at any length on the fine arts and the excellence of non-Germanic Italy in this regard. However, in his discussion of the monumental style, he rightly points to the fact that the latter could be developed only in states that did not encourage individualism — as Julius Langbehn had contrarily maintained in his Rembrandt als Erzieher [Rembrandt as Educator](1890)[12] — but rather the overarching architectonic of empire. He cites as examples the case of Egypt and Rome as creators of the monumental style:

The most blatant example of a disciplined state system was the Egyptian empire. And if one scrutinises Burckhardt carefully one will discover that the Egyptian, Babylonian, and Assyrian art is not culture, that culture in the proper sense is characteristic of Athens, Venice, the Renaissance, and naturally of Switzerland, especially Basel, insofar as it also, deviating from the Confederation, sets itself up independently. If Bachofen is enthusiastic about the Egyptian world, this is not the world of Egyptian state socialism but the chthonic world of the dark, materialistic, orgiastic religions that sprouted from the swamp and the miry religion of the Nile as growths of the swamps and rushes as it were and are still very closely allied to matter.

Similarly,

When [Abraham] Kuyper[13] understands the great world empires of the East, of Rome, the Middle Ages as embodiments of Satanic aspirations of the men belonging to them, even the “culture” belonging to these empires cannot be considered by him as “culture” in the characteristic sense of aesthetically beautiful flower-bulb small businesses, even if he has not expressly stated that.

Thus Steding concludes that “Everything monumental is essentially anti-subjective, just as it signifies also the overcoming of all purely aesthetic culture.”

*   *   *

The danger of the aesthetic view of the world, on the other hand, is that it reduces culture to mere play, sexuality and economic materialism:

The secret sense of all these efforts is indeed to “reduce” life in its highest cultural stage itself to such an extent that of it, only a shadow-play, or the pure matter of the sexual, erotic, economic, etc., remains.

It is this general atmosphere of frivolity that is exploited with great success by the Jews:

   It also becomes understandable that the Jews exhibit a special talent for “culture” in its aesthetic-playful aspect. For, among them, often through the excess of endogamy and inbreeding, that de-naturalisation is achieved which is the precondition for the delight in mere deft game-playing and which, as such, naturally requires a quite special neutral talent for nimbleness that the doubtless often clumsy fundamental seriousness of the hard, grounded, political Germans does not dispose of. It does not because, typical of the Reich as the European center and point of gravity, is solidity and tenacity, which a political organism requires in order to be able to be respected as the “foundation” of the European political system.

Unfortunately, the degeneracy of “frivolity, cynicism, overindulgence, pretence, irony, wastefulness, unrestricted sexuality” spawned in the Western states has not only manifested itself in the West but it has spread to the Central European German lands too, sometimes through symptoms that may seem to be the reverse of the above traits, thus in “rigid morality … prudery and austerity” that betoken an internal emptiness. Whereas the imperial Austrian elites were marked by the former sort of degeneracy, the Prussian bureaucratic ones were characterised by rigidity and a tendency to ossification. The degeneration of politics to aesthetics is evident also in Kaiser Wilhelm II’s adoption of Dutch fashions and his penchant for theatrical play-acting.

The neutralisation of German man was thus present also in the Wilhelmine-Stresemann interim Reich and the defeat of Germany in the First World War was only the external culmination of an internal illness. This illness is concentrated in the aversion of the liberalized neighbouring states to the Prussian state as a political and military formation:

Perhaps one will be able to expect of an impartial observer that he would understand the phenomenon of Prussian militarism, the wonderful architectonic of the German army, as a very stylistic formation, as the product of a very high culture whose creation doubtless involves more intellectual work than the composition of a brilliant essay, of an artistic historical work when indeed the proviso is not stated — as in Langbehn, Pierson, Nietzsche, Burckhardt and all the men subject to him in the neutral zone around the Reich — that “culture” and “style” exist only where individualism prevails and that, further, “culture” is understood necessarily as aesthetic, indeed especially as only literary!

The neutrality of the Western states with regard to the fate of the whole of the European continent with its Central European center meant that the entire life of these states is neutralized, in internal as well as external politics, in the arts and in the sciences, to such an extent that these states are virtually moribund. As Steding summarises,

The old definition of man, that he is a “zoon politikon” [political animal] implies also that man is man only when he is political. The submergence into the apoliticization of neutralised life thus destroys the humanity of man itself.

The political concomitant of this process of the aestheticization of politics is Liberalism:

It too develops in its late, thus modern, forms an unmistakable tendency towards neutralization of all life relations, which again signifies the aestheticization of the same.

And this process of social disintegration is observed most acutely in the army, which in the Wilhelmine Reich loses its organizational and directive force by becoming a mere ornament of politics:

If, in Bismarck’s, Moltke’s and Roon’s[14] times, the army was still in complete harmony with the entirety of the people, there entered very quickly, in the Wilhelmine age, a separation and a being-for-itself of one part of the officer corps away from the people that alienated this stratum of the substance of the nation and drove it increasingly into an artificial, groundless position. And in this way was developed that aesthetic playful instinct that let the army exist for its own sake. It was understood especially by the Kaiser as a mere cultural value in the sense of the aesthetic culture of the neutral neighbours so that it became a mere “glistening weapon.” It reached the point of the big gestures of that gesturing boastfulness characteristic of neutral culture – here in the form of saber rattling behind which there was no serious will to take drastic action.

Go  to Part 2.


[1] His travels took him to Basel, Zürich, Bern, Geneva, Leiden, The Hague, Copenhagen, Oslo, Uppsala, Stockholm and Helsinki.

[2][2] Walter Frank (1905-1945) was a National Socialist historian who wrote studies on the anti-Semitic court chaplain Adolf Stoecker as well as on the Dreyfus Affair in France. His institute, established in 1935 by Bernhard Rust, Reichsminister für Wissenschaft, Erziehung und Volksbildung, cooperated with Alfred Rosenberg’s Institut für Forschung der Judenfrage, which was established in 1939.

[3] See Helmut Heiber, Walter Frank und sein Reichsinstitut für Geschichte des neuen Deutschlands, Stuttgart, 1966, p.527.

[4] See, for instance, Theodor Heuss, ”Politische oder polemische Wissenschaft. Zu Christoph Stedings Werk,” in Das deutsche Wort, XV, 1939, pp. 257-260, and Heinrich Härtle, “Steding neutralisiert Nietzsche,” in Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte, September, 1939.

[5] C. Steding, Das Reich, “Einleitung.” All quotes from Steding are from this Introduction as well as from the first chapter of the second part of the book entitled “Cultural Historiography.” All translations are mine.

[6] Other universities that Steding cites as having fallen to the foreign influences of the neutral states are those of Freiburg im Breisgau, Frankfurt am Main, Bonn and Cologne.

[7] Johan Huizinga (1872—1945) was a Dutch cultural historian and professor of history at the University of Leiden. His most famous work Herfsttij der Middeleeuwen (The Autumn of the Middle Ages, 1919) stressed the importance of spectacle and ceremony in mediaeval French and Dutch society while his later work Homo Ludens (1938) maintained that play was the primary formative element in human culture.

[8] Schicksal

[9] Jacob Burckhardt (1818-1897) was a Swiss art historian whose works on the Italian Renaissance, Die Cultur der Renaissance in Italien (1860) and Geschichte der Renaissance in Italien (1867) established his reputation as one of the earliest and most influential cultural historians in the West.

[10] Johann Jakob Bachofen 1815-1887) was a Swiss anthropologist and professor of Roman Law at the University of Basel. His work on prehistoric matriarchy Das Mutterrecht (1861) posited an initial “lunar” stage in human cultural evolution that was matriarchal. This was later superseded by a transitional Dionysian stage of societal masculinisation and by a final “solar,” or Apollonian, stage of patriarchy.

[11] Bachofen, Mutterrecht..

[12] See my English edition, Rembrandt as Educator, London: Wermod and Wermod, 2017.

[13] Abraham Kuyper (1837-1920) was a Calvinist theologian and served as Prime Minister of the Netherlands between 1901 and 1905.

[14] Albrecht Emil, Graf von Roon (1803-1879) was a distinguished Prussian statesman and Minister of War from 1859 to 1873.

The Elusive “Jewish Solution”: Thoughts on Igor Shafarevich’s “Postscript to ‘The Three-Thousand-Year-Old Enigma’” 

I recently provided a translation of Igor Shafarevich’s final remarks on his own work, “The Three-Thousand-Year-Old Enigma,” addressing the Jewish Question in which he tries to expound on possible solutions going forward. Please read the original text first.

If I wanted to, I could easily write a glowing review of Igor Shafarevich and his work and leave it there. The man was a respected academic, a genius in his respective field, and brave enough to tackle the Jewish Question the way that he did. But I will leave that task up to another writer and, instead, I will focus on the work that he left us and ask if it there are any fresh insights that Shafarevich has to share with Westerners or if there are differences in his characterization of the Jewish Question and his proposed solution.

Shafarevich is a window into Soviet-era Russian understanding of the Jewish Question. By reading him, we can decide for ourselves if these Russians understood the problem that they were facing in a similar way to how we conceptualize it now.

For example, Western counter-Semites are well aware of the problem of dual-loyalty and the phenomenon of Jewish crypsis. Shafarevich points out that Jews dislike being recognized for being Jewish and often treat exposure as a direct insult or even a threat. Said another way: “But call him a Jew and you will be astonished at how he recoils, how injured he is, how he suddenly shrinks back: “I’ve been found out.”

Also, the idea of the Jews needing people to work, toil and fight on their behalf is a point well understood by both Western and Russian counter-Semites living under Jewish occupation governments. It is truly incredible to see how so many people from different countries, periods of history and intellectual traditions were able to come to such similar conclusions about the Jews.

Here, it would perhaps be enlightening to take a detour and compare Shafarevich’s conclusions to Solzhenitsyn’s. The latter, if anything, played down the culpability of the Jews and their destructive behavior. That is to say, that while he did not cover up their crimes or try to whitewash them as the products of misguided intentions, he ultimately concluded that the Jews were like a divine sort of punishment unleashed on Russians for their own sins. He used a very familiar Christian metaphysical framework when framing his narrative. That, in short, the Jews were God’s tool (or the tool of God working through Satan) for punishing his people and creating more Christian martyrs through adversity.

Shafarevich, however, takes a more biological view of the matter, a perspective familiar to most Western counter-semites, no doubt. Shafarevich uses a herbivore/carnivore metaphor to describe the relationship between the gentiles and the Jews. But, if we’re looking to the animal kingdom for inspiration, parasites come to mind as a better analogy for Jews and their behavior. This also neatly explains the supposed limits on their fertility. Society, if it is conceptualized as a living organism, would quickly reach parasitical overload. The host would succumb to disease and keel over eventually.

For our new metaphor to work however, we have to consider a concept put forward by another Russian thinker, Lev Gumilyov. He conceptualized society as a living organism, or rather, that one’s ethnic group is an extension of oneself. His reasoning is simple: a tribe helps protect the individual. A tribe and then a society grows around an individual like a protective hide grows around a boar. Better yet, individuals can be compared to the cells in a body. Castes or types of individuals are organs in this metaphor. A people has to work together in unison for both the collective body and the individual cells to survive. People of one ethnos then, are connected on a deep level to one another and not just atomized individuals who happen to share some proteins with the people around them, as our society conceptualizes things now. For nationalists, this would be a very powerful metaphor to first internalize and then use. And the power of a well thought-out metaphor should not be discounted.

Shaferevich’s big point, the solution that he is offering to us, the great herbivore herd as he characterizes us, is to relearn how to close ranks around our own and to relearn how to recognize predators in our midst.

Now, there is nothing wrong with this idea in theory. In actual practice however, getting people to think of their collective interests, the interests of the weaker elements of our society and of the fate of our future descendants has proven to be quite difficult. Many Western Whites, in particular, balk at the idea that they belong to something inborn that is greater than themselves that they cannot simply opt out of by changing their ideology, their profession, or buying a new set of clothes. Western Whites, prone  as they are to individualism, prefer to rally around ideology instead of identity. In practice that means an immigrant from Taiwan with the right talking points and values, is accepted into polite White society. But, a White man, who may have had ancestors come over on the Mayflower evenwould be kicked out of polite society as soon as he voiced a politically incorrect opinion. Like, say, about Jewish power.

We’ve seen it occur countless times already.

The question of how to rekindle national or racial consciousness in a country of radical individualists has plagued counter-Semites for the last half-century at least. It is because of this hyper-individuality perhaps, that calls to close ranks fall on deaf ears. Furthermore, the individual White has much to gain by denouncing his people. We, on a society-wide scale, are in a classic prisoner’s dilemma scenario. It would make sense for Whites to cooperate in good faith with other Whites and improve their lot by cooperating, but in our poisoned culture, the pursuit of rational, individual self-interest dictates that Whites fight each other to prove who is the least racist and most tolerant to get more lenient sentences from the prison warden. It was the same in the Soviet Union, although the reigning ideology was somewhat different. Only cooperation among the prisoners will get them out of the prison, but it was because of their inability to close ranks that they became prisoners in the first place.

Quite the dilemma.

Since the “closing ranks” solution is the main thrust of Shaferevich’s argument, it is disappointing that he spends so little time talking about methods that might help us close ranks against the nefarious influence of foreigners and what the obstacles are for us doing so.

If I had one critique of Shafarevich, it would be that his writing suffers from the same problem that a lot of other researchers’ writings suffer from. These people are able to do Herculean work when it comes to meticulously sifting through vast swaths of information as a researcher and organizer of data. Where they falter, however, is in the solutions that they then go on to propose. Perhaps this is because solution-seeking requires an entirely different mental skillset with analyzing and dissecting being quite different from synthesizing policy or practice.

Another important point that Shafarevich hones in on though is the idea of the Jews’ self-ordained role as priests for all of humanity, dedicated to toppling the idols of other peoples whether they be the native gods or the native culture. This is now well-known in our circles as “Tikkum Olam” or the Jewish dedication to “healing the world,” i.e., remaking the world to better suit themselves and their agenda. Jews also conceive of themselves as “idol-destroyers.” And, in the Jewish conception of them, “idols” can mean any idea or cultural practice that is not approved of by Jewish authorities.

Also, while monotheism is not a Jewish invention, the Jews certainly did promote the worship of one god, their god, Yahweh, above all other nations’ gods. Sadly, the early Christians who opposed Yahwehism lost their battle with Christian orthodoxy, and the Old Testament’s capricious ethnic deity became our God.

Pre-Socratic Greek thinkers, Zoroastrians, and Gnostics, in contrast, believed that there was indeed a powerful, but evil, materialistic, petty deity that ruled over this world. Polytheistic Aryan pagan religion conceptualized the gods as being capricious and cruel. However, this all began to change with Plato. This famous Greek was equal parts philosopher as much as he was a political activist and a Klaus Schwab-style social planner. Plato’s “Great Reset” began with him arguing to ban Homer’s Odyssey and working to combat the peasants’ leery attitudes towards the gods. Plato believed that criticism of the god(s) and their intentions ought to be banned in his priest-run utopian society.

Shafarevich demonstrates an awareness of how deeply the general thrust of Western thinking has been affected by Judaism and Plato. We are the products of Platonic, Judaic and then Christian (an offshoot of Judaism) thinking, he says, and the trajectory of our society was defined by the merger of these intellectual and religious traditions.

Recent scholarly analysis of the Old Testament, however, reveals that it was probably written far later than what the Jews have historically claimed. In fact, scholars in the “minimalist school” like Russel Gmirkin make a convincing case that the Bible was written in the second century BC and inspired by Plato’s work. The Torah, the Jewish nationalist foundation myth, took Plato’s idea of a higher mono-deity as its guiding principle. Now, Plato was not the first monotheist, but he was, however, one of the first to insist that the mono-deity had to be both omnipotent and good. Also, he was the first to outline a WEF-style program for the radical transformation of society through the use of psycho-religious tactics to manipulate the population.

Jews like to claim credit for inventing monotheism, but, as Shafarevich points out, they take credit for just about everything. He plays down their accomplishments by stating that the Jews have observably invented or contributed very little throughout modern history and were only able to do what they did using the tools that were handed to them by the host cultures in which they found themselves. The controversial example of the Old Testament would fit neatly into this observable phenomenon of Jews only being able to adopt, modify or invert what already exists. It is, after all, a goulash stew of borrowed and, in some cases, inverted legends and myths from the people that they came into contact with over the course of their history. The Jews then claimed that their knock-off copy predated the originals and took credit for what they stole. A classic Jewish move. As a result, we ended up with a convenient Judeo-centric narrative to theology and history in which the Jews invented monotheism, had the oldest written religious text, were God’s chosen, and so on.

Shaferevich was unaware of this particular revisionist school of Biblical scholarship when he was writing and doing his own research. His own analysis of the Old Testament, however, would rankle many generic Western conservatives and even veteran counter-Semites. It should come as little surprise that Soviet scholars were freer to question some of the core claims of Christianity and, encouraged even, to deconstruct holy texts like the Bible. As a result, skepticism of Jewish religious history, by extension, became more acceptable in the USSR. America, in contrast, remained largely Protestant. i.e., Old Testamentarian and never had a period of state-imposed atheism during which the Bible was delegitimized and stripped of its holy veneer.

This accounts for one of the subtle differences between Russian and Western counter-Semitic thought.

Also, for fear of rocking the boat, most Western counter-Semites try to stay away from religious debates, or, rather, away from asking too many questions about the Old Testament. Nowadays, there is, however, a disturbing trend of counter-Semites identifying with the Jews of the Old Testament by claiming that they were, in actual fact, Scandinavians or Germans and that the current stock of Jews are “fakes” from Khazaria. It is easy to understand why many are drawn to this ideology. After all, it is rather strange to be a nationalist and then to adopt the national myths and ethnic deity of an enemy people as your own. It is harder still to admit that our ancestors lived in a low-information environment and were simply duped centuries ago.

Now, many counter-Semites have tried to sidestep the discussion entirely and simply try to focus on promoting ethnic self-awareness. Again, however, we come head-to-head with the recurring problem of the low levels of ethnocentricity among Western Whites. If the simple “closing ranks” approach works among more ethnocentric groups of people, perhaps it makes sense to work with the grain and not against it when it comes to proposing a solution for peoples who seem to have developed, for one reason or another, extremely low levels of empathy for their own kin.

Instead of being drawn to ideas of identity, these peoples seem drawn to religious-type/ideological thinking. Even if they are secular. After all, secular religions like Social Justice Warriorism and the global warming cult dominate White Western polite society now.

So, the point I am driving at here is rather simple.

Perhaps the solution for peoples who struggle to close ranks because of low levels of ethnocentricity ought to be to do what they do best and re-adopt religious thinking and Puritan-style religious fervor, to which they seem so well-suited naturally. If this is to be done however, perhaps it makes sense to stop pretending to be the real Jews and start focusing on becoming the real Christians instead. My contribution to the debate on possible solutions to the Jewish Question would be to recommend Marcionite Christian thinking, with its rejection of the Old Testament and juxtaposition of Christ to Yahweh, as a theologically sound and spiritually exclusionary alternative approach to religion.

While religious thinking certainly has its drawbacks, it does seem able to convince conscientious people from time to time of the possibility that destructive self-serving actions have grave metaphysical consequences. Again, both Shafarevich and myself agree that the only way to break out of the political, economic and social prison that the Jews have constructed for us is to close ranks and learn to engage in cooperative behavior with our own people. But, the only way to get Whites to cooperate and think about saving more than just their own skin is to adopt best practices that encourage cooperative behavior, punish self-serving selfishness and exclude the Jews by recognizing them as mortal enemies.

The how or the actual practice of closing ranks and promoting cooperation among our own is what we should be developing and debating now. Sadly, there has been very little progress on this front in either the West or the East.

Shafarevich and, to a certain extent, Solzhenitsyn, have done brave work in researching the Jewish Question and bringing the crimes of the Jews and the threat that they pose to the attention of millions of people worldwide. What they fail to do is advance the ball much further than describing the problem and shedding light on the Jews’ tactics and their ultimate agenda to destroy and remake our societies to better serve their own interests. To continue the analogy, these researchers passed the ball forward, into the enemy’s half of the field, hoping that someone on their team would pick it up and take it the rest of the way to the goal. Thanks to the hard work of researchers like Shafarevich, we now have a clear understanding of the Jewish Problem. Anyone looking for the holy grail that is the Jewish Solution, however, needs to start looking and thinking on their own.

Patterns of Perversion: Gay Privilege and Jewish Promotion of Pedophilia

“Thou shalt not recognize patterns.” It’s one of the core commandments of modern leftism. But that’s only the short version. In full, the commandment runs: “Thou shalt not recognize patterns — except when they’re not there.” For example, you’ll be severely punished if you recognize any genuine pattern involving misbehavior by a favored minority like Blacks or Jews or homosexuals. But you’ll be showered with funding and praise if, for example, you recognize patterns of “systemic racism” that force naturally virtuous and intelligent Blacks into poverty, crime and academic failure.

Monetizing masturbation

In short, realists are flogged, fantasists are rewarded. In the mainstream, at least. Fortunately for those of us who believe in reality, there are still hate-sites like the Occidental Observer and Unz Review where we can describe and discuss patterns of misbehavior among favored minorities. Take two big scandals about pedophilia that have erupted in Britain recently. Nobody in the mainstream media dared to connect the dots and identify some obvious patterns. The first scandal involved one Karl Andersson, a Swedish PhD student of Japanese culture at the University of Manchester. Like many other people, I would call cultural studies and other branches of post-modern academia a load of wank, which is a crude British expression meaning “load of rubbish.” Well, Karl Andersson brought that crude expression to life, because his “ethnographic method” involved literal masturbation over Japanese comics portraying “young boy characters” in a “sexually explicit way.”

And not only was he being funded to fiddle with himself: he explicitly described his masturbatory methodology in an academic journal called Qualitative Research. And before he’d been approved for his PhD he’d self-published a “Magazine Full of Half-Naked Little Boys,” as the headline at Vice put it. Even leftists professed to be shocked and disturbed by all this, but they didn’t point out some obvious things. For a start, Andersson had obviously enjoyed homosexual privilege: his pedophilia had not merely been ignored by his academic supervisors but actually condoned or even approved. After all, his article about wanking over gay pedo-porn wasn’t sent to the police by the editors of Qualitative Research, but accepted and published.

Pensions for pedophiles

But no mainstream commentator talked about “gay privilege” and connected this scandal with a much worse scandal at Islington council in London back in the 1980s. Under the leadership of the obnoxious Jewish leftist Margaret Hodge, homosexual pedophiles had been allowed to abuse boys in children’s homes without being challenged and, in the end, without being prosecuted. Hodge and her council protected men like Peter Righton, the gay founder of the gay Paedophile Information Exchange (PIE), which campaigned for pederasty to be made legal. Like Karl Andersson, Righton made no secret of his sexual preferences: “Every Islington care home manager knows I like boys from 12.” But if Hodge and the Labour council she headed did nothing to stop the abuse, it worked hard in other ways: “Staff who raised concerns were accused of racism and homophobia, and often hounded out of their jobs. Some … received death threats. Almost 30 council employees accused of child sex crimes were allowed to take early retirement (on generous pensions) instead of being subjected to formal investigations or referred to the police.”

That was gay privilege at work back in the 1980s. Now it’s been at work in the 2020s, allowing Karl Andersson to be funded for fiddling with himself and to have his wank-work published in Qualitative Research. But unlike the non-existent “white privilege” and “male privilege,” gay privilege isn’t recognized in the mainstream. It’s a pattern that really exists, so it can’t be mentioned. Nobody asked how many more Anderssons there are in Western academia, using gay privilege to conduct worthless or immoral “research.” I would predict that there are many, but I didn’t expect another one to emerge so quickly. I was wrong: meet Dr Jacob Breslow, another gay academic in the worthless field of “cultural studies.” Except that it’s not worthless for Breslow any more than it was for Andersson. Breslow has also been funded to pursue his sexual interest in boys and was the center of the second scandal about pedophilia to hit the British media this year. The transgender organization Mermaids, which campaigns for the chemical and surgical mutilation of children and teenagers, had appointed Breslow as one of its “trustees.” Then unfortunate details emerged of how he had been using his gay privilege. The homosexual website Pink News reported the news like this:

Mermaids has apologised and said it will review its recruitment processes after it emerged that a former trustee participated in a conference organised by a paedophile support group. The trans youth charity’s chair of trustees, Belinda Bell, confirmed it became aware of Jacob Breslow’s involvement in the conference, which “would have disqualified him from becoming a trustee”, on Monday (3 October [2022]), and that it “immediately launched an investigation”.

Breslow resigned the same day. An associate professor of gender and sexuality at the London School of Economics (LSE), Breslow gave a presentation at a 2011 symposium held by US group B4U-ACT. The organisation provides “compassionate assistance” to paedophiles, who it calls “minor-attracted people”. It was founded in 2003 by convicted sex offender Michael Melsheimer.

In a description of his 2011 presentation, Breslow wrote: “Allowing for a form of non-diagnosable minor attraction is exciting, as it potentially creates a sexual or political identity by which activists, scholars and clinicians can begin to better understand minor-attracted persons. This understanding may displace the stigma, fear and abjection that is naturalised as being attached to minor-attracted persons and may alter the terms by which non-normative sexualities are known.”

Bell offered an apology on behalf of Mermaids, saying: “We want to apologise for the distress and concern this news has caused. It is clear that Dr Breslow should never have been appointed to the board, and as chair of the trustee board I am horrified that he was.”

Bell also addressed concerns over how it was possible that Breslow was ever appointed, especially as a Google search of his name quickly brings up articles from 2021 mentioning his troubling work around paedophilia. She said: “All trustees and staff are subject to background checks including enhanced DBS searches, social media reviews and other due diligence. On this occasion, we also placed weight on the fact his employer is a globally renowned institution that would have carried out its own checks.” (“Mermaids says trustee who quit over paedophile group links ‘should never have been appointed,” Pink News, 6th October 2022)

Belinda Bell of Mermaids is using a disingenuous excuse: the London School of Economics (LSE) is a “globally renowned” leftist institution, which means that it isn’t particularly careful about child welfare. On the contrary, like leftist Islington Council and leftist Rotherham Council, it places child welfare far below minority-worship. That’s why Islington Council allowed homosexual pedophiles to operate with impunity and why Rotherham Council allowed (and still allows) Muslim rape-gangs to operate with impunity. It’s also why the “globally renowned” London School of Economics employed Dr Jacob Breslow as he pursued his sexual interest in boys and sought to “displace the stigma, fear and abjection that is naturalised as being attached to minor-attracted persons.”

Jacob the Jew? Dr Jacob Breslow of the London School of Economics

It was gay privilege at work again. It was also an example of how homosexuals seem both more likely to be pedophiles and more brazen about pursuing their pedophilia. But another forbidden pattern may be apparent in Dr Jacob Breslow: that of the over-representation of Jews in the promotion and practice of sexual perversion. I suspect Dr Breslow is Jewish. He looks Jewish and, according to the leftist Wiktionary, his surname is a “[v]ariant of German Breslau, a Jewish Ashkenazi surname.” His politics are also typically Jewish: he has written that his work “interrogates and thinks with … anti-deportation movements.”

A noxious Nazi narrative: a Jewish pedophile offers candy to two gentile children

But is his pedophilia also Jewish in some way? Well, allegations of a close association between Jews and pedophilia go back many years. For example, one of the noxious narratives in an anti-Semitic Nazi publication called Der Giftpilz (The Poisonous Mushroom) (1938) involves a Jewish pedophile trying to kidnap two gentile children by offering them candy. As the Jewish anti-racist Liz Fekete has complained, that kind of vicious stereotyping wasn’t confined to Nazi Germany: “There is, as you will know, a long history of racialising sex crimes in this country [Britain] — Jews being associated with paedophilia in the 1930s, West Indians with pimping in the 1950s and now the focus has shifted to Muslim ‘groomers’.”

Drinkers of Jewish blood

I’d suggest that all those “associations” are correct: Jews are indeed over-represented as pedophiles and Blacks and Muslims as pimps and rapists. By making such a claim about Jews, I am of course being anti-Semitic and exposing myself to the withering criticism levelled by the Jewish mother Laura Rosen Cohen at Mark Steyn’s website: “I’ve never seen a truly joyful antisemite. They are all scowling, angry losers who see Jews in their sandwiches or want to drink our blood.” Well, yes, I am a scowling, angry loser, but I don’t know where Laura gets the idea that anti-Semites want to drink Jewish blood. I certainly don’t. However, I do know of people who regularly drink Jewish blood. Trigger-warning for the easily (and not-so-easily) repulsed: those drinkers of Jewish blood are the Orthodox rabbis who suck clean the bleeding penises of the Jewish babies they have just circumcized. That’s part of traditional Judaism, but I don’t think it’s a healthy part or a good way to break the association between Jews and pedophilia.

I also know of someone who criticizes Jews as an “Idiot People” because they so consistently support and promote the most lunatic forms of leftism. That someone is Laura Rose Cohen herself, who regularly refers to Jews as “My Idiot People” in her columns for Mark Steyn and elsewhere. Finally, I know of someone who has written an article arguing that “It’s not just Kubrick and Sellers who made Lolita a Jewish film.” The article says that the theme of the film, that of “an outsider battling against the social order,” is “typically Jewish” and has “Jewish appeal.” The article doesn’t explicitly say that Jews and pedophiles are natural allies, but that seems to be the subtext.

And where did this vile piece of anti-Semitism appear? It was in a widely read British newspaper, in fact, but no-one is going to be prosecuted and jailed for it. That’s because the newspaper was the Jewish Chronicle and the author of the article was the Jewish academic Dr Nathan Abrams, Professor of Film Studies at Bangor University:

It’s not just Kubrick and Sellers who made Lolita a Jewish film

The story’s theme of an outsider battling against the social order is — despite the troubling subject matter — typically Jewish

How did they ever make a movie of Lolita?” was the question posed by the posters advertising the film version of Vladimir Nabokov’s notoriously scandalous novel, released in the UK on 6 September, 1962. The “they” in question were two Jewish boys from New York: the famous director Stanley Kubrick and his then producing partner James B Harris.

Fresh from the big-budget success of Spartacus in 1960, Kubrick and Harris wanted to carve out their niche in the film industry, and what better way to do this, they thought, in the newly liberalising 1960s than to adapt a novel about rival paedophiles vying for the affections of a teenage girl? Their adaptation became filled with Jewishness. Nabokov himself had put Jews in his novel possibly through the influence of his Jewish wife, Vera, who we now know played an instrumental role in his career in general and this novel in particular, even saving it from being burned by its author.

… Feeling that “the story offers a marvellous opportunity for humour”, Kubrick made sure Lolita retained as much of Nabokov’s smutty puns, innuendo, and double entendres as he could in an era when the production code still governed what could and could not appear in a movie.

And he cast the greatest British Jewish comic actor of his era, Peter Sellers. Jewish by birth through his “archetypal Jewish mother,” Sellers did not practice any religion. Nor was he bar mitzvahed. But he was circumcised and, as the only Jewish boy at a North London Catholic school, he was certainly aware of his ethnic and religious Otherness. …

The other key piece of casting was Shelley Winters as the unsympathetic and pseudo-intellectual suburban hausfrau Charlotte Haze. Winters was born Jewish, as Shirley Schrift, but took her mother’s family name. … The Holocaust was also much in the news and popular culture at the same time as Lolita was in pre-production. In 1960, Adolf Eichmann was captured in Argentina, kidnapped and transported to Israel where he was imprisoned while awaiting trial. Incidentally, at some point during his incarceration, one of Eichmann’s guards gave him a copy of the recently published German translation of Lolita, as German-Jewish émigré philosopher Hannah Arendt puts it, “for relaxation”. After two days Eichmann returned it, indignantly telling his guard it was “quite an unwholesome book”. Is it possible that Eichmann rejected Lolita not only because of its sexual content but also because he detected it as being somehow “Jewish”?

Lolita was last adapted in 1997 with young Humbert Humbert played by Ben Silverstone. Other than that, it was wiped clean of any Jewish traces. Nevertheless, it remains a story that has attracted Jewish writers to adapt it: playwrights Harold Pinter and David Mamet both attempted and failed. Despite, or maybe because of, its controversial and troubling subject matter, Lolita has a Jewish appeal. As Kubrick put it, “It concerns the outsider who is passionately committed to action against the social order… fighting to do some impossible thing.” (“It’s not just Kubrick and Sellers who made Lolita a Jewish film,” The Jewish Chronicle, 2nd September 2022)

I think the noxious Nazi Adolf Eichmann was right: Lolita is indeed “an unwholesome book.” It has undoubtedly encouraged pedophiles to act and may often have corrupted them in the first place. Whatever its literary merits, the manuscript would have been better burnt as its gentile author Vladimir Nabokov intended it to be. But Nabokov’s Jewish wife Vera “rescued” it and enabled it to be first published by the half-Jewish pornographer Maurice Girodias and then filmed by the Jewish director Stanley Kubrick. The book is about an “outsider,” after all, and Jews sympathize with outsiders, not with the majority (except in Israel, where they are the majority themselves). That sympathy obviously doesn’t stop when the outsider is a pedophile. Perhaps Girodias and Kubrick should have considered this disturbing insight from the poet Alexander Pope (1688–1744):

Vice is a monster of so frightful mien,
As, to be hated, needs but to be seen;
Yet seen too oft, familiar with her face,
We first endure, then pity, then embrace. (Essay on Man, 1733)

Or perhaps Girodias and Kubrick were already aware of the psychology described by Pope and fully intended that pedophilia should be more widely endured, pitied, and embraced. A Jew called Noah Berlatsky certainly intends those three steps to apply to pedophilia in America. He appears at Jewish Currents as the author of Nazi Dreams: Films about Fascism, which promises to teach readers “how to identify Nazis and punch them in the snoot!” He has claimed that “sex offender registries are ‘racist’,” is currently attacking Kanye West for his “flirtation with white supremacy,” and, like Jacob Breslow, prefers to call pedophiles “minor-attracted persons.” Like Breslow again, he spent a long time promoting pedophilia before he provoked a scandal:

Noah Berlatsky is the Communications Director of an organisation that engages in the normalisation of pedophilia. The name of the organisation is the Prostasia Foundation and it does appear to endorse extremely problematic opinions. Prostasia calls pedophiles ‘minor attracted persons’ or MAPs, which is an undisguised attempt to rebrand pedophilia as a sexual orientation such as homosexuality. In the past, it has condemned Tumblr removing “MAPs’ and allies’ blogs”. In a post on its website, Prostasia went on to claim that removing such content would harm children.

The post claimed, “An entire community at the “ground zero” of child sexual abuse prevention is being censored, and it’s children who will ultimately suffer the most.” The foundation also claims that “stigma” against pedophilia is a consequence of “alt-right conspiracy theorists” and “sexual conservatives”. (“Meet Noah Berlatsky: The Rutgers University Press published author working hard to normalise pedophilia,” OpIndia, 30th August 2021)

Meet Noah Berlatsky, Jewish anti-racist, anti-fascist and pro-pedophile activist

That article appeared at a mainstream website, so no pattern-recognition took place. Berlatsky’s Jewishness wasn’t mentioned, even though he appears to be yet another example of the patterns of perversion that link Jews with pedophilia. Nobody in the mainstream dares to discuss these patterns. After all, when it comes to a choice between saving children from being raped and shielding favored minorities from criticism, no good leftist hesitates for even a second. As the scandals in Rotherham and many other British towns and cities prove, leftists consistently side with the child-rapists, not with the raped children.

What’s Up with All the Blacks on Television?

Unless you’ve been living under a rock or have thrown your television out the window, you’ve probably noticed how frequently Blacks are shown on TV and in the movies. It’s not like the old days when token Black actors played minor and inconsequential roles. Blacks were rarely portrayed as important persons in professional roles such as doctors, lawyers, school administrators and scientists because it didn’t reflect their actual place in society. Such portrayals would have been seen as contrived and unrealistic by most Americans because there were comparably few Blacks who were doctors, lawyers, school administrators and scientists.

Blacks in television and the movies were commonly portrayed as hustlers, pimps, and low-level street criminals. They were rarely portrayed as college-educated, and those Blacks who sought to obtain an education were often depicted as attending night school to get their high school diploma. This wasn’t a cruel and “racist” portrayal of Blacks, but one that accurately characterized what far too many of them were like (and yes, there were exceptions then just as there are exceptions now).

Those days are over. Today, almost every commercial and almost every movie features a Black person in a leading role. This has been occurring for at least the past five years. At first it was gradual, but it wasn’t long before it increased to the point where even ‘normies’ began to recognize an obvious pattern of overrepresentation of Blacks or “people of color” on television. Foreigners watching American television might be tempted to think that Blacks are the dominant U.S. demographic, yet they comprise only slightly above 12% of the overall population. Even at 12%, it’s a dangerously high number when one considers the skyrocketing levels of crime Blacks in America commit. They have managed to make unsafe and almost unlivable every major U.S. city — a truth the mainstream media refuses to concede even though it’s abundantly apparent that America has a serious Black crime problem.

One doesn’t need to be “red-pilled” or “racist” to see that the entirety of our nation’s media outlets is preoccupied with portraying Blacks in ways the vast majority of them are not. How so? Racially mixed couples (usually a Black man with a White wife) are constantly presented as the norm. Though there has been an increase in racially mixed marriages in America, I doubt it’s as common as portrayed on television commercials. They even show White men with Black wives which is even rarer.

The image of such mixed couples portrayed by the media is always idealistic and pristine. They live in perfect, designer-style homes, and the image is almost always of a wealthy or above-average income family with beautiful racially mixed children. Though this may sometimes be case, I have rarely witnessed this sort of thing in all my years. Usually, the White female is morbidly obese and settles for a Black guy because no White guy wants her. The Black guy is most often a street thug or aspiring ‘rapper.’ He’s happy to be with any White woman even if she’s visually repugnant to most men, and of course, he won’t be around when the babies come.

The Black actor on Television is always portrayed as witty and well-spoken. Often, he’s the alpha male. He or she is always smarter and more perceptive than any White man in the room. White males are almost always portrayed as weak, and socially awkward or imbecilic. They must be constantly corrected by both the Black male and White female actors in any commercial or TV sitcom. This is such a common theme that only the most biased would deny its truth. Whether it’s the cool Denzel Washington, the multi-talented Jamie Foxx, or the all-wise Morgan Freeman, Blacks are better and smarter than any White guy portrayed on television.

Yet despite the constant praise given to Blacks for their “achievements” and “culture” by a fawning media, they have produced nothing of real value in the world, at least in comparison to what Whites have produced over the centuries. Years ago, I discussed this very point with a Black gentleman who tried to persuade me of the great intelligence and ingenuity of Black people. He pointed to a host of modern skyscrapers and complex architectural designs found in some African countries. In his mind, this demonstrated the equality if not the superiority of Blacks over Whites. It didn’t seem to occur to him that all of it was the result of what Whites previously invented many years earlier and which they graciously shared with Blacks under their tutelage.

It’s important to remember that Africans in all their history never even invented a second story building let alone beautiful cathedrals and towering skyscrapers. The first Christian missionaries upon arrival on the Dark Continent were appalled at the ignorance, superstition and blood-thirsty nature of the Africans they encountered. Cannibalism was a common occurrence and was an integral part of African tribal existence. Moreover, Africans had not invented the wheel nor even a codified language. That came years later under the direction of White missionaries. Yet the sort of Wakanda mythology that prevails in America today has permeated the thinking of almost all Blacks and a sizable portion of the White population too. No fair-minded person wants to point out such uncomfortable truths about Blacks, but when complete lies and fabrications are spread about them, there is the need to set the record straight, especially because any shortcomings of Blacks are automatically attributed to White evil.

If one wants to get a perspective of just how ineffectual and backwards Blacks are in creating the kinds of societies that Whites take for granted, I’d recommend the documentary Empire of Dust (2011). It chronicles the frustrating and often futile efforts of Chinese workers to get Blacks in the town of Kolwezi (Congo) to mine the immensely valuable resources available to them. Lao Yang is repeatedly stunned at the level of incompetence, lack of organization and forethought of the Congolese Blacks to take steps in improving their country. The simplest tasks take weeks and even months to accomplish because of problems in the supply chain, mistakes that could have easily been avoided, unskilled laborers, language barriers, and constant bribery which grinds everything to a halt.

At one point, Yang complained to his Black translator and assistant, Eddy, as to why the Congolese people never improved conditions after French colonial rule. Yang tells him, “You went backwards, not forwards. You neglected the things others had left to you. What’s more, you completely destroyed them!” Eddy had no answers because he knew it was true.

What Yang finally realized after spending time with Blacks was the opposite of any Wakanda fairy tale. He discovered that Blacks accomplish very little in terms of productivity even when given the resources and direction they need. They tend to waste all that’s handed to them and, as Yang discovered, they destroy it too.

When apartheid ended in the early 1990s, for instance, the entire nation of South Africa that was previously ruled by Whites was handed over to South African Blacks. Yet it wasn’t long before they managed to turn it into a corrupt and criminal cesspool. Blacks don’t seem to understand the value of what is before them even when it’s shown to them. They are disorganized and embarrassingly incompetent. Is it any wonder why China has managed to mine the abundant natural resources of Africa rather than indigenous Africans themselves?

There is another documentary that likewise illustrates the rather primitive nature of Africans. It was released in 1966 by two Italian filmmakers and shot over a period of three years: Africa Addio (Farewell Africa). It’s a graphic portrayal of African Blacks and the chaos and bloodshed that ensued after colonial rule. The film illustrates the downfall that occurs when Blacks are left to their own devices. Their more primitive traits are unleashed with no restraint. This is not a movie for the fainthearted. Its value is found in showing how dependent Blacks are upon the White man if they want a civilized society with law and order – the very thing that Blacks historically have been unable to create on their own.

Thus, when America’s media and entertainment industry places Blacks on such exalted pedestals, it reveals how absurd things have become in this once-great nation. It exposes what complete fabrications we live under and which we as Whites are expected to believe without question.

What’s the purpose of so much overrepresentation of Blacks and racially mixed couples on television and in the movies? What is the end goal?

Corporate Profits

There is undoubtedly a financial motive involved. Manufacturers and corporations feel the need to keep up with the changing racial demographics of the U.S., and so they intentionally choose minorities to represent their products since it’s likely to have a broader public appeal. The bottom line for such corporations is understandably large profits. They want to reach as many consumers as possible in order to create great wealth for their shareholders. Thus, if there is a declining White population and a growing minority population, and since Whites don’t seem to mind being portrayed as relatively weak, unmasculine, and stupid, they will make whatever marketing shifts they need to in order to reach any new or increasing demographic. Since financial profits are the bottom line, any concerns over Whites being slowly erased from television sitcoms, commercials and movies plays no role in their marketing strategies.

Hollywood’s Promise to Rectify Past Wrongs

The increasing presence of Blacks and other minority groups is part of Hollywood’s promise to make television and movies less White. Their rational is that Black talent has been held back, that they have not been treated fairly throughout the movie industry’s history, so they are now trying to rectify past wrongs by giving Blacks a greater presence in all forms of entertainment. This is essentially how the motion picture industry frames it. I find it disingenuous at best.

Yet there are other reasons, ones that have a more sinister purpose behind them.

To Signal that a New People Have Arrived

The overrepresentation of Blacks and other minority groups on TV and commercials is intended to signal that a new people have arrived and that White America is history. No longer are Whites seen as the dominant and most important demographic in America. Blacks and an ever-increasing Hispanic demographic are the new Americans. This did not occur overnight. Instead, it played out over a period of about 60 years. It was the result of American corporations wanting cheap labor coupled with millions of apathetic Americans who chose to ignore what was occurring at their southern border. Both legal as well as illegal non-White immigration contributed to our current circumstances. All the while our elected representatives stood by and did nothing of any real significance to stop the flood of invading hordes. President Reagan, in fact, gave millions of them amnesty in 1986 which only exacerbated the problems we faced as a country.

In the past, when one conjured up the image of an American, they naturally thought of a Caucasian. One did not immediately think of a Black or a Mexican. This is no longer the case. We are taught that an ‘American’ is anyone who happens to land on U.S. soil regardless of whether he’s Hispanic, negro, Asian, Middle Eastern or whatever his racial ancestry might be. This, of course, stands in stark contrast to what our American founders would have thought about Blacks and Mexicans for in no way would they have viewed them as our equals or even as rightful citizens. Yet that matters little in today’s America where what our Founders envisioned for the country has been almost completely jettisoned.

To Demoralize Whites

The overrepresentation of so many Blacks on television is meant to demoralize Whites. Its purpose is to make us seem less and to even feel less than who we are. This explains why Blacks are always portrayed as cooler and smarter than Whites. Even our White women are portrayed as smarter than White males. None of it is accidental. All of it is meant to demean us racially, to make us feel inferior, and to condition the entire country to believe that White people are not needed. They are, at best, merely tolerated but even this won’t be for much longer if the anti-Whites have their way. This is why anti-White racism is so widely sanctioned in the U.S. No other racial group, other than Whites, is permitted such opprobrium and overt discrimination. It’s socially acceptable in the U.S. to denigrate White people. And the greater tragedy it is that Whites are more than happy to lead the charge! I can’t think of any other racial group — other than Whites — that works so hard to abolish themselves.

The degradation of Whites in all forms of entertainment becomes even more disturbing when one realizes that we are not being subdued or outclassed by a superior or more intelligent race of people, but essentially by sub-Saharan negroes and their descendants — a racial group that’s only slightly more intelligent than the lowest aboriginals! Talk about rubbing salt into the wound. The powers-that-be have made sure that not only are Whites gradually erased from the very nation their ancestors founded, but they are erased by a vastly inferior racial group — one that not only possesses on average significantly lower intelligence levels than Whites — but which has a long history of strong criminal proclivities and an inability to function in western civil society. It’s perhaps the ultimate insult. But this was its purpose all along.

To Promote and Normalize Miscegenation

The presence of so many racially mixed couples on television is meant to persuade us that marrying out of one’s own race is normal and a good thing. It’s intended to make us think it’s proper. Its ultimate purpose is to dilute our European bloodline. It’s intended to make us mutts, to have no real identity, no real culture, no deep-seated ancestral roots.

But mark this well: The push for racial miscegenation is only for White people. Blacks, Hispanics, and Asians are permitted to retain their unique racial identities, including all that is distinctive of them as peoples. And they are encouraged to do so too. As Whites, we are encouraged to celebrate their racial identities and their cultural uniqueness but to loathe all that is unique to us as a people. That so many White people in America would subscribe to this way of thinking shows just how badly we have been propagandized for the past sixty years.

Who is Behind So Much of This?

The question naturally arises: Who’s behind all of this and why? There can be little doubt that a host of elite Jews and Jewish organizations stand as the central figures behind most of what’s occurring (along with plenty of White sycophants eager to please their Jewish masters) — especially plausible given the very prominent, even dominant role that Jews play in the media which of course is the main purveyor of these messages. This is not to say that every single Jew without exception has as his or her goal to deracinate White people and to make them minorities in their own countries. The average Jew, I suspect, has no such goals and may not even think in such terms, although most of them would likely support Third-World immigration into the West for perceived humanitarian reasons — the very thing they would not support if such immigration were occurring in Israel.

Yet there is a wealthy and powerful cabal of Jews throughout the West who have worked tirelessly to destroy all vestiges of White racial identity. It’s not so much “white supremacy” they fear (however defined) but organized White solidarity; the fear that Whites might unite on behalf of their own racial and cultural interests; and especially the fear that Whites might discover the culturally subversive ways of Jews and muster the courage to give them the final boot. It’s happened so many times in history that it’s naïve to imagine that perceptive Jews don’t think of it often. Their proclivities toward hysteria, overreach and a victimhood mentality help keep far too many of them in a constant state of paranoia over this very possibility.

There can be no reasonable denial that Jews largely run Hollywood, including the media and an array of social media platforms that guarantee the constant presence of Blacks on television and the movies. Countless names could be mentioned to confirm such an assertion, including Israeli-born billionaire and mega-producer, Arnon Milchan, Bob Iger (Chairman/CEO of Walt Disney Company), David Geffen, Jeffrey Katzenberg, and Steven Spielberg (co-founders of Dreamworks SKG), Jason Blum (founder/CEO of Blumhouse Productions), Aaron Sorkin (prominent writer and producer), David Herzog (Viacom President), and the list goes on. Some Jews are quite proud of it, and they’re not afraid to admit it. Jay Michaelson is one such person. In an article he wrote titled, “The Oscars are Too White – and That’s a Jewish Problem” (The Jewish Daily Forward, February 1, 2016), he posits the following:

 “The Jews control Hollywood.” It’s one of those anti-Semitic tropes that, we all know, contains a certain grain of truth. “Control,” no — not with that ominous, conspiratorial connotation. But “helped create”? “Disproportionately populate?” Sure. From the founding of California’s motion picture industry (well documented in books like Neal Gabler’s “An Empire of Their Own: How Jews Created Hollywood”) to the present day, Jews have played an outsized role as its producers, agents, directors and writers.

It’s not just a myth. Which is why the at-least-equally disproportionate exclusion of people of color from the Academy Awards — the phenomenon hashtagged as #OscarsSoWhite — is a Jewish problem.

But it’s also a Jewish opportunity, because if Jewish leaders took the initiative to address the crisis proactively, the Jewish “elephant in the room” could instead be a powerful force for change . . . If the academy were an actual academy in the true sense of the word, it might recognize the present-day effects of historical injustices — part of what we call white privilege — and take affirmative actions to correct them. But the academy isn’t a real academy, it’s a club. Specifically, it’s like a 1950s private social club. Apart from Oscar winners, members must be referred in. Now, this situation is finally changing. The academy’s president, Cheryl Boone Isaacs, is a woman of color. And, in response to the recent outrage, the governing board took some important steps: abolishing life membership, and doubling female and minority membership by 2020.

These steps are valuable, but the academy is a symptom of a larger, industrywide problem . . . Here’s where Jewish leadership could play a role. Suppose L.A.’s celebrity rabbis urged Jewish film makers to take the initiative in diversifying the industry as a whole, not just the academy specifically. Suppose those movers and shakers personally committed to more recruitment, more support and more training of women and people of color in the film industry at large. None of this would require government programs, quotas or race-based hiring. Rather, imagine if the Spielbergs and Geffens of L.A. endowed scholarships for minority students working in film, internship opportunities at their own shops, and proactive efforts to reach out to those from disadvantaged communities. And imagine if they did so as Jews — generally, in the case of Hollywood, non-practicing and non-religious Jews, but still members of what Justice Felix Frankfurter once called “the most persecuted minority in history.” If a public alliance of American Jewish filmmakers took personal initiative to fix this unjust, embarrassing and ugly situation, they could make a real difference.

Michaelson not only concedes that Jews created and “disproportionately populate” the motion picture industry, but he publicly urges Hollywood moguls to recruit and hire even more minorities for leading roles. The result inevitably leads to the displacement of White actors in Hollywood — Whites, although underrepresented, are noticeably missing from Michaelson’s recommendations. Such blatant discrimination wouldn’t be tolerated in today’s racially correct climate if its subjects were Black or Hispanic, but no eyebrows are raised when the subjects are White.

The reasons behind Jewish cultural subversion remain the same whether it’s national immigration policy, the promotion of pornography, gay and LGBTQ+ rights, gay marriage, or the slow and steady erasing of Whites on television, commercials and the movies — namely, to make Whites a despised minority in the very country they’ve founded so that what occurred in Germany between the years 1933 to 1945 may never occur again. Jews may not at first agree with this point, but if you press them long enough, many of them will concede that White racial solidarity remains a constant fear of theirs.

Discerning Jews know they cannot rule when Whites are aware of their racial identity and are strongly connected to it. They oppose all forms of nationalism (other than their own) among Whites because it produces the very solidarity that threatens them and which they seek to destroy. Whites united and racially conscious of their heritage invariably creates the kind of society in which Jews remain as outsiders, and they know it all too well.

For Jews to be successful in our societies, they must sever our racial bonds and create division and strife among us. They use a divide-and-conquer playbook to dispossess our people. Yet panic erupts among them once we discover their playbook and make it known to others. That’s why even veiled public references about Jews are quickly denounced by Jewish activist groups such as the ADL (e.g., “rootless cosmopolitans,” “internationalists,” or even references to George Soros’s political activism). Consider as an example the recent overreaction by Jews over Kanye West’s statements in “naming the Jew” as responsible for originating cancel culture The general public, then, must at all costs be prohibited from learning anything negative about Jews lest they start to connect the dots and see for themselves.

Conclusion

For Whites in America, there is no easy way out of our problems. There is probably a multiplicity of paths that can be taken to help reverse current trends as opposed to one definitive plan. Yet I doubt any of it will prove effective so long as Whites remain divided and under the spell of so much propaganda and deception. Perhaps the greatest need now is for racially aware Whites to work on educating our people. Unless we work to awaken as many as we can about our racial and cultural concerns, little progress will result. Failure to get our people to think differently will only encourage them to side with our enemies.

 

Jewish Assimilation?

An issue that comes up when talking about Jewish influence, especially, say, in the early twentieth century, is how to interpret the calls of some Jewish intellectuals for Jews to assimilate. Assimilation can mean many things. We can all agree that Orthodox and Hasidic Jews tucked away in self-created ghettos and eschewing secular education are not assimilated; such groups were more mainstream in the Jewish community in the early twentieth century in America, since the vast majority of Jewish immigrants to the U.S. came from Eastern Europe where they lived quite apart from the surrounding society and often did not speak the language of the country they were living in.

But what about Jews who rejected the ghettos and toned down their religious observance to Reform Judaism or rejected religion altogether? Does speaking English and being a baseball fan mean that one is assimilated to America and its culture? Is Bill Kristol assimilated? What about pro-Israel fanatic and Hollywood mogul Haim Saban (Democrat funder), a dual citizen of the U.S. and Israel who once said of himself: “I’m a one-issue guy, and my issue is Israel.” The late casino billionaire Sheldon Adelson (Republican donor) who also wanted to nuke Iran? Jonathan Greenblatt?

They would all say that they are assimilated despite their intense support for Israel as a Jewish state—which (obviously) may not have the same interests as the United States, as Mearsheimer and Walt and many others have stressed.

The problem is that Jews who have advocated assimilation rarely spell out what they mean, and therein lies the problem. Are they saying Judaism should disappear into the general European-derived gene pool of the U.S. or perhaps into the  U.S. population as a whole, so that after a few generations, Judaism would be a distant, historically interesting memory of no current political or cultural relevance in the U.S.? Or are they saying that Judaism should continue to exist along with Jewish activist organizations like AIPAC, the ADL, and organizations such as Birthright Israel that advance Jewish interests or identity but while also being immersed those aspects of American culture that don’t conflict with Jewish interests—such as professional sports, appreciating non-Jewish writers (even White male non-Jewish writers), or even listening to country music. If the latter, one can certainly argue that Jewish assimilation is at best partial and at worst a façade masking commitment to Jewish interests that may be incompatible with the interests of the society as a whole and with the interests of other important components of the society. Support for Israel is the most obvious example—such as the current trend toward equating anti-Zionist and pro-Palestine attitudes and boycotts with anti-Semitism.

Or does assimilation mean something in between—say strongly identified secular Jews whose world very consciously revolves around Jewish identity and interests to the exclusion of pretty much everything else. Needless to say, such a person is not assimilated in any meaningful sense.

The problem must be addressed historically. During times of heightened anti-Semitism, such as during the 1920s until after World War II, Jews were well advised to be circumspect about their Jewish identities and Jewish commitments. For example, the Zionist movement began in the late nineteenth century but was a minority viewpoint within the Jewish community until the establishment of Israel because of fears of charges of “dual loyalty”—the idea that Jews would be at least as loyal to Israel as to the United States, and perhaps even more loyal to Israel. Even in the twenty-first century, neoconservative Jews with strong emotional and family connections to Israel are careful to frame their proposals for war in the Middle East as serving U.S. interests.

This is a general point. Jews, as a relatively small minority in the West, must attempt to appeal to non-Jews and avoid framing their theories and policy proposals in terms of their Jewish identity and Jewish interests. Thus one searches in vain for public pronouncements and framing of theories explicitly in terms of advancing Jewish interests. And thus the lucrative and therefore tempting infrastructure that Jews have created in support of their causes, such as the network of neoconservative think tanks, positions at universities, and opportunities in the media that undoubtedly attract many non-Jews. But typically, in the absence of evidence of explicit Jewish activism (e.g., being a member of the ADL or AIPAC, or, as in the case of the Frankfurt School, having your central academic work, The Authoritarian Personality (1950), published by the American Jewish Committee), one must must pore over detailed biographies that include, e.g.,  accounts of private conversations and letters. Freud, for example, left behind a great deal of evidence of his Jewish identity and his sense of Jewish interests. Others did not, so one is forced to piece together an account on relatively scant evidence.

One tactic that may be helpful in this regard is to determine whether the attitudes of a particular person are congruent with mainstream Jewish opinion as explicitly stated by prominent Jewish activist organizations like the American Jewish Committee during the 1920s. While a Jewish intellectual intent on establishing scientific credibility in the wider scientific community may be loath to explicitly state his attitudes and opinions on Jewish issues, Jewish organizations are typically not reticent. For example, during the 1920s’ immigration debates during which the American Jewish Committee (fronted by Louis Marshall) played by far the greatest role in opposing restriction, Franz Boas published his study of the skull shapes of immigrants (later found to be likely fraudulent). From Chapter 7 of The Culture of Critique:

Boas was greatly motivated by the immigration issue as it occurred early in the century. Carl Degler (1991, 74) notes that Boas’s professional correspondence “reveals that an important motive behind his famous head-measuring project in 1910 was his strong personal interest in keeping the United States diverse in population.” The study, whose conclusions were placed into the Congressional Record by Representative Emanuel Celler [the Jewish Congressman who was a leader of the anti-restriction forces in the House] during the debate on immigration restriction (Cong. Rec., April 8, 1924, 5915–5916), concluded that the environmental differences consequent to immigration caused differences in head shape. (At the time, head shape as determined by the “cephalic index” was the main measurement used by scientists involved in racial differences research.) Boas argued that his research showed that all foreign groups living in favorable social circumstances had become assimilated to the United States in the sense that their physical measurements converged on the American type. Although he was considerably more circumspect regarding his conclusions in the body of his report (see also Stocking 1968, 178), Boas (1911, 5) stated in his introduction that “all fear of an unfavorable influence of South European immigration upon the body of our people should be dismissed.” As a further indication of Boas’s ideological commitment to the immigration issue, Degler makes the following comment regarding one of Boas’s environmentalist explanations for mental differences between immigrant and native children: “Why Boas chose to advance such an adhoc interpretation is hard to understand until one recognizes his desire to explain in a favorable way the apparent mental backwardness of the immigrant children” (p. 75).

It’s not too much of a stretch to assume that Boas was ethnically motivated along with the mainstream activist Jewish community on this issue. Yet I suspect that if Boas was asked whether his Jewish background influenced his research, he would deny it—something like, “I just think that diversity is intrinsically good. Diversity is our greatest strength!” End of story.

This relates to another fundamental issue: the complexity of Jewish identity in general. The point here is that deception, self-deception and even honest lack of self-awareness (e.g., the example below of a rabbi who “didn’t know how Jewish he was” until he became obsessed about Israel’s Six-Day War) abound among Jews in their relationship to being Jewish and pursuing Jewish interests. The result is that one has to do the best one can while realizing that the historical period makes a difference—Jews are much more apt to expressly identify as Jews and assert their interests as Jews now because there are far fewer downsides to doing so than a century ago. As a result, one can be forgiven for pouncing on relatively small indications of Jewish identity and interests as decisive indicators during some periods more than others. The following is the majority of Chapter 8 of Separation and Its Discontents on Jewish self-deception, without the footnotes. The point is that even Jews who claim not to have a Jewish identity or to work on behalf of Jewish interests may be engaging in deception or self-deception. Both are quite adaptive processes with a likely evolutionary origin.

*   *   *

Jewish self-deception touches on a variety of issues, including personal identity, the causes and extent of anti-Semitism, the characteristics of Jews (e.g., economic success), and the role of Jews in the political and cultural process in traditional and contemporary societies. Perhaps the most important example of self-deceptive Jewish religious ideology, reiterated as a theme of Jewish self-conceptions beginning in the ancient world, is the view that Judaism is an ethically superior, altruistic group and is therefore morally obligated to continue as a cohesive, genetically segregated group purely for the ethical purpose of providing a shining example to the rest of humanity (see Chapter 7).

Because of their critical attitudes toward diaspora Judaism, Zionists have often been quite conscious of the mental fabrications of their coreligionists. Thus the historian Sir Louis Namier (1934, xxxvii–xxxviii) (himself an Anglican convert and Zionist activist [Whitfield 1988]) describes the “better-class” liberal Jew in pre-National Socialist Germany who

was high-minded, broad-minded, open-minded, and without roots, for he lacked the live touch with any living community. . . . His conception of Judaism merely as a religion was curiously superficial and self-contradictory. For that which distinguishes the Jewish religion in its modern form from, say, Christian Unitarianism, is merely the national tradition which most of the adherents of Liberal or Reform Judaism profess to reject. By refraining from complete amalgamation and by maintaining their separate racial and historical identity, of which they deny the existence, they have kept themselves suspended in mid-air—moral Luftmenschen, who provoke criticism among their own people and distrust among the non-Jews. In reality, most of them were perfectly sincere within the limits of their own conscious thinking; they did not avow their insincerity even to themselves.

The German economist Werner Sombart (1913, 264) touched on Jewish self-deception in his work, Jews and Modern Capitalism:

Just as so many Jews do not see themselves—do they not deny their obvious characteristics and assert that there is no difference between them and Englishmen or Germans or Frenchmen? . . . How many Jews still hold that the Jewish Question is only a political one, and are convinced that a liberal régime is all that is required to remove the differences between the Jew and his neighbour. It is nothing short of astounding to read the opinion of so soundly learned a man as the author of one of the newest books on the Jewish Question that the whole of the anti-Semitic movement during the last thirty years was the result of the works of Marr and Dühring. “The thousand victims of the pogroms and the million sturdy workers who emigrated from their homes are but a striking illustration of the power of—Eugen Dühring” (!)

Sombart’s comments touch on the apologetic nature of Jewish historiography which is a central theme of Chapter 7. Much of this work undoubtedly involves self-deception. In a comment that also stresses the complexity of Jewish identity processes, Lindemann (1997, 535; italics in text) writes that “Jews actually do not want to understand their past—or at least those aspects of their past that have to do with the hatred directed at them, since understanding may threaten other elements of their complex and often contradictory identities.”

Zionist historian Gershom Scholem (1979) describes the massive self-deception among the “broad Jewish liberal middle class” (p. 16) living in Germany from 1900 to 1933. Scholem describes the “contrast between the general principles that were consciously upheld in domestic discussions and the mental attitudes that remained subconscious and in many cases were even explicitly disavowed” (p. 17). They accepted the ideology that Judaism was nothing more than a religion despite the fact that most of them had no religious beliefs and many had developed “Jewish feeling which no longer had anything to do with religion” (p. 20). Many accepted the ideology that “the mission of Judaism was its self-sacrifice for the common good of mankind” (p. 26), despite the fact that Jews were vastly overrepresented in all of the markers of economic and cultural success in the society. Jews would lead humanity into a universalistic, ethically superior golden age, while they themselves retained “semi-conscious” feelings of solidarity with international Jewry. Their avowals of anti-Zionism and German patriotism were often “more evident than real” (p. 18)—a comment that brings to mind the much earlier observation of Moses Hess, who wrote in 1840 about the despised assimilated Jew “who denies his nationality while the hand of fate presses heavily on his own people. The beautiful phrases about humanity and enlightenment which he employs as a cloak for his treason  . . . will ultimately not protect him from public opinion” (in Frankel 1981, 12). The self-image of being completely socially assimilated also coexisted with exclusive socialization among other Jews and criticism of upper-class Jews who socialized with gentiles. Self-images of assimilation also coexisted with very negative or ambivalent attitudes toward conversion and intermarriage.

Moreover, the image of being submerged in completely “German” activities coexisted with the reality of engaging in activities that only Jews engaged in, and also in taking great pride in Jewish accomplishments, Jewish suffering, and in a Jewish history that was very different from German history. They took great pride in their invention of monotheism and in the concept that Christianity was the “daughter-religion” of Judaism—an ideology that clearly places Judaism in a superior role vis-à-vis Christianity. Their intellectual idols were people like Moritz Lazarus, Hermann Cohen, Franz Rosenzweig—all Jews, many of whom were themselves engaged in intellectual work involving self-deception. (Cohen believed that Jews had to survive as a people in order to promote a unique ethical vision [Rubin 1995a, 53].) Their literary idols were Jews who had achieved popularity among gentiles and thus were a source of group pride.

The reality of anti-Semitism was almost completely blotted out of Jewish consciousness.[1] Very few Jews read anti-Semitic literature, and the general tendency was to suppose that anti-Semitic practices “were unimportant marginal phenomena” (p. 23).[2] Jewish cultural domination was a theme of anti-Semitism, but in 1912 when Zionist author Moritz Goldstein made his famous comment that Jews should contemplate the implications of the fact that the German cultural heritage was now largely in Jewish hands, the reaction was self-deception:

The unexpected frankness with which a Jew who eschewed self-delusion thus broke a taboo which otherwise had only been violated by anti-Semites with malicious tendencies, illuminated with lightning clarity the prevailing socio-political tensions. And perhaps more illuminating was the embittered reaction of most of the Jewish participants . . . who repudiated the thesis as such, declared the ventilation of the question to be improper, and tried with all their might to efface the divisions thus exposed. (Scholem 1979, 30)

Goldstein was a Zionist, and his essay was greeted with hostility by liberal Jewish organizations who assailed the “excessive nationalism” and “racial semitism” of the Zionists (see Field 1981, 248). As Field (1981, 248) points out, another aspect of Jewish self-deception revealed by this incident was that these liberal Jewish critics never confronted the central problem raised by Goldstein when he noted that anti-Semites such as Houston Stewart Chamberlain were “the best spirits, clever, truth-loving men who, however, as soon as they speak of Jews, fall into a blind, almost rabid hatred.” The credibility of the anti-Semites, not Moritz Goldstein, was the fundamental problem for German Jews.

Interestingly, Scholem himself would appear to be involved in similar forms of self-deception, and his particular form of it bears on the issue of the apologetic nature of Jewish historiography. Scholem (1976, 87) describes Jews as engaging in a one-sided, unreciprocated love affair with Germany in the post-emancipation era. “The Jews did meet with gratitude [for their contributions to culture] not infrequently, but almost never did they find the love they were seeking.” To Scholem, Jews were seeking love from gentile Germans—a twist on the familiar theme of Jews as an altruistic group. While Scholem is oblivious to conflicts of interest between Jews and Germans in the construction of culture, anti-Semites accused Jews of being hostile toward German culture as the culture of an outgroup and as seeking to dominate that culture in order to bend it to their own interests by, for example, being less enthusiastic about the German interest in developing a cohesive and unified national culture.

However, in the same essay Scholem states that “during the generations preceding the catastrophe [i.e., the Holocaust], the German Jews—whose critical sense was as famous among Germans as it was irritating to them—distinguished themselves by an astounding lack of critical insight into their own situation. An ‘edifying’ and apologetic attitude, a lack of critical candor, taints almost everything they wrote about the position of Jews in the German world of ideas, literature, politics, and economics” (p. 89). Put together, the passages imply that Jews sought the love of the Germans via their contributions to culture despite the fact that a prominent feature of this cultural contribution was to subject German culture to intensive criticism and despite the fact that this critical sense provoked German hostility. At the same time, Jews failed to critically analyze their own role vis-à-vis German culture. It makes no sense to suppose that Jews actually sought the love of the Germans while simultaneously subjecting the loved one to intensive criticism and failing to critically examine why they were doing so. Failure to see the contradiction in his own analysis is self-deception.

Similarly, the historian Donald Niewyk (1980, 196) attributes Jewish status seeking during the Weimar period to a desire to be loved by Germans rather than to the baser human goals hypothesized by an evolutionist: “Few elements of Jewish life were untouched by the painful consciousness of unrequited love. Jewish overachievement in every area of German economic and cultural life arose from a profound wish to win respect and acceptance.” Niewyk agrees with the statement of Franz Oppenheimer, a prominent Zionist, who commented in 1926 that Jewish “overcompensation” “betrayed a powerful longing to counteract antipathy by proving the value of Jewish contributions to Germany.”

Scholem may have developed his self-deception in his family, which, if it is at all representative of assimilating German Jewry, illustrates the self-deception involved for many Jews in establishing personal identity in a modern Western society. His father Arthur was an ardent assimilationist who forced his son to move out of the house when Gershom was charged with treason for demonstrating against Germany’s war effort in World War I. However, Arthur’s assimilation was perhaps not as complete as he conceived it to be.

[Gershom] should have been used to incongruities: his mother owned a kosher restaurant, but his father had renamed himself Siegfried in honor of Wagner’s opera. In the Scholem house, customs were similarly mixed up. Arthur forbade Jewish expressions, but his wife used them anyway. Friday night was a family night when prayers were said but only partly understood, and Arthur scorned Jewish law by using the Sabbath candles to light a cigar after the meal.

On Passover, the family ate both bread and matzo. Arthur went to work on Yom Kippur and did not fast. He praised the Jewish mission to spread monotheism and ethics, and he disparaged conversion. But the family celebrated Christmas as a German national festival and sang “Silent Night.” Arthur insisted on his German identity, but almost all his friends were Jews, and no Christian ever set foot in his home. And when Gershom became a Zionist, his parents bought a portrait of Herzl and put it under their Christmas tree. (Rubin 1995a, 32–33)

Self-deception regarding personal identity continues as an aspect of contemporary civil Judaism, where it functions to reconcile a strong Jewish ethnic identity with membership in the broader social context of contemporary Western individualist societies.

Sometimes, in partibus infidelium, [a consciousness of Jewish ethnicity] is “magically,” uncannily revived: in the very midst of the cool civil nexus that binds the goyim into their solidarity of the surface, in the very heart of the sociable Gesellschaft, across a crowded room, you “know” that “somehow” you share a primordial solidarity of the depths. . . . What is most inward in their Jewish self-definitions is precisely what cannot become outward and legitimately Anglo-American, namely, the particularist inwardness of the ethnic nexus. The Western value system refuses to legitimate publicly this primordial ethnic tie. . . . Hence its stubborn, residual reality is forced “underground,” and, when it travels aboveground, it is forced to assume the fictive identity of a denominational religion (Conservative Judaism serves this function in America). (Cuddihy 1974, 86–87)

It is this perceived need to hide a deeply felt but publicly illegitimate personal ethnic identity that I suppose tends to result in identificatory self-deception among Jews. Woocher (1986, 97; see also Liebman 1973) views contemporary civil Judaism as “a complex ideological mechanism” for dealing with the ambivalence resulting from the attempt to retain group identity and also achieve full social integration. The ideology simply states that there is no conflict in these aspirations, that both are “appropriate and necessary.” However, civil Judaism’s “intense anxiety about the prospects of Jewish survival in America, its struggle against assimilation, is a signal that its denial of ambivalence is not to be taken entirely at face value.” Within the civil religion, if a Jew feels ambivalence, it is a sign that he or she truly understands the meaning of being a Jew in contemporary America. The religion simply asserts as self-evident and beyond debate that “by being a better Jew, you will be a better American; by being a better American, you will be a better Jew” (Woocher 1986, 99)—a twist on Louis D. Brandeis’s (1915) remarkable assertion that “to be good Americans we must be better Jews; to be better Jews we must be Zionists.” Such a perspective is facilitated by the self-aggrandizing and presumably self-deceptive ideology that “America is, after all, created in their image, and in pursuing the civil Jewish version of Jewish destiny they are merely reinforcing the terms of America’s own self-understanding” (Woocher 1986, 102). Indeed, Woocher’s survey results of American Jewish activists in the late 1970s indicated that for most of these individuals the primary identification was as Jews rather than as Americans, but they also endorsed statements indicating they were glad to be American and that by being better Jews they would be better Americans.

The Harvard sociologist Daniel Bell articulates well the intensity with which many secular, highly assimilated Jews are aware of a double identity; that even in 20th-century America there is a Marranoism that Jews in 15th-century Spain would have sympathized with: “I was born in galut [exile] and I accept—now gladly, though once in pain—the double burden and the double pleasure of my self-consciousness, the outward life of an American and the inward secret of the Jew. I walk with this sign as a frontlet between my eyes, and it is as visible to some secret others as their sign is to me.” Bell concludes that “one realizes that one does not stand alone, that the past is still present, and that there are responsibilities of participation even when the community of which one is a part is a community woven by the thinning strands of memory” (Bell 1961, 477, 478).

Identificatory questions were characteristic of the German-Jewish economic elite in the period from 1800 to 1933. They engaged in very intricate intellectual rationalizations centered on their own personal identity and that of their children (see Mosse 1989, 45ff). These rationalizations, some of which were predicated on the idea that Jewish identity presented no problems, suggest a degree of self-deception:

Whilst some “ideological” solutions to [the search for personal identity] had an apparent logic and whilst some forms of practical engagement provided empirical solutions, many of the ‘solutions’ offered . . . were far-fetched and unconvincing. . . . However thoughtful and well-educated, no member of the of the Jewish economic élite, probably, could find a satisfactory theoretical (or “ideological”) solution to the dilemma. . . . Basically, the eternal and inevitable “outsider” could achieve no full identification—almost by definition—with the “solid majority.” (Mosse 1989, 90–92)

Self-deception and identificatory ambivalence among Jewish leftists is a major theme of The Culture of Critique. Consider the following summary of the attitudes of a sample of Jewish-American communists:

Most Jewish Communists wear their Jewishness very casually but experience it deeply. It is not a religious or even an institutional Jewishness for most; nevertheless, it is rooted in a subculture of identity, style, language, and social network. . . . In fact, this second-generation Jewishness was antiethnic and yet the height of ethnicity. The emperor believed that he was clothed in transethnic, American garb, but Gentiles saw the nuances and details of his naked ethnicity. . . .

Evidence of the importance of ethnicity in general and Jewishness in particular permeates the available record. Many Communists, for example, state that they could never have married a spouse who was not a leftist. When Jews were asked if they could have married Gentiles, many hesitated, surprised by the question, and found it difficult to answer. Upon reflection, many concluded that they had always taken marriage to someone Jewish for granted. The alternative was never really considered, particularly among Jewish men. (Lyons 1982, 73–74)

Indeed, Jews may not consciously know how strongly they in fact identify with Judaism. For example, Silberman notes that around the time of the 1967 Arab/Israeli war, many Jews could identify with the statement of Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel that “I had not known how Jewish I was” (in Silberman 1985, 184; emphasis in text). Silberman comments that “This was the response, not of some newcomer to Judaism or casual devotee but of the man whom many, myself included, consider the greatest Jewish spiritual leader of our time.” Many others made the same surprising discovery about themselves: Arthur Hertzberg (1979, 210) wrote that “the immediate reaction of American Jewry to the crisis was far more intense and widespread than anyone could have foreseen. Many Jews would never have believed that grave danger to Israel could dominate their thoughts and emotions to the exclusion of everything else.”

In contemporary America there is a potential for identificatory ambivalence resulting from the very central role which a foreign government, Israel, plays in the civil religion of American Jews. For example, a survey conducted in the late 1970s found that among highly committed Jews, 70 percent agreed or strongly agreed with the statement “I feel more emotional when I hear Hatikvah [the Israeli national anthem] than when I hear the Star Spangled Banner,” while less than 33 percent agreed or strongly agreed with the statement, “The primary loyalty of American Jews must be to the United States and their fellow Americans.” However, as Woocher (1986, 99) notes, the ideology that there is no ambivalence and no inherent difficulty is a powerful one, since “it has sufficient face validity to make its articulation as a general principle plausible.”

There has also been self-deception (or deception) regarding Jewish economic success. Shapiro (1992, 118) notes that Jews are overrepresented by at least a factor of nine in the highest levels of economic success in American society. He also notes that Jews have taken steps to prevent this vast Jewish overrepresentation from being widely known, because of fears of anti-Semitism. Further, he notes that Jewish historians of Judaism in America have traditionally paid scant attention to the many instances where Jews have accumulated great wealth or have distinguished themselves intellectually, preferring, in the words of Irving Howe, to depict the Jewish immigrant experience as “a readiness to live for ideals beyond the clamor of self, a sense of plebeian fraternity, an ability to forge a community of moral order even while remaining subject to a society of social disorder” (in Shapiro 1992, 118). Similarly, Shapiro notes that in the 1940s the ADL downplayed the vastly disproportionate role of Jews in science, the professions, the arts, government, and the economy, pointing instead to the existence of Jewish laborers. In England during the 1930s Sidney Salomon, a journalist and secretary of the Defence Committee of the Board of Deputies, published a volume The Jews of Britain that deliberately downplayed the role of Jews in finance and commerce and emphasized their accomplishments in medicine and the arts (Alderman 1983, 122).

This type of deception or self-deception is also illustrated by another work by Irving Howe. In his discussion of Jewish influences on American culture, Howe (1978) completely ignores the consistent theme of post-Enlightenment anti-Semitism that Jewish influence on culture serves Jewish interests and conflicts with the interests of many gentiles. Instead, he concentrates on several Jewish influences on American culture perceived as entirely benign, including bringing Old World influences to bear on American culture (e.g., the Modernist movement) and especially a sense of alienation and separation from the wider culture: “To feel at some distance from society; to assume, almost as a birthright, a critical stance toward received dogmas, to recognize oneself as not quite at home in the world” (p. 106). Or as Barry Rubin (1995b, 144) expresses it, “with partial assimilation as normative, to be at home was never to be at home, living a reflexive high-wire act of anxiety and marginalism: rage, anxiety, restlessness, insatiability, as well as alienation, skepticism, intellectual orientation, and moralism infused with passion.”

I agree that this is an insightful interpretation of one form of Jewish cultural influence, and one can easily see in it the traditional separation of Jews from the surrounding society that is so essential to all forms of Judaism. However, it is also easy to see that it is exactly this latter influence that tends to undermine the fabric of gentile social structure and has been a potent source of anti-Semitism since the Enlightenment (see Ch. 2). Howe’s failure even to mention these considerations may be interpreted as another example of self-deception.

Indeed, Robert Alter (1965, 72) notes that the view of many Jewish writers of themselves as outsiders had “dwindled into an affectation or a stance of pious self-delusion.” Their fiction creates a “double sentimental myth: the Jew emerges from this fiction as an imaginary creature embodying both what Americans would like to think about Jews and what American Jewish intellectuals would like to think about themselves.” An example is the “pious self-delusion” (Alter 1969, 39) involved in depicting the Jew as an intensely morally sensitive, Christ-like sufferer who bears the world’s guilt on his shoulders.[3] Cuddihy (1974, 183) terms it “the ‘moralistic style’ of the modern oppositional intelligentsia.” It is the secular equivalent of the “light unto the nations” self-conceptualization that has been at the heart of Jewish identity since the beginning and particularly since the Enlightenment.

Reflecting self-deception and negative perceptions of the outgroup, Jewish intellectuals have held on to the idea of the Jew as outsider and underdog long after Jews had achieved vastly disproportionate success in America (Shapiro 1992, 123). This self-deception of Jews as oppressed can be seen in a recent work by Tikkun editor Michael Lerner (Lerner & West 1995) in which he argues that for Jews in contemporary America “there is a level of spiritual and psychological oppression that is as real and as fundamental as any other form of oppression. . . . It’s the oppression and pain that comes from denying our human capacity” (p. 237). Jews are outsiders in American society because American white society as a whole does not conform to a specifically Jewish ethical ideal despite the fact that Jews are highly overrepresented among all the indices of economic and cultural success in American society, including ownership of large corporations. In Lerner’s perspective, this high-income economic profile of the Jews occurs because Jews are passive victims of the gentile “ruling elite” that uses them as helpless servants to further its own interests just as it did in traditional societies: “Jews have been put into an intermediate position, in between the ruling elite who own the major economic institutions and the American majority, which has little real economic power. Jews become the middlemen—the lawyers, doctors, government bureaucrats, social workers, school teachers, and college professors. They appear to the vast majority of the population as the public face of the ruling elite” (p. 232). From Lerner’s perspective, Jews must not identify as whites and must act to transform American society in the image of this specifically Jewish ethical ideal—an astonishing example of ingroup glorification, coming as it does from a 20th-century intellectual, but one that is entirely congruent with Jewish self-conceptualizations throughout history.

Indeed, in Lerner’s view, an important source of traditional anti-Semitism is that “even before Christianity emerged, Jews were a troublesome people to ruling classes of the ancient world, because they had emerged with a revolutionary message, articulated in the Exodus story: the message that ruling classes were not inevitable, that the world could be fundamentally transformed” (p. 49). “No wonder then that ruling elites have always hated the Jews, worried about their passion for social justice, and done their best to portray them as ‘weird’ and ‘untrustworthy’ and ‘manipulators’ whom everyone else in the world would do best to avoid or distrust. . . . Ruling elites who found this message [of social justice] disturbing did all they could to stir up their own domestic populations against the Jews, to spread vicious stories about us” (pp. 9–10).

This is a remarkably fanciful reading of Jewish history—a reading that is possible only by ignoring the general tendency for Jews to exist only at the sufferance of gentile elites and also the frequent role of Jews as intermediaries between oppressive elites and native populations, as well as the general tendency of gentile elites to protect Jews against repeated outbreaks of anti-Semitism from the lower orders of society.

Recently Philip Weiss (1996) created a considerable stir when he acknowledged the unreality of the Jewish self-conception as an outsider and several other self-delusionary aspects of being Jewish in late 20th-century America. As expected from a social identity perspective, being Jewish is highly salient to him and strains his relationships with gentiles. He pictures his gentile Yale classmates as “blond and slightly dull witted, while the Jewish professor spews out brilliant lines. . . . We held them [gentiles] in a certain contempt. But we were marginalized. We were the outsiders. I’ve carried those lessons around with me all my life as I’ve made my own steady progress in the world. . . . Feelings of marginalization have informed my journalism, my humor, my social navigations” (pp. 25–26). (Even the aggressively ethnocentric Alan Dershowitz is quoted by Weiss as saying, “There is in our tradition, understandably but tragically, an anti-Gentile bias that we must root out.”) Indeed, his relationships with gentiles are strained by his “relentlessly defensive Jewish identification,” another way of saying that he is unable to relate to gentiles without invoking the ingroup/outgroup comparisons so central to the evolutionary version of social identity theory sketched in Chapter 1.

Jews cherish feelings of exclusion not just because there is wisdom in foreboding but because these feelings are useful. They preserve our position as outsiders, a status that has certain moral and practical advantages. As an outsider you have motivation: to get in. And you get to be demanding without any particular sense of reciprocity: the ADL (which is committed to fighting all forms of bigotry) running its Geiger counter over the goyim while failing to gauge Jewish racism. Perhaps most important, these feelings solidify Jewish identity. (p. 30)

Jews have . . . prevaricated about the question of Jewish influence—whether we have it, how we gain it, what it means. . . . When the NRA exercises political power, it’s a hot-button issue. When Jewish money plays a part, discussing it is anti-Semitic. (p. 32)

As indicated in Chapter 2 (p. 55), the fact that Jewish power and influence is off-limits is a component of contemporary writing deemed anti-Semitic by Jewish organizations. During a discussion of the “disproportionate” influence of Jews, Weiss quotes the ADL’s Abraham Foxman as saying “You say ‘disproportionate’ to your numbers’—to me that is dangerous. To me that is sinister. To me that feeds all the undertones. How do you combat an attitude that has been out there for 200 years that says you’re too successful, you’re too smart, you’re too powerful, you’re too influential? How do you deal with people who covet your success? What do you do—do you hide it?” Weiss comments: “But that’s what he does; goes into panic mode when you try to make observations about Jewish achievement” (p. 33). Indeed, when Foxman describes the great interest foreign governments have in asking him to influence the American media and government, he is careful to phrase the description in a manner that is consistent with supposing that these perceptions are entirely illusory. Foxman notes that when a world leader seeks him out it is because

someone sold him the concept that the Jewish community is very strong and powerful. You know it because when you finish the conversation, they want to know what you can do for them in the media, what you can do for them in the Congress and so on. . . . That’s why the prime minister of Albania comes, and the foreign minister of Bulgaria and El Salvador, Nicaragua, you name it. You’ve got to ask yourself, what is this about? The answer is, it’s because they believe a little bit of that. (In Goldberg 1996, 17)

Whether it is deception or self-deception, the implication is that some truths are better left unstated or even unacknowledged, and regarded as pathological expressions of anti-Semitism. As Weiss says, there is moral capital to be gained by adopting an identification as an outsider. I believe that the moral capital obtained by being a psychological outsider has been a critical component of the movements of social criticism discussed in The Culture of Critique. To a very considerable extent Jewish status as outsiders has allowed them to engage in radical criticism of the moral and intellectual foundations of Western society while retaining a perspective of their own ingroup as ethically and morally beyond reproach. But as Weiss points out and as I have tried to document extensively, ethnocentrism and hostility toward outsiders is rife among Jews, and this is exactly what would be predicted from an evolutionary perspective based on social identity theory. Moreover, Judaism, because it is characterized by high intelligence and resource acquisition ability, has produced ethnic warfare virtually wherever Jews have lived. But by retaining the view of themselves as the morally pure outsider arrayed against a pathologically anti-Semitic gentile society, Jews are able to simultaneously pursue their own ethnic interests and conceptualize their opponents as morally depraved (and also, as Weiss notes, as “dim-witted”). Self-deception is very useful in this warfare, because it essentially allows Jewish leaders to deny the reality of Jewish wealth and political and cultural influence.

Similarly, Goldberg (1996, 6) notes that “the average American Jew views his or her community as a scattered congregation of six million-odd individuals of similar origins and diverse beliefs, fortunate children and grandchildren of immigrant tailors and peddlers.” In their own self-image, “Jews are utterly powerless and must live by their wits. Compromise is useless or worse. Politics is made of messianic visions and apocalyptic goals. Some of these visions, like Zionism and socialism, may occasionally become reality” (p. 11).

The reality, as Goldberg extensively documents, is that Jews are widely perceived as very powerful within America by friends and foes alike, as well as by foreign governments interested in influencing the American media and American foreign policy. Far from being a community with widely diverse interests, Jewish political involvement is highly focused, particularly in the areas of Israel and the welfare of other foreign Jewries, immigration and refugee policy, church-state separation, abortion rights, and civil liberties (Goldberg 1996, 5). It is noteworthy that Jewish attitudes in these areas are markedly different from other Americans and that since the great increase in Jewish political power in the 1960s all of these areas have shown massive public policy shifts that are congruent with Jewish attitudes.

There is indeed a long history both in the United States and England in which Jewish organizations have denied any concerted Jewish political behavior. For example, the AJCommittee has reacted very negatively to any mention of a “Jewish vote” by politicians or the media, while at the same time often threatening politicians by emphasizing the possible effects of the Jewish vote (e.g., Cohen 1972, 378; Goldstein 1990, 147, 163). Despite the fact that the “Jewish vote” “is not a reactionary stereotype but a fact of American politics” (Petersen 1955, 84), gentiles are encouraged to suppose that Jews have no group interests.

Louis Marshall stated at the time of the AJCommittee’s founding in 1906 that “what I am trying to avoid more than anything else is the creation of a political organization, one which will be looked upon as indicative of a purpose on the part of Jews to recognize that they have interests different from those of other American citizens” (in Goldstein 1990, 55). Goldstein comments that the attempt to aid Jews suffering from discrimination in other countries “would inevitably promote ‘interests different from those of other Americans.’ ” Marshall also stated that “there is no such thing as a Jewish Republican or a Jewish Democrat. . . . Jews have no political interests which are different from those of our fellow citizens” (in Goldstein 1990, 335–336). In fact, the AJCommittee was well aware that its perspective on immigration policy was not shared by the majority of Americans: During the fight over restrictionist legislation at the end of the Taft administration, Herbert Friedenwald, AJCommittee secretary, wrote that it was “very difficult to get any people except the Jews stirred up in this fight” (in Goldstein 1990, 203). Later Marshall himself stated that “We are practically the only ones who are fighting [the literacy test] while a “great proportion” [of the people] is “indifferent to what is done” (in Goldstein 1990, 249). Marshall made a number of other “curious distinctions” (Goldstein 1990, 336) aimed at urging Jews to vote a certain way because their interests were involved, but nevertheless denied that Jews had any group interests at all. “According to the AJC, the Jewish vote did not exist—unless, of course, politicians failed to support the organization” on specific issues (Goldstein 1990, 336). Similarly in the contemporary U. S., the ADL’s Abraham Foxman states regarding the disproportionate number of Jews in Congress, “I say to you that they are Democrats who happen to be Jews, and their Jewishness is something they wear once a week, once a month” (in Weiss 1996, 33).

The following comments about American anti-Semitism toward the end of World War II typify the attempt to erase any notion of group characteristics or group interests among Jews.

[Jews] are Republicans and Democrats, like everybody else. A few of them are Communists—as are a few Irishmen, Italians, and a few everything else. They are divided many ways over their own Zionist question. Through thousands of years, armies of Jews have gone to battle against each other—as loyal citizens of warring nations. Human beings who profess one religion have, indeed, seldom been so divided as the Jews and seldom shared the blood of so many different peoples and nationalities. This is the way it really is. (In Dinnerstein 1995, 148)

Similarly, discussion of Jewish political behavior, especially the idea of a Jewish vote, has been off limits in official Jewish circles in England (Alderman 1983, vii). At times the very same people who make highly salient denials of a Jewish vote do their best to influence Jewish voting behavior regarding issues important for Jews. For example, when alien restriction legislation was pending in 1904 and 1905, the Jewish Chronicle, the principal newspaper for the British Jewish community, strongly opposed immigration restriction in its editorials and provided highly detailed coverage of the parliamentary debates as well as lists of how particular MPs were voting. Moreover, “although the paper delivered its usual eve-of-poll disavowal of a Jewish vote, it was quick to attribute certain Tory losses and Liberal gains to Jewish voters” (Cesarani 1994, 99).

The taboo on discussing Jewish political behavior functions to promote self-deception because it maintains an illusory Jewish self-conception of the extent to which Jews are assimilated within British political culture and the extent to which specifically Jewish interests influence their political behavior. Alderman (1983, viii) notes that “I am well aware that my work in researching and writing this book has not found favour with those who lead and articulate the opinions of Anglo-Jewry. The major conclusion of this research—that far from being totally assimilated within British political culture, Jewish voters in Britain have always been capable of independent political behaviour, sometimes in marked contrast to national or regional trends—is also one which runs counter to the most cherished beliefs of Anglo-Jewish leaders” (pp. viii–ix).

Similarly, in 19th-century England Jews often publicly denied that they had interests different from any other Englishman despite a great deal of evidence to the contrary. In 1870 a writer in the Jewish Chronicle emphasized the idea that “Jewish ethics” would prevent any Jewish political parochialism—another example in which the perceived ethical superiority of Judaism facilitates the pursuit of group self-interest in a self-delusionary manner (Alderman 1983, 35). In order to give credence to the idea that Jews had no group interests as Jews, an effort was made to get Jews to support both major political parties. As Alderman shows, however, Jewish support for particular political parties changed as a function of their support for particular Jewish issues, particularly in the area of foreign policy toward Turkey in the late 1870s and, after 1880, when Jewish attitudes toward czarist Russia, immigration, and eventually Zionism differed quite markedly from those of other Englishmen.

The self-deceptiveness of Jewish rhetoric on the “Jewish vote” issue can also be seen in the official policy of the Jewish Chronicle to forbid advertisements from political parties on “what may reasonably be regarded” as community special interests, despite the fact that the paper deals with such issues routinely in its own writing. Alderman (1983, 152) comments that “such reactions . . . ignore historical and political realities, and they fly in the face of human nature. But the fact that they continue to be displayed shows how strong the vision remains, at least in the top echelons of Anglo-Jewry, of a community totally integrated with the existing political structure and politically indistinguishable within it.”

Deception and/or self-deception may also have been involved in the activities of the AJCommittee to combat public perceptions of Jews as radicals. In 1918, the AJCommittee stated that there was no connection at all between Jews and Bolsheviks, despite having been told by a Jewish official of the Kerensky government that in fact Jews were prominently represented among Bolshevik leaders (Cohen 1972, 126). The AJCommittee was also well aware of the fact that Jews had a predominant role in radical political organizations in the United States but continued to deny these links publicly. An official of the executive committee (Cyrus Adler) stated privately that

We have made a noise in the world of recent years . . . far out of proportion to our numbers. We have demonstrated and shouted and paraded and congressed and waved flags to an extent which was bound to focus upon the Jew the attention of the world and having got this attention, we could hardly expect that it would all be favorable. (In Cohen 1972, 132)

Similarly, in England during the 1890s attempts were made by the established Jewish community to misrepresent the prevalence of radical political ideas among the newly arrived Eastern European immigrants (Alderman 1983, 60). A spokesman for the Federation of Minor Synagogues organized to meet this threat commented that “although there might be one or two Socialists, these were quite the exception to the rule.”

In conclusion, from the standpoint of social identity theory, at the heart of these activities is an attempt to influence the social categorization process in a manner favorable to Judaism. This process often functions to provide positive descriptions of Jews and their role vis-à-vis gentiles and their culture. Self-deception is thus also a critical component of the effectiveness of the rationalizations and apologia reviewed in Chapter 7. But beyond that, we have seen that self-deception appears to be critical in maintaining fictions related to Jewish self-conceptualizations as truly assimilated to gentile culture (as in Wilhelmine Germany), or as a marginalized outsider (as in the contemporary United States), or as having no group interests at all.

I have noted several times that the human mind was not designed to seek truth but rather to attain evolutionary goals. The Jews of the pre-National Socialist period in Germany “preferred ambiguity and obfuscation over clarity and had little use for those who wanted to throw light on the situation” (Scholem 1979, 32). Once again one is impressed by the flexibility and adaptability of the human mind. In Chapter 7 it was noted that Jewish intellectuals were able to mold the ideological basis of Judaism to react to a wide range of unforeseeable contingencies in an adaptive manner and thereby attain the fundamental goal of maintaining the group strategy. Self-delusionary conceptions of the Jewish ingroup are continually adjusted to meet current challenges. While at times self-deception may be maladaptive (as in failing to accurately gauge the causes and consequences of anti-Semitism in particular historical eras), self-deception has been and continues to be a highly adaptive and critical component of Judaism as a group evolutionary strategy.