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Blights on Whites: HBD, Headlines and the Violation of Western Norms

June 4, 2024/25 Comments/in Costs of Multiculturalism, Featured Articles/by Tobias Langdon

A simple headline. That’s often all it takes to spot HBD — Human Bio-Diversity — at work in a high-trust Western society like Britain. That’s because a headline is often enough to reveal that the norms of such a society are being violated in an extreme way.

Brazen in Bournemouth

The norms were obviously set by mainstream Whites, so they tend to be violated by outsiders. The worse the violation, the more likely it is that an outsider is responsible. For example, one norm in Britain is the ability of large numbers of people to gather peacefully and cooperatively for recreation. That’s why we have holiday-resorts like the coastal towns of Bournemouth and Blackpool, where Whites have gathered for many decades to enjoy sun, sand and sea. But Bournemouth and Blackpool have recently generated headlines about the brutal violation of the norms that formerly prevailed there. When I read the headlines, I immediately thought “HBD!” That is, I thought that outsiders — not British Whites — would be responsible for the crimes in question.

And I was right. At least, I was right about one of the headlines and I’m confident that I’ll be right about the other two. The first headline ran like this: “Man found guilty of raping girl, 15, in sea off Bournemouth beach.” That’s an extreme violation of a British norm and sure enough an outsider was responsible:

A 20-year-old man has been found guilty of the “brazen” rape of a 15-year-old girl after he took her out of her depth in the sea off Bournemouth beach. A jury found Gabriel Marinoaica, of Darlaston, Walsall, guilty of three charges of sexual assault and rape. He was acquitted of a further charge of sexual assault by biting her neck. Judge Susan Evans KC [King’s Counsel] said it was a “brazen thing to have done in broad daylight” on the beach. (“Man found guilty of raping girl, 15, in sea off Bournemouth beach,” The Guardian, 15th March 2024)

Not British but brazen: the possibly Gypsy Romanian Gabriel Marinoaica

Well, it was a “brazen thing” to do by British standards, but Gabriel Marinoaica isn’t British. He has a Romanian surname and could well be a Gypsy. That is, he isn’t genuinely from “Darlaston, Walsall” in the English Midlands. Instead, he is a single footsoldier in the “immivasion” of Britain overseen first by the treacherous Labour party and second by the equally treacherous Conservative party.

I’m confident that the same will prove true of the criminals behind two other headlines from the British holiday resorts of Blackpool and Bournemouth. They run like this: “Woman raped in horror attack on Blackpool seafront” and “Bournemouth beach stabbing: man arrested on suspicion of murder.” In the first case, the police are looking for a “tall Asian [i.e., Pakistani or similar] man in his mid-30s.” And in the second, a suspect has now been arrested and charged. If you’re a hate-criminal like me, you won’t be surprised to hear that his name is Nasen Saadi. He’s described in the mainstream media as being “from Croydon, London.” He isn’t, of course. Whether or not he is found guilty, he’s another footsoldier in the “immivasion” of Britain overseen by our treacherous elite.

Schoolboy slaughters schoolgirl

If he is found guilty, he will become yet another non-White who has imposed vibrancy on the White norms that formerly prevailed in Croydon. This district of London has a name with a beautiful etymology: it’s from the Old English crogen and denu, meaning “valley where wild saffron grows.” But forget wild saffron: in the 21st century, Croydon regularly generates headlines that reek of HBD. Late last year, for example, there were headlines about the “fatal stabbing of [a] schoolgirl in Croydon.” Hate-criminals like me needed only the headlines to begin thinking heretical thoughts. When we read the stories below the headlines, our heretical thoughts got worse. It was a horrific crime, as the Trotskyist libertarian Brendan O’Neill described at Spiked:

Everything about the death of [the schoolgirl] Elianne [Andam] is bleak beyond imagination. It happened during rush hour on Wednesday. Elianne and friends were on their way to school. One of her friends was accosted by a 17-year-old boy, reportedly her ex-boyfriend. He had a bouquet of roses. Elianne stepped in to try to calm things down. The boy allegedly took out a thin, foot-long knife and drove it into Elianne’s neck. She died in the street, next to the blood-spattered roses.

It feels incomprehensible. How untethered from morality must a young man be, how unbound by social norms, to slay a girl in the street for the ‘offence’ of suggesting he back off. Elianne was bright and clearly a good friend. She wanted to be a lawyer. And yet on a Wednesday morning, in front of her fellow citizens, her life was ended with a ‘zombie knife’ allegedly wielded by a boy who has not yet reached the age of majority. Not only the people of Croydon but the nation itself feels shell-shocked by this senseless destruction of young, promise-filled life. (“The Croydon stabbing: in the shadow of nihilism,” 29th September 2023)

Brendan is performing a common ritual in the modern West. The ritual involves leftists self-righteously bewailing the consequences of their own preferences, while steadfastly refusing to admit blame or face reality. The “boy” responsible for that “nihilistic” murder was almost certainly Black and living in Britain thanks to the non-White migration so warmly supported by leftists like Brendan. But there is no discussion of race or migration in the article. And when Brendan laments how the “boy” was “unbound by social norms,” he doesn’t raise the highly interesting question of what “social norms” he’s talking about. Are they Black norms? The norms that prevail in Somalia and other parts of sub-Saharan Africa? No, of course not. They’re White norms. And why would we expect Blacks, with a distinct genetic and cultural history, to follow White norms?

From repulsive to ridiculous

Well, if we’re sane and scientifically literate, we wouldn’t. But leftists like Brendan O’Neill aren’t sane or scientifically literate. That’s why they’ve cheered on the immivasion of Britain by non-Whites while simultaneously bewailing its inevitable consequences. For example, Brendan and his comrades also get very heated about Muslims attacking the traditional White norm of free speech. Yes, fancy that. Britain imports people who hate free speech and those people continue to hate free speech on the magic dirt of Britain. This is because the dirt isn’t in fact magic and doesn’t alter the genetics and culture of outsiders.

The magic dirt doesn’t work: Muslims carry on behaving like Muslims

If you want another example of that, just look at the behavior of a group that has lived on British soil not for decades, like Blacks and Muslims, but for centuries and even millennia. Yes, let’s go from the repulsive to the ridiculous. I’ve described how hate-criminals like me can detect HBD in repulsive headlines about rape and murder. But hate-criminals like me can also detect HBD in ridiculous headlines like this: “Couple in Wales jailed for series of ‘dine and dash’ offences.” In other words, the couple were ordering and eating food in restaurants, then leaving without paying for the food. That’s a violation of the high-trust norms of British society, which is why I read the headline and immediately thought: “Gypsies!” And I was right. At least, I was right in the short-hand sense I was using the term “Gypsies”:

A couple have been jailed for carrying out a string of “dine and dash” offences, racking up large bills for food and drink before leaving without paying. A judge at Swansea crown court said Ann McDonagh, 39, and Bernard McDonagh, 41, had “cynically and brazenly” defrauded restaurants and a takeaway in south Wales.

Judge Thomas KC told the court that the couple, from Port Talbot, had ordered more than they could eat — including T-bone steaks — just to see if they could get away with it and got a buzz out of their spree. “It was criminality for criminality’s sake,” he said. The court was told the couple were from a “very large Travelling community” and the judge criticised them for reinforcing negative stereotypes. (“Couple in Wales jailed for series of ‘dine and dash’ offences,” The Guardian, 29th May 2024)

Travellers and Gypsies aren’t fully distinct groups in Britain. They’ve interbred and, although the famous boxer Tyson Fury is a Traveller, strictly speaking, he calls himself the “Gypsy King.” After all, the two groups are both outsiders with similar nomadic cultures. And with similar cultures of violence, criminality, and parasitism. The “negative stereotypes” referred to by the judge exist with very good reason. And note how the judge in Swansea used the word “brazen,” just like the judge who sentenced the rapist Gabriel Marinoaica in Bournemouth. Like Marinoaica, the McDonaghs are marked as outsiders not only by their shameless violation of British norms, but also by their surnames. The surname McDonagh isn’t Welsh but Irish, because Travellers come from Ireland.

Living outside the state

Not that the McDonaghs will regard themselves as outsiders, of course. From their perspective, they’re insiders who are entitled to prey on the out-group of non-Travellers. The McDonaghs preyed on the Welsh out-group in typical Traveller fashion because that is the evolved norm in their “community.” Travellers have lived on British soil for many generations, but they haven’t adopted British norms of high trust and low criminality. In other words, they look White in the broad sense but aren’t White in the narrow sense. If Travellers and Gypsies were taken out of the crime statistics for “whites” in Britain, the stats would fall even further by comparison with those for Blacks and other non-Whites. Indeed, in some ways Travellers are closer to Blacks than to mainstream British Whites. For example, they have lower average IQs than British Whites and regard education with disdain and contempt. Although they’re undoubtedly far closer in genetics to us than Somalis or Pakistanis, they remain a distinct group.

The McDonaghs are Travellers who look White but don’t act White

It’s clear, for example, that they haven’t undergone the process of genetic pacification that applied to the White British majority. For centuries, a strong state and efficient system of justice suppressed genes for violence and criminality by the simple means of executing and imprisoning criminals. The law-abiding had more children than the lawless and the result was high-trust, low-crime White Britain. But nomadic Travellers lived outside the state and did their best to evade its laws. It isn’t anomalous that an exceptionally good boxer like Tyson Fury should have come from such a tiny minority, because violent and aggressive males among Travellers weren’t weeded out by the state and the hangman.

The double whammy of immivasion

On the contrary, they were rewarded with reproductive success. Having lots of children is another Traveller tradition. Fury himself has seven. The “dine and dash” McDonaghs have six. In contrast, the birth-rate of mainstream British Whites is at a historic low. It’s below replacement level. There are many reasons for the fall in White births and some of them are freely discussed in the mainstream. Here’s one reason that isn’t: the overcrowding that is now prevalent in cities like London. Unlike some races, Whites don’t like living in crowded, noisy environments. And they don’t like being unable to ensure a safe and secure home for their children. That’s why so many White couples postpone children or refrain from having children entirely.

Jewish migration-maven, the lovely Barbara Roche, spinner of ludicrous lies

Groups like Travellers and Somalis, who live much more in the moment, don’t follow those norms, which is why their birth-rates remain high even as their behavior helps suppress White birth-rates. And that’s exactly the way our hostile elite like it. They’ve imposed the immivasion on the West not simply because it floods us with outsiders, but also because it suppresses our birth-rates. Of course, HBD is also at work in the hostile elite. I’ve regularly described the central role of the Labour immigration minister Barbara Roche in organizing the immivasion of Britain and propagandizing for its non-existent benefits. Roche is Jewish. So were the plutocrats who funded the treacherous Labour party as it opened the borders and waged war on its traditional supporters in the White working-class.

No respect for White norms

The plutocrats who presently fund the treacherous Conservative party are also Jewish. And when, as seems highly likely, the Conservatives lose the next election, they will replaced by the Jew-funded Labour party under Keir Starmer, who has a Jewish wife and is firmly committed to following a Jewish agenda of open borders. In America, as Kevin MacDonald has carefully documented, the 1965 Hart-Celler Act that began national-wrecking immivasion was a thoroughly Jewish project. But the project was fronted by Irish Catholics like Teddy Kennedy, who also regarded themselves as outsiders to the White Protestants who had created America and established its norms. Teddy’s brother John F. Kennedy had already put his name to a book about America with the lying and ludicrous title of A Nation of Immigrants (1958). Again, hate-criminals will not be surprised to read that the book “was written as part of the Anti-Defamation League’s series entitled the One Nation Library. In the 1950s, former ADL National Director Ben Epstein was concerned by rising xenophobia and anti-immigrant rhetoric, so he reached out to then-Senator Kennedy to write a manuscript on immigration reform.” The ADL also supplied a historian, Arthur Mann (a doctoral student of historian-Jewish pro-immigration activist Oscar Handlin at Harvard) for the project, and it was ghost-written by Myer Feldman who was influential in the Kennedy/Johnson administration.

Jews and the Whitey Bomb

The anti-White Jew Barbara Roche used the same lying and ludicrous propaganda when she claimed in 2000 that ““Britain has always been a nation of migrants.” The phrase “nation of migrants” has the same stupidity and illogic as “rope of sand” or “brick of water.” That is, it’s a complete contradiction in terms. The word “nation” itself comes from the Latin nasci, meaning “to be born.” In other words, a nation is a bond of blood, created by a distinct group that shares genetics, culture, and language. Immigration means the destruction of a nation, not its creation or consolidation. When Jews like Roche claim otherwise, they’re brazenly violating the White norm of respect for truth and objective reality. But Jews don’t respect White norms any more than Blacks or Travellers do. And with their much higher IQs and powers of organization, Jews are much more dangerous to White societies than imported minorities. Brazen rapists in Bournemouth and stabby schoolboys in Croydon are the footsoldiers of the immivasion. Jews are the generals and military theorists who have organized and directed the war on the White West.

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Tobias Langdon https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Tobias Langdon2024-06-04 08:49:402024-06-04 08:49:40Blights on Whites: HBD, Headlines and the Violation of Western Norms

Otto Dickel on the Jews: An excerpt from The Resurgence of the West, Ch.4: Jewry

June 3, 2024/13 Comments/in Featured Articles/by Alexander Jacob

Otto Dickel (1880—1944) was the founder of the Völkisch German Work Community (Deutsche Werkgemeinschaft) movement which sought to develop a nationalist socio-political model on the basis of the trade union system. Dickel studied natural science at the Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität in Munich. From 1909, he worked at the Realgymnasium as a gymnastics teacher and, from 1918, as a teacher of natural science. He joined the NSDAP in 1921 and entered into negotiations with the National Socialist Party under Anton Drexler to merge Dickel’s grouping with the latter’s. But Hitler refused such an alliance and even considered Dickel’s left-tending ideology as being opposed to National Socialism. Dickel was therefore forced to leave the NSDAP. In 1934, Dickel was arrested for his association with the Leftist National Socialist, Otto Strasser, and sentenced to ten months in prison. At the beginning of the Second World War, he established contacts with opposition groups. But in 1944, fearing arrest by the Gestapo, he committed suicide.

Dickel wrote Die Auferstehung des Abendlandes in 1921 (second edition 1922) in order to demonstrate that the West is not in decline, as Oswald Spengler had maintained, but rather on the path to a new resurgence. As an anti-capitalist Dickel placed his hopes on the development of the notion of trade unions into work communities, rather in the corporative sense.

His conception of historical development is—unlike the fanciful Spenglerian depiction of organic cycles of civilization that undergo birth, development and decline—based on a deeper understanding of the racial conflict at the heart of modern European history. As he declared in the preface to the second edition of his work, the fundamental idea of his book was

to reveal cultures as symbols of racial souls, to present the history of the last century as the battle between the Jewish and Germanic minds, and to draw the correct conclusions from this knowledge.

The book is divided into two parts, the first dealing with ‘Western culture and its enemies’ and the second with ‘The destiny of the West and Germany’. The first part consists of an introductory and six chapters devoted to ‘The character of cultures’, ‘The West’, ‘Centralism’, ‘Jewry’, ‘Capitalism’, ‘Trade Unions and Socialism’. I present here only the chapter on Jewry since it is essential to an understanding of Dickel’s worldview, which informs his study of German history as well as his optimistic predictions of Germany’s future.

*   *   *

Dickel’s opposition to Jewry is based on his perception of the fundamental intellectual and spiritual differences between Jews and Germans and the danger to the Germans posed by the materialistic, utilitarian and internationalist mentality of the Jews. Dickel’s study of Jewry is, in some ways, an extension of Eugen Dühring’s in his 1881 work Die Judenfrage.[1] Dickel was clearly inspired by the latter work since he develops many of the arguments presented in it.

However, regarding the cultural capacity of the Jews, while Dühring considered the artistic sterility of the Jews as being due to their lack of “that free and unselfish activity of the mind which alone ad­vances to uninterested truth and beauty”, Dickel points to the lack of inwardness and depth of soul in their works as their main defect. It is interesting to note here that his discussion of the artistic poverty of the Jews is immediately followed by an analysis of the materialistic physics of Einstein since they both arise from a defective materialistic quality of the Jewish psyche. All of Einstein’s theses are based on a sterile conception of time as dependent on physical movement, whereas, for the Western European, time has always been an independent force of life itself and thus naturally related to the living observer rather than to moving material objects. While Western physics is based on notion of lines of force, Einstein posits matter imbued with force. This is a confirmation of his, and the Jewish, materialistic worldview.

While Dühring focused in his economic treatise Waffen, Capital und Arbeit (1906) on the egoism and lack of conscience of the Jewish character as being the chief obstacles to the establishment of real social justice, Dickel points to the utilitarianism that results from this egoism as the chief defect of Jewish economic and political systems. Marx’s ideology reveals the Jewish addiction to utilitarian goals in its depiction of history as an inexorable progress of society according to the commercial benefits of its economic infrastructures.

Both Marx’s and Einstein’s worldviews are indeed continuations of that of Spinoza, who also had considered matter and spirit as two aspects of the same Being, or God, or Nature. Thus, in the final analysis, the egoism that Dühring had pointed to as the defect of the Jew is more precisely identified in its dangerous quality as being due to the peculiarly undeveloped spiritual condition of the Jewish ego, which cannot abstract itself from matter since its God, or Substance is the same as Nature.

Spinoza’s political philosophy is a further confirmation of his utilitarianist thought. The state, according to Spinoza, is only an institution that would guarantee the protection of property. This is because Spinoza’s ethics is based squarely on knowledge, that is, the knowledge of that which is useful to any particular individual or individuals. In nineteenth-century socialism, this utilitarian function of the state is, of course, quickened by the state’s appropriation of all private property.

Dickel’s answer to the dangers of Jewish Socialism is the cultivation of trade unions, which he considers as a counter-revolutionary movement to the Socialist:

Socialism wishes to make everything equal, standardized, programmed, it wishes to drag down into the dull skeletal structure of the proletariat, wishes to form and administer everything in a centralistic manner, to force the free man into the compulsory guidance of the ‘ladder of humanity’ because it arises from the kismet-directed materialistic, internationalist Jewish worldview. Its character is fanaticism. Its means are political struggle, its goal is battle with slogans against wealth. That is, in every point, the direct opposite of the trade unions. The latter wish to raise the individuals from the uniform stream of the masses, they wish to create personality values, want a guarantee of individual standpoints and autonomy. They wish to create free, self-conscious and responsible men because the trade unions arise from the Western planetary worldview of force and of the dissolution of the finite into the infinite, of the individual into his profession and his fatherland. Its character is struggle and creation, in small things and big, is action. Its means are the work community, struggle for cultural and economic goods that are reachable. Its goal is battle against poverty. Trade unions and socialism are deadly enemies. (Ch.VI)

It is within the framework of the trade union that Dickel envisages his ideal work community of the nation:

In all parts of the fatherland the true intellectual leaders should join in a union that points out to the masses the great cultural connections that lead to the Church, the fatherland and the trade union. A union of German men should arise that will find the truly great creative minds, that produces not statutes but works, by bearing the great cultural idea in all professional associations and trade unions — each as seems best to it — that brings together the fragmented, that undertakes to exert influence on the press and, if it wishes to do something more that is unfortunately necessary, provides the means of publicisation. A union that is conscious of the fact that its lifespan ends with the consummation of its work — an inwardly united fatherland. (Ch. X)

The Jewish economic utilitarianism is bound to a total lack of personal feeling for the land in which one has grown up and a disdain for all patriotism. And laissez-faire economics leads, through the establishment of world markets, inevitably to internationalism. The total disparity between the Jewish worldview and the Western European is thus responsible for the revolutions of the nineteenth and early twentieth century. The lack of patriotic feeling among the Jews led to their exploitation of the economic discontent that may have been present in the working classes of some nations in such a way that, overriding the natural patriotic feeling of the Western European, the Jews fostered among them internationalist economic schemes such as the Communist International.

*   *   *

With the discussion of the character of Jewish culture I touch on a question that nobody can ignore for whom the fate of his nation lies close to his heart. Spengler too dealt with it—in an uncommon way. He proposes the bold opinion that the Jews, who today represent a world-ruling power, have sunk to the status of a fellah people. That sounds like contempt. It is possible that he is led to this by an unexpressed point of view that we cannot perceive. He lets us grope in the dark. The Jewish question is not an internal German matter that seems more important to some and less to others; it is the most important matter of the entire West today. Its presence can be denied only by dishonesty or stupidity. Its practical solution is a question of life for millions of Europe’s inhabitants. The large masses of the nation, including the educated strata, are not yet clear about this. Among the many causes of this strange phenomenon, the way in which the battle between the hostile parties is conducted plays a decisive role.

We are in desperate need of a defensive front against the Jewish rule and the enslavement of the nation. The dedicated pioneers who wish to establish this accomplish a patriotic deed. They have not all gathered under the flag of anti-Semitism. They know that its champions often follow false paths and only too easily fall under the influence of people for whom the feeling of patriotism and healthy racial feeling of the German man was always a means of satisfying their own lust for power. The people are only too well aware of this fact. The Jew exploits it. He hammers into the masses without judgement who read only his press false associations of ideas such as — swastika-bearers: reactionaries; nationalist movement: endangered republic; anti-Semite: enemy of the workers. In addition, the German bears in his breast the soul of the West and therefore rejects violence and blood-letting so long as the most frightful pressure does not force his impetuous revolt. These are some of the many reasons that make the defence against anti-Semitism easy for the Jews. He knows the mood of the people, he knows how to throw the effective catchwords to the crowds and thereby exploits skillfully and efficiently the power that gives him almost exclusive rights to the press.  His marked acting talent comes in very handy that enables him to perform in a masterly manner the role of the liberator and friend of the people. But he is brutal; he understands only moods not souls. For this reason, he hopes to master through force the growing spiritual movement, thinks he is safe and pushes things too far. That will be bitterly avenged.

As everywhere, in the present day an aimless back and forth has become the characteristic of the situation. The practical, non-violent solution of the question is the correct, reachable goal. It serves the peaceful development of the whole and therefore serves the true benefit of the nation. One who wishes to solve the Jewish question — and it must be solved — must dig deep. He must recognise that the Jew prospers only where decay rules, that he comes to power and becomes a frightful pestilence where no halt is offered to his profiteering mentality. That can be reached only on one path: through the creation of a German law that makes it impossible that the source of all national cultural and economic life, the land, falls victim to exploitation through usury and through which the slavery to interest and its protector, the party system, is removed. The Jew fears these constructive demands, not anti-Semitism, especially when its representatives all too often depend on secret Jewish ties. They see to it that reason becomes nonsense, good deeds a plague and instruction incitement. No word of condemnation is sharp enough against that instinct that has as its goal the arousal of tendencies to pogroms. Unfettered passions have never yet brought benefit to a nation, always severe harm. Passion makes one dumb and blind against truth and reason. Therefore, once it is released, it tears down all dams. One who was even a leader must a few hours later obey and is torn apart with the flood. The nation is not an engine that can be stopped and started again.

Our nation needs not exaggeration and lies but knowledge and awareness and it needs these more than any other because, in it, the concept of the retention of the sacredness of the blood has become a habit since ancestral times. But the truth is that a deep gap divides the German from the Jew. In everybody there lives the soul of his culture and they are essentially different one from the other. Therefore the two cannot understand each other. And furthermore: that is why every Jew who interferes in our affairs, occupies an official position or influences public opinion is, consciously or unconsciously, an enemy of our fatherland. One who contests this statement allows himself to be deceived by superficialities. The term ‘patriotic Jew’, no matter whether he be born in Germany, France or England, is the same absurdity as a black mould. Only babblers can point here to Disraeli. This Jewish statesman at the head of the English Empire never thought other than as a Jew. His own statements and writings present eloquent proof of this.

*   *   *

The Valhalla of the West lies somewhere in the infinite. Only active, brave men will have a share in it. The paradise of the Arabs lies somewhere in a magical place that we cannot also experience. There, for the believer who lives and dies for Allah, beckon rich sensual enjoyments, there beautiful houris solicit him. The paradise of the Jews lies on earth. He does not fight to possess it. It will come. The earthly thousand-year Reich in which he will rule over all nations, in which — as is said in one of their best prophets Isaiah II[2] — the kings will lick the dust off his shoes and all the wealth of the world will belong to him has been assured to him by his God repeatedly.

The Jewish paradise is on earth. Of that there is no possible doubt. After the creation of Eve, when Adam still lived in paradise, the Lord speaks to him: ‘Fill the earth and make it subject to you!’ This passage is completely nonsensical if earth and paradise are not made equivalent to each other. This worldview speaks more clearly to us in the passage after the Fall, where it says: ‘And the Lord God drove Adam and Eve from the garden of Eden and placed before the garden the cherubims with sharp hewing swords so that they would not return and eat of the tree of life.’ One may try to place oneself into this worldview. It is simply impossible. According to the Western way of feeling, paradise should, at the moment of expulsion, have wafted away into a cloudy infinity and been lost forever to man. Thus, quite apart from the fact that it is impossible for the German man to imagine working in the sweat of his brow as the punishment of God, his mythology can never, to his mind, express the idea of a return of one who is expelled to the Garden of Eden — on which no mortal can, from that time on, set foot again. One might be tempted to consider this biblical passage as a relic from earlier times that bears along with it a purely rationally elaborated religious doctrine akin to Puritanism if the history of the origins of the Old Testament did not bluntly contradict this interpretation. Even though the Old Testament was often revised, changed and falsified by the authoritative Jewish religious leaders, it doubtless essentially reflects the original version of the worldview of these people.

Whereas the soul of our culture forces us to cover the infinite to seek our Valhalla, that of the Jew forces him to seek felicity on earth. His soul wanders up and down, unsteady and fluctuating, and it seeks the earthly thousand-year Reich. That is the basic view of these people that becomes for us the key to the solution of many riddles that they present to us. It explains their strange lust for gold and money, their complete lack of feeling for a native land and fatherland in the sense of spiritual growth, historical feeling, their utilitarian standpoint, their extraordinarily strongly marked communistic impulses on one hand and their lust for power on the other, their internationalism and imperialism. For every Jew, no matter how he may be, is both. But only for his person. Hence arise the contradictions that we can follow in all his doctrines, in all fields. For him they are not contradictions. Each erects for himself a small Reich, his earthly paradise, in which he stands as the central point, in which each must follow his will unconditionally. Unconditionally! That characterises him as a Semite, as a slave-owner. Whether he is a gentle or cruel master is a matter of personal disposition.

The Jew is a stranger on Western soil. We therefore confuse concepts when we evaluate him with our measures, judge him from our moral code. There are as many moral codes as there are people. No Westerner can experience the Jewish one. His concept of good and evil is fundamentally different from ours. This wall of differentiation that cannot be overcome differentiates him and us from each other. The saying that is often heard, that the Jew has no character, is false.  On the contrary, he has a very marked character and remains true to it. That which is good and that which is useful are the same thing for him. I have demonstrated the reason for this. That is why he does only that which brings him direct or indirect benefit. Here springs the font of hard-heartedness that can be heightened to immeasurable cruelty when he considers it necessary to remove obstacles to his striving for that which is useful to him. Every impartial person knows that this characteristic — which is repulsive to us — is to be found in all Jews, except that some are able to hide it more skillfully than others. Selfless self-sacrifice is something completely incomprehensible to him. The same is true of compassion, as far as non-Jews are concerned. He can observe the sorrows of others without the least emotion if only his own advantage remains preserved. As long as he cannot exploit a distress to his advantage he does not move a finger. On the other hand, he strives with all his force there to bring as many people as possible to helpless dependency on himself. Thence arises his extraordinarily strongly developed mistrust. Since the useful is good, every means to attain it is right even when he goes against the law thereby. Punishment therefore is nothing dishonourable for him. Especially strongly marked is his cunning and his art of disguise. The role of rescuer, of the best friend in misery, of the commiserating brother he plays excellently, and creeps under this mask into the heart of his victim, whom he sucks dry mercilessly as soon as he has lured him into his net.

The basic character of his nature produces also his good characteristics. When he sees his benefit bound to that of his occupation, be it as a merchant, doctor, press representative or state employee, he is indefatigably active. Here the average German man may learn from his example. It is true that many, certainly not all, Jews push themselves forward. Their great influence in professional associations is, however, almost always well deserved. Here he works, while others sit at home, here especially his strongly developed sense of reality is valuable. He intervenes and tackles matters appropriately whereas many of his opponents generally do not go beyond the forging of plans and deliberations to action. Again, it is quite different where he plays the leader of the masses. There, just words are necessary for him that he knows to form into catchwords in a masterly manner. The happiness of those he leads which he always talks about is to him totally a matter of indifference. He pursues his own goals, which — for example, in the battle against feudalism — coincide to a certain degree with those of his followers. He knows how to skillfully hide his cloven foot until he thinks it is no longer necessary to show it openly. Trotsky provides us an object lesson on this in a grand manner. Is that alone not enough to hate the Jew? Now, hatred is a matter of one’s disposition and taste. It is useless for a defence against evils. For that, in the special case of politics, there is only one means: to appear before the masses as a true friend of the people without any ulterior motives. Today that is difficult. On account of one’s own fault. The Jew has, through decades-long activity been able to tear the soul out of the breast of the people because he had opportunities for his subversive activity in bountiful measure. The word ‘ethnic people’[3] was not heard gladly. It sounded so hostile, so revolutionary.

What is useful is good and therefore allowed. That is the entire content of the Jewish spiritual view. And he acts according to it. He cannot act differently, even if — an unimaginable case — he would like to do it very much. We should not persist any longer in the folly of past centuries, to the spread of which Roman law and the Churches of both confessions have contributed heartily — that there is a human culture that rises in a straight line, that human action and thought is the result of education and training. This dull, rationalistic conception has brought us to misery. In the course of many ages, it has alienated the propertied classes from their culture, removed the priority of their understanding over the heart, and forced them onto paths that the Jew traverses through his inner instinct. Marx once said something like this: The Jew is emancipated through the Judaisation of the bourgeois.[4] He was exactly right. But the soul of the West is not dead for that reason. It breaks through repeatedly. Its voice does not allow itself to be ignored for a long time with impunity. That is called conscience.

2

The soul wandering unsteadily up and down the earth could not, through the people of their sort, produce any great buildings and artworks, no philosophy and mathematics of their own and no states. Nowhere in the thousands of years of the history of Jewry do we find a great creative mind. The only unique thing that the Jewish mind has produced are some psalms.[5] They cannot, even on a generous judgement, be characterised as powerful intellectual accomplishments. This nation was not even able to build its temple in Jerusalem without foreign help.[6] The short-lived states that the image of its history shows are the works of foreign racial leaders. Its philosophy and mathematics are imitations and elaborations of the creations of other cultures into which it has infused its own worldview. Indeed, it has not even formed a religion, in our sense, through its own force.  Whereas all other religions, including those of primitive peoples, are interwoven with an abundance of poetry and sagas, the Jewish religion is lacking in all mythology.  What is present of it in the Old Testament is borrowed from foreign cultures. Into its pure images the Jew has infused his own character — kismet,[7] materialism and internationalism — and distorted them into caricatures.

On this much has been written by serious, strictly examining researchers who were, for the most part, friends and admirers of the Jews. It is well-nigh impossible to add something new. I shall nevertheless attempt it but cannot thereby avoid referring to that which is already known for the sake of the whole overview.

The religion of the Jews is a contract between two parties. Jacob says to Yahweh: If you fulfil these five points, then you shall be my God. In the Germanic worldview this biblical passage signifies blasphemy. But it is the mirror of the Jewish soul: action demands a counteraction. Not in heaven but on earth. What is of no use to me I will not do. If you want me to revere you then, good, tell me what you will give me in return. That is why the Old Testament swarms with promises of rule, of the treasures of the world, of a fruitful seed, that is why it is repeatedly announced through the mouths of the prophets: You are my chosen people, my own, I wish to make you a great people. Wherever Yahweh makes a commandment there follows immediately the promise of a reward. In the Old Testament, one will seek in vain for moral commandments in the sense of Western culture. This fact comes to light most clearly in the Ten Prohibitions that are remarkably designated as Ten Commandments[8] — a whiplash for the pure Germanic sense of language. The Western moral law knows only one ‘Thou shalt’. It is summarised in the glorious sentence: ‘Love thy neighbour as thyself!’[9] This ‘thou shalt’ is Kant’s categorical imperative: ‘Act in such a way that the maxim of your will may at all times serve simultaneously as the principle of a universal legislation.’ That sounds striking next to the ‘Thou shalt not’ — have other gods, take my name in vain, kill, commit adultery, steal, give false witness, covet. All these commandments belong in a penal code. Nowhere else. As in a penal code, there immediately follows also in the Old Testament the threat of frightful visitation up to the third and fourth generation in the case of wrongdoing.[10] However, at the same time, the promise: ‘therefore love me and follow my commandments, them I shall bless up  to the thousandth generation.’[11] It is significant that the only commandment that contains moral worth is based on utility in this world: ‘Honour thy father and mother so that you may be blessed and live long on earth!’

The first commandment is especially remarkable in its reference to other gods. Only a church doctrine that, in the course of its historical development, belongs to three basically different cultural circles, has been transformed by them and carries with it many extra-biblical things from past times, can falsely interpret this unequivocal passage. It maintains that the Jew is a monotheist. He himself has never maintained that, insofar as he was honest. He could not at all because this idea goes against his entire worldview. Yahweh is his god, the god of the chosen people. He is ‘a’ powerful god, as he himself declares, not ‘the’ God. The entire covenant, the foundation of the Jewish faith, would be meaningless if other peoples too shared in it. Thereby the promise of the thousand-year Reich, the sole rights over the wealth of the world, would be worthless. That is why Jewry have — apart from a quite short period of attempts at conversion — always conducted themselves negatively against the entry of others into their religious community. The recognition of the apparent monotheism of the Jew is indeed denied by no impartial person. On the other hand, the objection is often raised that the Jew of today is different from that of three thousand years ago. That is already false because the Jew has maintained his race on the male side in a quite extraordinarily pure way. In this instinctive aversion to miscegenation lies his strength. He lets his daughters marry without difficulty men of other races. For his men, however — insofar as they too are not corrupted — the thought of not producing a pure son as a legal heir is an anguish.  So long as a race follows the law of ‘racial purity’ so long too there lives in it the soul of its culture, in this case — where it is only a matter of rationalistic activity, where one cannot strictly speak of culture — its civilisation. The Jew today thinks, feels and acts exactly like his racial ancestors, exactly like the pure Chinese or pure German. The worldview has not changed and where it has been forced onto false paths it always rectifies itself. Only the external forms in which it is expressed have changed.

The Germanic peoples were always, and are still, monotheists, even if they may call themselves pantheists, monists or atheists. ‘They call gods the sacred numen before which they tremble’, writes Tacitus.[12] Indeed, even the forms in which they symbolise the natural forces and to which they sacrifice are so dimly delineated that already for many the research into our ancient religious system has been ruined. Our god is the infinite, almighty, ubiquitous creator, beside whom no other god has a place. Whether we express this fundamental feeling in a physical, mathematical or biological way is just a matter of taste. In the final analysis, there always remains the eternal, the inscrutable, that we cannot know. Precisely on this point there gapes a deep gap between us and the Jews. For him, the purely rationalistic man, there is nothing that he cannot comprehend through rational inferences. We do not understand this feeling but we observe it in all the major Jews.

Only very superficial minds can point in this context to the veneration of Mary and the saints of the Catholic Church. They are not gods. They are intercessors, assistants, protectors that man inserts in the correct feeling of his powerlessness and helplessness between himself and the lofty, infinite God, quite apart from the fact that their origin for the most part is to be traced back to the influences of the ancient, Eastern Christianity, thus of one that is developed in a way that is quite other than Germanic.

The god of the Jews is only his god. The two are bound to each other by a covenant. I recall only the passage of the narrative of the golden calf.[13] Yahweh speaks to Moses: ‘Go down, for  your people, whom you have led out of Egypt, have corrupted themselves; and now leave me so that my wrath may consume them; in this way will I make you a great people.’ But Moses does not leave him but holds out to him the covenants sworn with Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. ‘And the Lord repented’.

Even today the contract is everything to the Jew. It is his weapon, which he sharpens and to whose wording he adheres. The un-German law gives him the opportunity for this. For the German man the law is a sacred moral law. Quite unconsciously he inserts cultural values into its rigid form. For the Jew it is the wording of written clauses whose skilled application brings him benefits. Here flows the font of the often-observed superiority and competence of Jewish lawyers. Give the German a German law, and it will dry up.

The Jewish religious doctrine is characterised by a total lack of the concept of force and action, thus precisely of that which constitutes the content of our mentality. Its place is taken by ‘kismet’. Man is exposed to the strong willfulness of the strong god which he conciliates by the fulfilment of the imposed duties, no matter how senseless they may be, as the sacrifice of Abraham shows. Obedience is demanded under all circumstances. As reward there follows blessing. This basic idea is hammered into the people of Israel in hundreds of narrations. If it is obedient, then there will come the earthly thousand-year Reich that is not obtained through bold deeds and not in our sense of a moral transformation of one’s life but through the fulfilment of the external form that the commandment orders, through the observance of the law. Only this kismet idea makes explicable the unshakeable belief of the Jews in their future rule that has so often been belied in history and soon will come true. This worldview infuses him even when he denies it. Facts prove this statement, and the present is a single great demonstration of it. From this belief arises his internationalism. Every Jew is an internationalist. He cannot at all think and feel in a nationalist way. He may many times simulate nationalist feeling to himself. Always something different emerges from it. He sets love of the fatherland as posts in his plan of the construction of his world-rule, each according to the circumstances. Disraeli had to act in this manner. His path to New Jerusalem passed through London. But generally the Jew combats nationalist thought. Partly through hatred of the ruling classes, but more through inner instinct. He does not understand foreign culture. He mocks, undermines and subverts it. One who fights for the idea of internationalism fights for Jewish imperialism.

I have restricted myself to a few remarks on the main features of the Jewish character. We cannot change it any more than the Jew himself can. It is the a priori of his worldview that stands in stark contrast to ours. Here planetary world-experience, there kismet; here dissolution of the finite, there materialism; here love of the fatherland, there internationalism. It will be good to consolidate the general remarks with some noteworthy examples.

3.

The philosophy of Spinoza is a remarkable amalgamation of the views of Descartes, Giordano Bruno and the Jewish conceptual world. It is created from the deep conviction that nothing can remain hidden to human reason, that it can track and expose worldly phenomena in their most secret recesses. Creatively Spinoza is a cipher. What he has produced is the result of dogged rationalist activity. He develops his conclusions from principles that he has borrowed from elsewhere and remodelled for his goals, which he pursues to their extreme end without consideration of the demands of the mentality and the a priori’s of the Westerner. The results of his different series of thoughts therefore contradict one another — according to the opinion of our philosophers, who do not observe that here cultures stand opposed to each other. Not according to his opinion, for nowhere does he make an attempt at bridging. We would have made an attempt to convince him of his errors in vain. On the contrary. He would have shaken his head in despair about our false presuppositions and enormous false conclusions just as Marx would have done and Einstein today does.

Both kismet and materialism are expressed in the sentence that stands at the centre of the Spinozist doctrine: deus natura sive substantia. God, whether Nature, or Substance.[14] Let it be expressly highlighted that Spinoza was indeed aware that his god has nothing in common with the god of our Christian conception, is not a creator, not an active power. The concept of power is fully lacking in him. Therein lies the fundamental difference between his and the Brunonian purposeful pantheism. There is, Spinoza teaches, only one substance that we call God or Nature. Body and soul are not separated entities, as Descartes stressed so sharply. Therefore the question of their mutual interaction is irrelevant; since they are not present, they cannot operate on each other. Rather, material and spiritual phenomena are only two sides of the same world process. The thinking and extended individual objects are merely changing conditions of the uniform base of the world. To speak of independent objects or, indeed, of their purpose and development is not permissible, for they are only appearance and deceptive. They are neither created by Substance nor do they separate themselves from it — contrarily to the Talmudic doctrine — but they follow necessarily from the nature of Substance, just as ‘from the nature of the triangle it follows that the sum of their angles is equal to two right angles’.[15] All of Being is uniformity and necessity. Only God, Nature, Substance acts fully freely because he does nothing that contradicts his nature. He follows only self-ordained laws. Indeed, what should be able to force him to act differently since nothing exists outside him. Individual objects, thus also men, are effects and dependencies of the Substance, are particularities of the universal. From this it follows that man does not possess freewill.

Substance is something real, material. There can be a doubt of that only for those who forcibly wish to interpolate something forcibly into Spinoza that is not contained in his doctrine. He says expressly that Substance is the Being in things, constitutes their reality, manifests and bears them. Corporeality and reality coincide fully in him. He interchanges the concepts res[16] and corpora[17] at will. The ideas are only mirror images of the real. The last doubt regarding this materialistic conception disappears in an examination of the fourth definition:[18] By attributes is to be understood what the reason understands as ‘that which constitutes the nature of substance’. Here it is unequivocally expressed that the attributes are real, not characteristics that are thought of, in other words, characteristics that the substance also possesses independent of the observer. From this conclusion are produced for us irresoluble contradictions in the Spinozist doctrine. Every attempt at explanation and interpretation of these is superfluous and from the start false. The Jew indeed thinks differently from us.

The profound intellectual difference comes most clearly to light in Spinoza’s ethical doctrine. Will and understanding are the same, a notion that is the obvious consequence of the missing conception of power. Virtue is based only on knowledge just as even today the wise Jew is considered the virtuous one. Self-maintenance is the foundation of virtue, for how could anybody act well if he does not wish to live. Self-love is a demand of Nature or, in other words, of God or Substance. Therefore everything that serves it — the useful — is allowed. Useful is that which heightens our power, activity or perfection, or promotes wisdom. To act virtuously means to follow the leadership of the understanding in self-maintenance. A greater difference between this demand and the categorical imperative of Kant, or the Jewish and Western worldview, is just not thinkable.

From this foundation Spinoza comes to his strange political doctrine, which is nothing but an international society for the protection of property. His thought-process is as follows: There is in general no injustice as such, for unjust is indeed only that which is not useful. But nobody will have a desire to do anything that goes against his benefit. The coming together of many men who are ruled by their passions each of whom has a claim to everything useful makes an order based on the reasonability of the whole seem desirable. They form a state which has the function to protect them from illegal encroachments into their property. Only from this moment on does there exist an injustice. In addition, the state has to take care of the education that likewise serves the utility of the individual. The state obviously signifies a restriction of personal authority. It is therefore not useful. But since it brings order the wise man will risk the minor harm.

The foundation of the state is material, its height ideal!

*   *   *

Is that not the same that we find again in Marx? Unfortunately, Marx was not able to bring to fruition his plan to write a philosophy. It would apparently have turned out to be nothing but an improved Spinoza. An indication of this is given by the following passage from which it emerges at the same time that the much-discussed idea of development of Marx has a quite different significance than we attribute to it, a markedly Jewish one. The passage is found in the Foreword to the second edition of Das Kapital:

My dialectical method is not only basically different from the Hegelian but its direct opposite. For him the thought process, which he transforms, under the name of idea, into an independent subject, is the demiurge of reality, which forms only its outer appearance. For me, on the contrary, the ideal is nothing but matter transferred and translated into the human mind. Here the passage from the ‘Critique of the Hegelian Philosophy of Law’[19] also deserves mention: ‘It is therefore the duty of history to establish the truth — after the world beyond has disappeared — within this world.’

Let us cite especially these very clear sentences: [20]

From the idealism which, by the way, I had compared and nourished with the Kantian and Fichtean, I came to seek the idea in reality itself. If the gods had earlier dwelt over the earth, now they had become its centre.

I had read fragments of the Hegelian philosophy, whose grotesque, rocky melody did not please me. I wanted to dive down into that ocean one more time, but with the definite intention of finding that spirit is as necessarily, concretely and firmly grounded as matter, of no longer wanting to practice the fencing arts, but of drawing pure pearls out into the sunlight.

I wrote a dialogue of about 24 pages: “Cleanthes, or the Starting Point and Necessary Progress of Philosophy.”[21] Here, art and science, which had gotten entirely separated from each other, were to some extent united, and like a robust wanderer began the work itself, a philosophical dialectical progress of divinity, how it manifests itself as a notion in itself as religion, nature and history. My last sentence was the beginning of the Hegelian system.

This materialistic conception of the world forms the foundation of Marx’s historical doctrine. It is a classic example of the kismet worldview of the Jews. That is why almost every German worker and every trade unionist, without exception, opposes his new Bible. Marxist Socialism does not in the least intend to improve the economic situation of the workers. In general, it does not have any goals. The deficient knowledge of the fundamental significance of the materialistic conception of history and the amazingly enormous ignorance of its character in worker and bourgeois circles is the consequence of the cultural difference between Jewry and the West. The two do not understand each other. The German wants action, force, life. To the Jew these are unknown concepts, just words to which he attributes a completely different meaning. For Marx the worker is a totally powerless product of the economic system. It is quite useless for him to want to revolt against the existing conditions. He can only wait until the structure of the present social order collapses. That will occur without any help from outside or inside:

At a certain stage of development the material productivity of society will contradict the conditions of productivity or — to use the legal expression for it — the ownership conditions within which it had moved. From the developmental forms of the productive force these conditions are transformed into its own chains. There then enters an epoch of social revolution: With the change of the organic foundation, the entire enormous superstructure is revolutionised slowly or rapidly.[22]

It is revolutionised slowly or rapidly, it is not the subversive masses who revolutionise it. This sentence says everything. But it seems to me to be important to cite a further number of passages because one cannot do enough to reveal the real Marxist doctrine to the public, not the exploited catchwords as have become commonplace. Only then will it become indisputably clear how completely impossible it is for every Westerner who wishes to see actions and defend ideas to belong to the Marxist association.

It (the working class) does not have to realise any ideals; it only has to liberate the elements of the new society that have already developed in the lap of the collapsing bourgeois society.

The revolution is not an act of the will. It follows from the nature of the existing society. This conception has been stated quite unequivocally by Marx in his Communist Manifesto:

The theoretical propositions of the Communists do not consist in any way of ideas, of principles that were invented or discovered by any world-improvers. They are only a general expression of the actual conditions of an existing class struggle, of a historical movement that is taking place in front of our eyes.

The success of this movement will be the thousand-year Reich on earth in which the exploited will rule over the exploiters. At the same time, it follows that, according to the Marxist doctrine, a class struggle can never be an economic struggle. He expresses that in the sentence: ‘Every class struggle is a political struggle.’ In other words, a struggle for power, for the centralist state authority, for it is a matter only of a takeover of an exaggerated centralism. In simple language it means that the existing conditions will increasingly strive for a high point, then the names of the powerholders will change, nothing more. Therewith the worker is naturally not helped. Marx did not draw — and, as a Jew, could not indeed draw this conclusion — the only one permissible according to Western ways of thought. He does not notice the deep contradiction in his conclusions — as little as Spinoza in his political doctrine. On the other hand, his conduct with regard to the trade unions was logical. He did not combat them but dealt with them coolly. Its activity — which has improved the economic condition of its members, as can be contested by nobody today — seemed to him to be as worthless as the consumer associations.

The third characteristic of Jewish thought, internationalism, is especially marked in Marx. Here it can be easily followed on what paths the kismet worldview leads to internationalism: the bourgeois society has successfully undertaken the attempt to make the world-market an object of exploitation. Both production and consumption have accordingly cast off their national costume; they extend to the entire world. The rage and anger that the nationalist circles show against this phenomenon cannot change this process in the least. It can as little prevent even the last remnant of the native industry from being absorbed and incorporated in the realm of world industry. In lockstep therewith the worker becomes increasingly deprived of a fatherland. He must perforce become a world citizen. From the core of these conditions there arises automatically the international amalgamation. The day of the first International signifies the signal fires of a new rising world.

Even here the prophet stands in stark contradiction to reality. He reads within his own soul and thinks that he reads that of the Western worker. The idea that an English worker thinks in an international manner is so nonsensical that one hardly dares to express it. A glance at any work of Jaurès[23] shows that, in France, even enthusiastic Socialists cannot accommodate themselves to such ideas and every superficial observer has seen in the events that have played out in 1918 beyond the Rhine how deep-rooted the love of the fatherland is in France, how everyone thinking otherwise is exposed to contempt and persecution. In ingenious speeches the Frenchman lets fall the word Internationalism. Anything beyond that is too much for him. But among the Germans, so I hear, the international idea has found a great expansion. This opinion is simply stupid. The German thinks in a Bavarian, Saxon, Prussian way. Indeed, not even that. He thinks as a Berliner, Frankfurter, Kölner, Swabian, Frank, Lower Bavarian, Pfālzer. I was very glad when I heard a speech of a convinced Socialist on international workers who then, to tumultuous applause, pronounced as his strongest trump card the sentence: ‘When we have reached our goal we would like to speak to the bourgeoisie in good Upper Bavarian German.’ The German worker has been fully stuffed with empty catchwords. As soon as it is a matter of deeds the Westerner comes to the forefront. Our actual workers indeed think in an essentially German way as only the best among us do. We are, thanks to a one-sided education, much too accustomed to considering our Roman-Prussian constitutional form — up to now built on commands and obedience, on bureaucratism and schematism – as the only possible political form, so that we consider every proposal of a firm comprehensive change, of a total restructuring, that does not have any resemblance any more to a power state, as ‘hostile to the fatherland’. The workers revolt against this old power state with full justification; for that reason they are characterised by the ruling classes as ‘enemies of the fatherland’; the senseless fool of the bourgeoisie joins in the clamour and the worker imagines that he is international. If you give the German nation a German constitution instead of the present purely Jewish one, you will see how the second, third[24] and further Internationals will dissolve into smoke and mirrors.

*   *   *

I single out as a counterpart to Marx a man of the ruling social class, the representative of high finance and of ethnic Jewry of the purest stamp: Rathenau.[25] Stinnes has characterised him and his accomplices as men ‘with an un-German spiritual constitution’.[26] Therewith he has hit the nail on the head. Even with the best of intentions Rathenau cannot think other than as a Jew. He lacks the basis of German feeling: German blood. Precisely for that reason is it important to dwell on him for a moment. For, if a man like Marx was filled with a fervent hatred against government and society and gave his life to the nonsense of socialism, the objection would be conceivable that here obstinacy, pettiness and personal destiny had played the driving roles, and made him blind to the fact that socialism leads not to liberty, equality and fraternity but to the most unscrupulous tyranny of the masses according to the will of a few, to outrageous suppression of freedom in all fields, to exploitation in the worst form and the total impoverishment of the nation, that it does not inaugurate a new, finer world but the underworld of Hell. But when Rathenau — through the institution of the war economy, through his international economic plans, his planned economy, his ideas on autonomous economic strategies, through his organisation of Russian Bolshevism and further through his statement, ‘economics is destiny’ — shows that he is inspired by the same thoughts as Marx, then every deception is excluded about the fact that the kismet idea, internationalism and materialism are the fundamental spiritual views of the Jews and constitute his worldview.

Rathenau would indeed not have had any reason to lose himself in such ways of thought. He grew up as a spoiled child of affluence; all educational institutions that could provide him German knowledge and character, German art and science, were open to him; he played such a preferred role in the Imperial Court that he could look down with scorn on the feudal nobility and military aristocracy and, after the collapse, all positions of honour and ministerial posts were open to him. And yet he cannot think in a German way. Blood decides.

A German man would never have been able to describe the fate of the German nation as that of one that was buried alive without using this representation as a call, without straining his every nerve to avert this frightful fate. Rathenau did it. Furthermore, in the anti-German Zürcher Zeitung, in Spring 1919, when he wrote:

One who visits Germany in the twenties, which he knew as one of the most prosperous countries of the earth, will fall to his knees in shame and sorrow. The big cities of antiquity, Babylon, Nineveh, Thebes were built of soft clay, Nature let them collapse and smoothed out the land and the hills. The German cities will not stand as ruins but as half-dead stone blocks, still partly inhabited by miserable men. A couple of quarters are alive but all radiance and gaiety have disappeared. Tired friends move on the brittle plaster, bars are illuminated, the country roads are trodden down, the woods are hewed down, on the fields thirsty seed germinates. Harbours, roads, canals are squalid and everywhere stand sad apartments, the high weathered buildings from the time of greatness. All round, strengthened, there blossom new and old provinces in the shine and vitality of new technology and energy, nourished by the blood of the dead province, served by its expelled sons. The German spirit, which has sung and laughed for the world, becomes a past. A nation that God brought to life, that is still young and strong, lives — and is dead.

With such thoughts the blood surges in every German. He would simply not have been able to write them. His inner spirit revolts against it in anger. The love of the fatherland is aroused. That is to the Jew an unknown feeling, it is only a word that sounds, in the best case, a coin that rings. The deep spiritual processes that this concept encompasses are to him incomprehensible. Precisely the writings of Rathenau present an abundance of evidentiary materials for this. One senses from them how he studies the role of friend of the fatherland because he cannot produce from his own depths German feeling for the fatherland.

That is impossible. The love of the fatherland of the Westerner is a piece of his own life and that of his fathers, grandfathers and ancestors. It is growing up with the breath of the homeland, with that which has become and is growing. It is rooted in the native soil. If the Westerner is torn away from it, his soul too is torn, for the love of the fatherland remains, seeks to throw down roots and finds no soil. There the soul becomes sick; it becomes feverish. It drives the man through life in a feverish delirium. He longs for happiness, beauty, for pure, simple joy, and cannot find them because he lacks one thing: his own home, his own piece of the fatherland.

The Jew cannot experience this feeling. He can only understand it through reason. Perhaps the native soil is dear and valuable to him but, in the final analysis, only as a ware. Therefore he gets derailed without noticing it as soon as he writes about the fatherland. He substitutes rational observation for feelings rooted deep in the soul. Thus we read in An Deutschlands Jugend the wonderful sentences:

The nations with whom national memories were identified in moments of celebration do not live any longer. The Italians are not Romans, the French are not Franks, the Germans are not Germanic peoples. The mixture with subjugated and with one’s own unknown strata has transformed the peoples not only fundamentally but also, far more than one is inclined to admit, made similar to one another. The intellectual and physical differences of the proletarians of Europe, who already make up the predominant masses of the nations, and therefore are also the only ones who conduct wars, are seen to be very small. From the movement towards regrouping that in Germany covers the last five centuries arises the very visible change of our people.[27]

These foolish reports of miscegenation one can read also in historical works that are otherwise useful. We must reeducate ourselves there too, as everywhere. We need not speak further about it here. But perhaps about the fact that the present nations still in celebratory moments, in moments of action — this concept that the Jew cannot comprehend — are one with their memory of the fatherland. Rathenau contests that. Has he not heard anything about 3 Februrary 1813?[28] Did he not experience the first days of August 1914?[29] Well, his racial comrades will recognise that this memory, as a supremely powerful noble force, holds the national body together in an indivisible unity when the awakened German soul rises.

To kismet as a worldview corresponds centralism as a life concept. (This centralism indeed is the same — as may be mentioned incidentally here — as the Roman in its influence on us Westerners, but is nevertheless, already differing in its form, essentially different from it in its character because the Roman centralism arises from the worldview of fatalism. Fatalism and kismet have, as I shall show, different origins.) Rathenau has given a great example of Jewish centralism through the building up and expansion of the war economy. He created it, as he himself has elaborately described, and, in spite of resistances arising from strong Western feeling, brought it to fruition. The circumstance that its removal from the nation was felt as a salvation, even if so many propagandists maintain the opposite, did not teach him a lesson. His plans for the building up of our collapsed fatherland culminate once again in centralism. We observe the same, with an especially clear kismet stamp, in his outlines of an international economic union.

His literary attack on Richard Wagner arises from the same worldview; he calls him a pest of the German nation because through his bold heroic characters, his praise of Siegfried, his glorification of the brave man, who banishes misery everywhere with violent action, had helped to direct the thought of the nation onto false paths. For Rathenau it is incomprehensible that these warrior figures did not create the nation but the nation created these warrior figures. He will never understand that in them the life-feeling of the Westerner is reflected: action and loyalty. Here kismet and planetary worldview face each other in mutual incomprehension.

*   *   *

Internationalism gives the Jew the stamp of his character to such a degree that it is noticeable even in the field of art. Heine and Börne are examples of this. That Heine was not a creative mind but understood and exploited German feeling in a rationalist way is immediately clear. Individual creation is sacred to every man. Indeed, he is often shy, through fear of scorn, of distributing his small works before the public. He hides them quietly in his chamber but he also feels that they are his work, a piece of his life, that he carefully protects from dirt and gossip. In this way did great mathematicians like Gauss[30] and Cantor[31] keep their powerful creations secret for years. Heine’s work lacks this inwardness, this feeling of the sacred. His songs are poisoned, as he himself once said. Ugly appendages contaminate the pure air that his fine, apparently deeply felt verses breathe. Apparently. They are the work of the understanding, otherwise he could not have proceeded in this manner.

In the field of music many Jewish names can be named, for the Jew likes music very much. But precisely in the conception of our noblest art is it shown so clearly that he cannot experience it inwardly. One may name many Jewish conductors, but they are all highly praised by their own racial comrades. None of them is capable of rendering a work of Bach or a Beethoven symphony with total inwardness. Music for the Jew is only tones and technique. And since we poor Germans from tender childhood onwards have been trained in foreign systems, to external forms, since, for that reason, most have lost the capacity to judge from their own inner life, they parrot what Jewish critics write in Jewish newspapers. If they do not feel the flippancy of an Offenbach,[32] they glorify the prolific Halévy[33] and enthuse about Leoncavallo and Bizet, who are presented to them as Frenchmen and Italians.

From a comparative cultural standpoint Meyerbeer’s[34] works are especially noteworthy. In Robert le diable,[35] and Les Huguenots,[36] German music is approximated to the French understanding, in Le Prophète[37] and l’Africaine,[38] it becomes international. In Robert le diable, he first frees himself from the Rossinian school and reveals his character, apart from the songs, whose composition preserves the Italian stamp. This does not arise from some creative vision but is based on clever calculation of effects. In the Huguenots, about which Friedrich Wilhelm IV said scornfully, or indignantly, ‘Protestants and Catholics kill one another and the Jew makes music of it’, the Meyerbeerian style is carried to its extreme. This music awakens dissatisfaction in anybody who is capable of experiencing music with devotion because here the external means of producing effects are heaped up excessively, because here the exaggerated raffinement with which he seeks to make an impression on the listeners is expressed even in the details. That blows like an icy wind over every warm heart that is receptive to sacred experiences. For, genuine music must speak to the heart not to the understanding; genuine music is religion set to music. The Jew is a master only in presentation. That is his nature. Richard Wagner’s words in his work, Das Judentum in der Musik,[39] are always true of his music:

Here nothing has been developed for centuries out a fullness of inner life but everything has, as in Jewry in general, remained rigidly frozen in shape and form. But a form that is never quickened by renewal of its content decomposes; an expression whose content has for a long time not been felt to be alive becomes senseless and distorts itself.

So long as the musical art had in itself a need of real organic life … there was nowhere a Jewish composer; it was impossible for an element totally foreign to this living organism to take part in the forms of this life. Only when the inner death of an organism is apparent do the elements lying externally obtain the power to master it but only to decompose it.

*   *   *

Already Spengler pointed to the fact that Hertz,[40] the only Jew among the great physicists, attempted to resolve the difficulties into which his science had fallen through the deployment of the concept of force. He contradicts his kismet worldview; The same phenomenon, combined with the materialistic worldview, finds a major expression in Einstein’s relativity theory.

Time has very little, directly nothing at all, to do with mathematics. We shall speak more of that later. In this context it suffices to point to Spengler’s apt explanations, of which a couple of sentences may be cited:

In the terms ‘time’ and ‘destiny’, life itself is, for one who uses them instinctively, touched in its deepest core, the whole of life, which is not to be separated from the lived experience. But physics, the understanding, must separate them. That which is experienced, separated from the living action of the observer, becomes an object, dead, inorganic, rigid — that is now Nature as mechanism, that is, as something to be exhausted mathematically. In this sense natural knowledge is a measuring activity.

Consequently, it knows time only as extension; consequently, it is forced to conceive of movement as a mathematically determinable quantity, as a denomination of the pure numbers obtained in experiment and set down in formulas. ‘Physics is the total and simple description of movements’ (Kirchhoff).[41] That was always its intention. But a movement within Nature conceived according to the understanding is nothing but that metaphysical entity in which the experience of the observer itself — through which alone a consciousness of a continuous succession arises — emerges. The momentary act of knowledge in itself causes a timeless condition that is consequently free of movement. That is ‘becoming’. Only from the organic series of these actions is there produced the impression of a movement. The content of this term touches the physicist not as an intellect but as a whole man whose constant vital function is not Nature but the entire world. That is the eternal quandary of all physics as the expression of a soul. All physics is the treatment of the problem of movement in which the problem of life itself lies — not as if it would one day be resolved, but even though it is irresoluble.[42]

Physics is the doctrine of laws that prevail in lifeless things. Presumptuous with a feeling of brimming power, it has to approach the solution of questions that can only grasp but not recognise spiritual experience, intellectual views — questions that mock explanation because they are answered by the a priori of our worldview. This effort had to suffer a shipwreck. That is the deep significance of the doctrine that mass increases with speed and, at the speed of light, is infinitely great, a doctrine that broke ground only at the moment when materialism had reached its high point in science, when its storming pioneers believed that they would be able to deduce final things through the understanding with the help of electromagnetism. In the field of physics, it corresponds to that which the world war was in the political and economic: the revolution of the organic against the mechanical. The same is true of Lorentz’s[43] relativity remarks. Both are symbols of the Western worldview. We shall speak more of that later.

Einstein’s doctrine is something quite different. It is a reflection of Jewish views, of the thought of a pure rationalistic man. His worldview prohibits him — as we were able so well to observe in the case of Spinoza and Marx — to stop where the Westerner comes up against his a priori. He builds up his system without consideration of the emotional values; removes without qualms the obstacles of the unconscious because he cannot at all understand them.

Western physics instinctively took into consideration the inner contradiction into which it had been led through the addition of the concept of time into its formulas by attributing to time a very independent role. It was absolute. It was considered as identical for all valid frameworks. It flowed through space as an eternal unchanging current. This conception, which was raised to an unquestionable principle of belief, enabled it to measure the processes of motion. Einstein changed that with one stroke. He attributed to time a slavish dependence on motion; in other words, he opposes most seriously the basic Western view hidden in the term ‘time’, the feeling of action. He separates not only the living, creative, organic from the lived, the dead, but subordinates it to the latter.  He writes:

In fact, according to classical physics, time is an absolute, that is, independent of the situation and the condition of motion of the framework. This is expressed in the last equation of the Galilean transformation t1=t.[44] Through the relativity theory, the four-dimensional way of the observation of the world[45] is offered since, according to this theory, time is robbed of its independence, as the fourth of Lorentz’s equations of transformation instructs us.

Here lies the key to the oddities that Einstein presents to us. Just the circumstance that our physicists and mathematicians are almost all rationalists and are no longer creative-religious minds could allow them to neglect this source of error that strikes anyone viewing things in a spiritual way. Time is life itself. It cannot be robbed of its independence, or life is killed. Then everything stops, including science. Here therefore is to be placed the lever of the person judging. Einstein’s premise is false, is basically perverted.

It is not my task to refute Einstein, which — as emerges from what has been said — can never be accomplished in a mathematical way but only in philosophically. I wish at the moment only to point to the cultural comparison why Westerners will never understand him and in this way explain the apparently incomprehensible phenomenon why he and his opponents — of whom the most significant is the Heidelberg physicist Lenard[46] — always talk at cross purposes. But I would like to point to one circumstance that is produced automatically from that which has been said. Einstein is especially proud of his discovery of the ‘relativity of synchronicity’ and describes vividly how this idea seized him quite suddenly. His followers shout to the world with cries of victory that therein lies the superhuman powerful deed. They do not know, or are silent about, the fact that already Kant, indeed in a strikingly powerful manner, presented this idea and that, further, the personal comparison of the astronomers already a long time ago realised the knowledge of the relativity of synchronicity. This ‘personal comparison’ has been precisely investigated by Bessel (Abhandlungen, Vol.3).[47] His researches lead him to the conclusion that no observer ‘can be certain of stating absolute moments of time’. This phenomenon is inexplicable to him, but its determinations are a sign of the penetrating insight that processes that are separated by measurable times — by measurable extensions, according to what was said earlier — can be synchronous to the observer or also seem to follow one another immediately.

But Einstein maintains something quite different from the ‘relativity of synchronicity’. He maintains the dependence of time on motion and, indeed, on mechanical motion. But, now, the ‘relativity of synchronicity’ is — and that is the salient point that has been overlooked up to now – dependent on the fact that living things change their position, in other words, motion is dependent on life, whereby I ignore the fact that sensory perceptions likewise presuppose living things. The favourite examples of the travelling train whose speed can be transferred relatively to the track cannot belie this. So why does the train travel? Who produced it in general? Only living beings, more precisely only Westerners, who thereby symbolised their views of time and action. The dependence of motion on life becomes clearer still when we refer to an example of Einstein’s. A train finds itself in motion relative to the tracks. On its closed roof a ball is rolled back and forth, whereby it is ignored that this movement of the ball can be originated only through the direct or indirect effect of living beings. The ball’s movement can then be transferred relative to the tracks. But how is it when, instead of the ball, a man runs back and forth constantly? Can his self-motion born vitally be set physcially equivalently to the movement of the ball? That would doubtless be false. But, further, if this man, as a result of his over-exertion due to the running, suddenly falls dead. Then his movement stops with his life. His life-span has run its course. Can this life-span be transferred relatively to the track?

Einstein’s followers draw this conclusion. They must do so in order to save the doctrine of their master. Mathematicians however should have made use here of an old form of argumentation that says: I start from an unknown premise — for the relativity of time is a supposition that is neither established by Einstein nor one that can be established for all time — calculate correctly and come to a correct conclusion. Therefore the premise is correct. In the special case at hand I reach a nonsensical conclusion, consequently the premise is false and the doctrine of Einstein worthless. Relative is only that which has become, the dead, space, extension. Within the realm of physics, there are only relative movements, as the ‘classical relativity principle’ of Newton already showed for translated movements. If the Einsteinian doctrine is considered an extension of this Newtonian relativity principle, as its application to the great speeds of light and electricity, one can say something about it, even speak of a scientific service of Einstein’s. On the other hand, it can never raise its present claim to the role of a universally valid natural law and wish to draw supra-mechanical life into it because it then leads to monstrosities. The hardest task of Western physics – in total opposition to Einstein — consists in removing time from its formulas. Whether it seeks to do that, whether the attempt is successful, even the specialist physicist cannot decide today.

The example cited by me of the man running back and forth on the roof and finally collapsing dead suffices — both on account of the self-motion and of the life-span conditioning it — to throw the Einstein theory overboard. Materialists who imagine that they can explain life from death, who think that in it only mechanical laws prevail, will contest that. For all others, that is, for all clear-thinking Westerners, on the other hand, this small proof is conclusive and sufficient. It would have to be so for Einstein too if he were able to think in a way other than mechanical-materialistically. For Einstein himself writes:

Every universal natural law must be so constituted that it passes over into a law of precisely the same structure when one introduces, instead of the space-time variable r,v,z,t of the original system of coordinates K, a new space-time variable r’,v’,z’,t’ … If a universal natural law were discovered that does not correspond to that condition, at least one of the two fundamental premises of the theory would be refuted.

Now, in life there prevail not just one but very many such laws. Life is a flat refutation of the Einsteinian theory and must be, as is seen from the true nature of time.

Spinoza says that worldly things relate to God the way the characteristics of a geometric figure do to their concepts, as a proposition to an axiom, as an inference to a principle. Spinoza confuses the logical mathematical result with the effect in reality. He becomes a slave of mathematics. We find something similar in Einstein. He turns the relationship of mathematics and physics upside down. The physicist — I recall the former bookbinding assistant Faraday,[48] who was not a mathematician at all — seeks to establish laws through experiments and derives his formulae from these results. Einstein, on the other hand, proceeds from mathematics, especially from the Lorenz transformations, and prescribes laws to Nature. That corresponds completely to his worldview. Only this knowledge makes comprehensible his sentence: ‘This is a definite mathematical condition that the relativity theory prescribes to a natural law.’ Further, the cultural alienness of character of Einstein in the West emerges clearly in the case of the arrogant rejection of mathematical axioms, which are nothing but our worldview moving over solid bodies. It is a sign of scientific decline that Einstein, on the question of the truth of certain principles of our mathematics, could write with impunity the sentence that it is ‘not only unanswerable by the geometrical method but is generally nonsensical.’

In his doctrine of the relativity of movement we find again in perhaps the most marked form the Jewish worldview, kismet and materialism. For the time being I ignore the representation of four-dimensional space, of the Minkowski[49] universe, and use the term ‘infinite space’. We Westerners think it filled with geometric lines along which forces move. The great commander of experiments summarises this idea in the sentence: ‘I assume in any part of space, no matter it if is, in the common language, empty or filled with matter, nothing really but forces and lines along which they are exerted.’ These lines run, as is expressed here unobjectionably, independently of matter. Any other idea is impossible for us. The concept of force forms the foundation of our physics. It is the a priori of our planetary worldview. It is senseless if we break our head about the nature of gravitation, of centrifugal and centripetal forces. For us they are a given. The forces, whose nature we neither can nor wish to determine, influence one another and disturb their paths mutually. The first law of motion, which is also known under the name of the law of inertia to those who are not trained in natural science, speaks unequivocally about this: Every time that a body moves non-uniformly, that is, its movement changes either in direction or speed, this change can be attributed to the influence of another body. This influence of bodies on one another is called force. Force is the cause of a change that a movement experiences, whether it be in direction or speed or both. Instead of this concept of force, of the entire content of our cultural soul, the Einstein doctrine places something quite different. Of course, it does not deny inertia but explains it as compelled conduction. This compulsory conduction determines the direction and — what is totally incomprehensible to us — the speed of a body. It provides it with its ‘natural motion’, from which it can be drawn out only through external influences. It is, according to the Einstein doctrine, comparable to an electrical field that likewise corresponds once again to the Jewish worldview and sharply contradicts the Western. Indeed, in it, Einstein glimpses the evidence for the fact that the lines imagined by our physics, the geometric structure, are in truth real material paths. According to his doctrine they are operative forces in whom a power is innate that can, under certain circumstances, lead to frightful disturbances. The field of conduction stands, accordingly, in constant mutual interaction with matter and changes according to its circumstances. What Einstein calls force we would characterize as power.

By transferring these ideas to the planetary orbits, he comes to the conclusion that even the planetary bodies are subject to the forced conduction, of which gravitation is only a part. He presents the bold opinion that gravity is only a result of compulsion that should belie the difficulties that the planetary orbits offered to the Galilean doctrine. For, the planetary bodies must indeed move in straight lines and may not move in elliptical paths. The followers of Einstein are particularly proud of this discovery.

It cannot be represented in a more unequivocal way — what has escaped observation up to now — that we today possess two physics: a Jewish one built up in a rational way, but not creatively formed on the principles of our worldview, and a Western one. The former as a symbol of the materialistic, kismet-directed worldview and the latter of the Faustian planetary.

That even the third fundamental characteristic, the international, is not lacking in Einstein is obvious. It emerges in the discussion of the question that is raised in conjunction with his theory: Is the Copernican or the Ptolemaic system correct? Our answer corresponds to our worldview, to the evaluation of our standpoints. It says: for us Westerners only the Copernican is correct. Our innermost selves revolt against the acknowledgement of Ptolemy’s epicycles.[50] For him and the members of his cultural circle the former system was correct. An agreement between the two is impossible. It is out of the question that we, in the sense of the Einstein theory, sometimes place ourselves on a Ptolemaic standpoint and at others on a Copernican according to which of the two suits our purposes.

So long as Einstein saw in his doctrine an attempt at an explanation of the Michelson[51] conclusions, so long as there was a debate about it in the circle of a few specialist researchers who are able to follow him in detail and with judgement, there was no reason to deal with them publicly. Today it is different. Einstein raises a claim to be taken seriously. Good, that should happen: The Einstein relativity theory possesses an extraordinarily high value for that science which in the future will bloom with an unimagined beauty that does not yet exist in the scholarly world — the science of comparative culture.

But that is not all. Until recently the Einstein character was made the object of glorification in a simply repulsive manner. With or against his will does not matter. Now it has suddenly become remarkably quiet. Perhaps because important voices have exposed him as a plagiarist. Essays that begin as follows are no longer possible: ‘When you see Einstein do not forget that you stand before the greatest man of the century!’ In a leading Social Democrat newspaper a new work considered to be nationalist was praised in a book review that was supposed to familiarize even the simplest man with this theory and it was pointed out that it was the duty of every person to familiarize himself with this powerful work. Just imagine: a doctrine that presupposes even in its point of departure a considerable amount of physical and mathematical knowledge is presented to our workers who, even if through no fault of theirs, can hardly follow the development of the law of gravity or of the Archimedean principle of buoyancy, that is, laws that fall within their horizon and that can be explained through visible experiments. That only confusion is sowed in their heads is clear. For the editors it is not a matter of making the treasures of our science accessible to the people — which is not possible without years-long strenuous study of it — but of praising Einstein because he is a Jew. The people should learn to think that +Jewry has brought forth the greatest mind on earth. In view of this state of affairs I declare: A theory that maintains that force can exist independently of matter but itself possesses matter, that, for example, a body gets heated because to its matter the matter of force enters has for us Westerners the worth of the entertainment section of a carnival newspaper.

Perhaps this judgement may seem all too harsh to many readers who have been confused by the illustrated local representations of the ‘liberating action’ of Einstein. So some examples may follow that show where the relativity theory of motion leads. It teaches that time is dependent on motion. That is why, as Einstein himself explains, the clocks in a moving train go slower than in a stationary one. Here are revealed clearly the consequences of the confusion of the concepts of time and extension. The hour of the clock face is the twenty fourth part of that lifetime that appears to us as a day and a night. On this lifetime, and on the clock participating in its course, the movement of the train does not have the least influence. The followers of Einstein do not perceive this. They relate relativity not only to the standpoint of the observer of a process taking place in death but make it the master of his life. Thus it is recommended to everybody who wishes to live long to become fast train drivers because then his life-clock will go slower. In the thousand-year Reich one will let the great men live, not loftily, but long, by setting them in a Zeppelin built by themselves and letting them go round the earth in a crazy speed until they, having become older than Methuselah,[52] resort to a Steinach rejuvenation treatment. [53] Of course, thereby they must take into account that they are visibly crumpled and take care that a gust of wind does not sweep them away because they have become featherlight in the course of the travel. For, all mass becomes smaller with increasing speed and all weights decrease. Einstein does not notice that with this result of his doctrine he runs into an irresoluble contradiction with his principle of the independence of the natural laws – because the Jewish natural laws are totally different from the Western.

But, one may object, these examples have been dragged in by their hair. But do not get angry. That is not the case. Let us quote an enthusiastic champion of the Einstein affair. On page 22 of Pflüger’s[54] Das Einsteinsche Relativitātsprinzip, we read:

Like the progress of the clocks even the temporal course of all natural phenomena is influenced. With bold imagination one will say: one lives in different warps at different speeds so that of two twins one, whom one had taken after birth to the realm of another warp, would seem after his return to still look rather like a schoolboy whereas his brother is an old man with white hair.

And such nonsense is thrown among the masses with a market cry. Perhaps it now becomes clear of what sort the ‘liberation’ by Einstein is. It is, in the field of physics, the same thing that the ‘liberating’ Bolshevism is in the field of politics — a jail for non-Jews. The Einstein doctrine — it could be maintained in the West — would let our science and therewith our entire life be levelled out permanently.

Even in essays that are considered scholarly one encounters the one-sided representation as if the Einstein doctrine had now finally solved the three difficult questions regarding the causes of the perihelion movement of Mercury, the deviation of light rays when passing over heavenly bodies, and the supposed shifts in the spectrum. To that it should be answered that the perihelion movement is well explicable by two theories that are rooted in Western thought, that the Western explanation of the deviation of the light rays is satisfactory, whereas the Einstein calculations deviate so far from the observed phenomena that they are not explanations, and that the shifts in the spectrum, in spite of all the talk recently about it, are quite uncertain.

4

Like everything, even the Einstein fanfare has a good side. It has stirred up the people so much that the mood has been transformed, with the emergence of disillusionment, into its opposite. The people will recognize where it must lead to when our universities are further Judaised with frenzied speed. In the institutions that we create for the promotion of our cultural life the Jew has at most something to look for as a student. As a teacher, no matter whether at the primary, secondary or high school, only men thinking and feeling in a genuine German way should be employed. We cannot poison our youth with materialistic, internationalist and kismet ideas. The words of a teacher have an effect throughout one’s life. Precisely for that reason does the Jew push into our educational system in order to, from here, fill politics, economics and jurisprudence with his mentality in a permanent manner. For, one who has the youth has the future. To what extent he is aware of the scope of his action is proved by his great efforts in the orientation to this goal. I recall the case of Löwenstein as well as the concealment of the origin of Jewish teachers and university lecturers through conversion to Christianity or — what is precisely the same thing to them — to liberalism.

We Germans can learn something great from the Jew: the tacit and never stressed closedness to the outside world. If the members of this race, corresponding to their utilitarian culture, are at loggerheads with one another, they still all work together with admirable solidarity for the conquest of the world and the consolidation of the Jewish power. They know that the Westerner, in the final analysis, always searches for and inquires about spiritual values. That is why the most insignificant work that arises from their circle — no matter whether a book, essay, painting or musical composition or a scientific accomplishment — is so loudly praised. How deliberately they go about this is proved — to give just one example — by the performance of Toller’s work, Masse Mensch,[55] in a private performance before the Nuremberg trade unions. They hammer into the people day in and day out its intellectual ‘significance’. They transfer the principles of their commercial life — market shouting — to all fields and support one another. Thereby their gift for acting, the power of their press and the power of their money likewise come in handy. To us Germans it is not yet clear that we sit intellectually in the ghetto. No essay that is unpleasant to the Jew is published. The Jewish newspapers, that is the majority, do not accept it and the others fear the threat that is always repeated: suspension of advertising. This suspension is — as anybody who has an insight into the press system knows — enforced unscrupulously.

Instead of many, I shall cite only the example of a Bavarian Centre Party newspaper, which, on account of a communication of only two lines that displeased Jewry, received within a few days the cancellation of permanent advertisements to the amount of 30,000 marks. The couple of anti-Semitic newspapers do not get through to the nation. Their readers are constituted of circles that anyway know in what a frightful situation we find ourselves. It will serve the benefit of all, and not least Jewry, if a change occurs here. Things are heading to a point where a sudden awakening will follow that will be frightful for the guilty. Only the Westerner can read the soul of the Westerner. The Jew deceives himself if he thinks that he will have the masses permanently behind him or can later subjugate them permanently. Matters are still in progress. They will end with the liberation from centralism, from fatalism as well as from kismetism. If one succeeds in the last moment in setting the development onto peaceful tracks, all participants, also the Jews, fare well. If one does not, then there will follow a frightful collapse. Not of the West. It is too vital for that. On the contrary, it will heal itself quickly. The coming decades will bring it an unexpected efflorescence.


[1] See my English edition, Eugen Dühring, The Jewish Question as a racial, moral and cultural question, with a world-historical answer (Ostara Publications, 2019).

[2] Isaiah 49:23: ‘And kings shall be thy nursing fathers, and their queens thy nursing mothers: they shall bow down to thee with their face toward the earth, and lick up the dust of thy feet; and thou shalt know that I am the Lord: for they shall not be ashamed that wait for me.’ (All notes are by the translator.)

[3] Volk.

[4] See Karl Marx, ‘On the Jewish Question’ (1844): ‘The Jews have emancipated themselves insofar as the Christians have become Jews.’

[5] This praise of the lyricism of the psalms is found also in Eugen Dühring’s Die Judenfrage (1881), Ch.III.

[6] Solomon sent for help from the king of Tyre to build his temple (see, for example, I Kings 5, 1-11).

[7] The Turkish word for destiny.

[8] Exodus 20.

[9] Matthew 22 35-40 (This – Jesus’ second choice of two great commandments – refers to a passage in Leviticus 19:18. The other commandment that Jesus chooses is ‘Ye shall love the Lord your God with all your heart’).

[10] Exodus 34:7.

[11] Ibid.

[12] Cf. Tacitus, Germania, ch.40.

[13] Exodus 32:10-14.

[14] Wikipedia: Spinoza’s metaphysics consists of one thing, substance, and its modifications (modes). Early in The Ethics Spinoza argues that only one substance is absolutely infinite, self-caused, and eternal. He calls this substance “God”, or “Nature”. He takes these two terms to be synonymous (the Latin the phrase he uses is “Deus sive Natura”). For Spinoza, the whole of the natural universe consists of one substance, God, or, what is the same, Nature, and its modifications (modes).

It cannot be overemphasized how the rest of Spinoza’s philosophy—his philosophy of mind, his epistemology, his psychology, his moral philosophy, his political philosophy, and his philosophy of religion—flows more or less directly from the metaphysical underpinnings in Part I of the Ethics.

[15] See, for instance, Spinoza, Ethics, I, Prop.XVII.

[16] things

[17] bodies

[18] See Ethics, I, Definition 4.

[19] Zur Kritik der Hegelschen Rechtsphilosophie was an unpublished manuscript that Marx wrote in 1843.

[20] Karl Marx, ‘Letter to is his father’, 10 November, 1837, published in Die neue Zeit, I (1897).

[21] This early work has not survived.

[22] Karl Marx, Capital: A Critique of political economy, 1867.

[23] Jean Jaurès (1859-1914) was a French socialist leader.

[24] The Second International was formed in 1889, the Third (Comintern) in 1919.

[25] Walther Rathenau (1867-1922) was a German Jewish industrialist and politician who served as Foreign Minister of the ‘Weimar’ Republic in 1922.

[26] Hugo Stinnes (1870-1924) was an industrialist and member of the Reichstag from 1920.

[27] An Deutschlands Jugend was published in 1918.

[28] The date on which a Prussian volunteer corps was created to fight Napoleon, who was defeated in the Battle of Leipzig in October 1813.

[29] The German Empire declared war on the Russian Empire on 1 August 1914.

[30] Carl Friedrich Gauss (1777-1855) was a distinguished German mathematician and physicist.

[31] Georg Cantor (1845-1918) was a German mathematician of Jewish origin who helped in the development of the set theory.

[32] Jacques Offenbach (1819-1880) was a German Jewish composer of French operettas.

[33] Jacques Fromental Halévy (1799-1862) was a French Jewish composer of operas including La Juive (1835).

[34] Giacomo (Jakob) Meyerbeer (1791-1864) was a German Jewish composer of operas who was influential in both Berlin and Paris.

[35] Robert le diable (1831) was one of Meyerbeer’s first successful operas.

[36] Les Huguenots was first performed in 1836.

[37] Le Prophète was composed in 1849.

[38]  L’Africaine was Meyerbeer’s last opera, performed posthumously in 1865.

[39] Das Judenthum in der Musik (Jewry in Music) was first published by Wagner anonymously in 1850 and, in 1869, under his own name. In this essay he points out the shortcomings of Jewish composers, especially Meyerbeer and Mendelssohn.

[40] Heinrich Hertz (1857-1894) was a German Jewish physicist who made significant contributions to the study of electromagnetic waves.

[41] Gustav Kirchhoff (1824-1887) was a German physicist noted for his researches in electrical circuits and spectroscopy.

[42] Oswald Spengler, Der Untergang des Abendlandes, I, Ch.6.

[43] Hendrik Lorentz (1853-1928) was a Dutch physicist noted for the ‘Lorentz transformation’ of Einstein’s special theory of relativity, which concerns the relationship between space and time.

[44] In the special theory of relativity the Galilean transformation is replaced by the Lorentz transformation.

[45] As if one could speak at all of four-dimensionality in the sphere of the dead. (Dickel’s note.)

[46] Philipp Lenard (1852-1947) was a Hungarian German physicist who made significant contributions to the study of cathode rays. He attacked Einstein’s theories as ‘Jewish physics’.

[47] Friedrich Bessel (1784-1846) was a German astronomer and physicist. His treatises were edited in three volumes of Abhandlungen (1875-1876) by Rudolf Engelmann.

[48] Michael Faraday (1791-1867) was an English scientist who made notable contributions to the study of electromagnetism and electrochemistry.

[49] Hermann Minkowski (1864-1909) was a German Jewish mathematician who invented the concept of four-dimensional space that is now called ‘Minkowski spacetime’.

[50] Hipparchus, the Greek astronomer of the 2nd c. B.C., as well as Claudius Ptolemaeus, the Hellenistic astronomer of the 2nd c. A.D., employed geometrical models involving epicycles to explain variations in the speed and direction of heavenly bodies.

[51] Albert Michelson (1852-1931) was a German Jewish physicist known for his study of the speed of light. His Michelson-Morley experiment was influential in the development of Einstein’s special theory of relativity.

[52] In Genesis 5:27 Methuselah is mentioned as a grandfather of Noah and said to have lived for 969 years.

[53] Eugen Steinach (1861-1944) was an Austrian physiologist who developed a method of human rejuvenation.

[54] Alexander Pflüger (1869-1946) was Professor of Physics at the University of Bonn. His book, Das Einsteinsche Relativitātsprinzip, was published in 1920.

[55] Ernst Toller (1893-1939) was a German Jewish playwright and Social Democrat who served as head of the Bavarian Soviet Republic for six days in April 1919 before he was ousted by the Communist Party. When the Bavarian Soviet Republic was defeated by the Freikorps in May 1919, he was sentenced to five years in prison. His play Masse Mensch was written in 1921 while he was serving his sentence.

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Alexander Jacob https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Alexander Jacob2024-06-03 08:46:372024-06-03 11:36:48Otto Dickel on the Jews: An excerpt from The Resurgence of the West, Ch.4: Jewry

Interview with Kevin Barrett on Jewish Hyper-ethnocentrism

June 2, 2024/14 Comments/in Featured Articles, Jewish Ethnocentrism/by Kevin MacDonald

Kevin Barrett interviewed me on my article “The Extreme Hyper-Ethnocentrism of Jews on Display in Israeli attitudes toward the Gaza War.”

 

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Kevin MacDonald https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Kevin MacDonald2024-06-02 07:41:062024-06-02 09:29:31Interview with Kevin Barrett on Jewish Hyper-ethnocentrism

Champions of Judea: On the supplanting of British foreign policy

May 31, 2024/5 Comments/in British Politics, Free Speech/by Kevin MacDonald

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Our last article discussed the pursuit of Jewish interests by Winston Churchill and the British ruling class. Recall that Churchill considered Jews (at least as compared to Arabs) to be racially superior and strove energetically to enable Jewish colonisation of Manchester and London as well as of Palestine. He was born in the ambit of Rothschild, de Hirsch and Cassel, and was unfailingly loyal to Zionists throughout his life, serving them with outstanding fervour. He helped bring about the Balfour Declaration. He repeated Disraeli’s dictum “The Lord deals with the nations as the nations deal with the Jews”, claiming the sanction of the Christian deity for Jewish supremacism. Churchill described his devotion to Zionism bluntly as “a question of which civilisation you prefer.”

Churchill’s anti-German beliefs were as old as his adoration of what he called the “higher grade race”. He helped cause the Great War and was thrilled by it. After Versailles, he traduced Weimar governments less frequently than he had those of the German Empire, but on occasions in the 1920s still spoke of Germany as a threat.1 On March 23rd 1933, two months after Adolf Hitler became chancellor, Churchill castigated the new Germany in Parliament for its “ferocity and war spirit, the pitiless ill-treatment of minorities [and] the denial of the normal protections of civilised society to large numbers of individuals solely on the ground of race”.2 He asserted that “The Nazis inculcate a form of blood lust in their children… without parallel… since barbarian and pagan times.”3

Portraying Germany as a military threat was, at that time, partly just a way for an unprincipled politician to attack Ramsay MacDonald, the prime minister who, though sympathetic to the Soviets, was for disarmament to facilitate peace.4 Churchill, though, was unprincipled in a consistently anti-German direction. Had he ‘warned’ about Stalin the way he did about Hitler, Churchill’s post-war reputation as the politician who ‘saw the danger’ could have been twice as great. He had been staunchly anti-communist since 1917, and until 1930 or later, “His posture toward the Soviet Union was one of consistent abhorrence.”5 Yet as the Soviet Union proceeded to amass the largest armed forces in history, Churchill does not appear to have investigated the red threat at all.6 By 1935 he was scheming with the Soviet ambassador against the British government. By the summer of 1940 he had condoned the Soviet annexation of several countries. The Soviet regime, without war as extenuation, had by 1935 already caused civilian ruin and death on a scale Hitler’s regime would never match, with immense horrors still to be inflicted. Evidently neither Churchill nor anyone else lauded for their prescience in regard to Germany had any sincere objection to dictatorships that callously maltreated civilians and used vast forces to menace their neighbours, and any historical work implying that they did must be false and exculpatory.

Jewish foreign policy

As though at the same prompting, Churchill began to campaign against Germany simultaneously with an international alliance of Jewish interests organised and led publicly by Samuel Untermyer, a wealthy Jewish lawyer from the USA [and promoter of Christian Zionism]. Untermyer launched a boycott which the Daily Express referred to on March 24th 1933 as a ‘Judean declaration of war against Germany’.7 ‘War’ was scarcely an exaggeration, as Zbyněk Vydra describes: “The main goal was terminating Jewish persecution by overthrowing Hitler and the boycott was meant to be one of the means of bringing Germany down on its knees.”8 In Untermyer’s words, the aim of his “purely defensive economic boycott” was to “undermine the Hitler regime and bring the German people to their senses by destroying their export trade on which their very existence depends.”9 Tolernce of their “very existence” might be resumed once they clearly signalled their compliance. At least as early as May 1933, while Soviet collectivisation killed millions, Untermyer declared that Hitler’s government was carrying out a “cruel campaign of extermination”. His accusations were repeated in private correspondence as well as in speeches, newspaper articles and open letters. He specified in 1934 that not mere expulsion from Germany but the death of all Jews “by murder, suicide or starvation” was Hitler’s “openly avowed official policy and boasted purpose”. To the suggestion of verifying whereof he spoke, Untermyer replied “I have no intention of going to see Hitler, although asked by his friends to do so.”10 Churchill similarly spoke only about Hitler, never to him. Untermyer happily visited the Soviet Union during the Great Terror; Churchill did so in secret during the war.

In Britain, a boycott of trade with German firms was begun in the East End of London by Jews descended of immigrants from the Russian Empire. Though intimidation was employed to some effect, this effort alone could not force the hand of the whole British population. Regime change could more likely be achieved by compelling nation-states to act against Germany regardless of popular wishes, and of that aim Untermyer’s international campaign stood a better chance. He first launched the American League for the Defense of Jewish Rights, but was persuaded later in 1933 to change the name to the Non-Sectarian Anti-Nazi League to Champion Human Rights in order to attract non-Jewish support. According to Richard Hawkins, “In early November 1934, the NALCHR announced that a world conference would begin on November 25 in London. Its aim was to intensify and coordinate the boycott of Germany.” As Hawkins describes, the World Non-Sectarian Anti-Nazi Council to Champion Human Rights (WNSANCHR) was established as a result.

“The conference also resulted in the establishment of a British Non-Sectarian Anti-Nazi Council (BNSANC) with Sir Walter Citrine, the general secretary of the British Trades Union Congress, as president … The activities of the BNSANC appear to have gone largely unreported apart from a successful demonstration of as many as twenty thousand and a meeting in London’s Hyde Park joined by many thousands more on October 27, 1935. It was addressed by prominent British politicians and academics from across the political spectrum including Eleanor Rathbone MP, Clement Attlee MP… Citrine, Professor JBS Haldane and Sylvia Pankhurst.”

Hawkins must imagine the political spectrum to run only from socialists to communists, but anyway the Council would soon become remarkably non-sectarian in that regard. Though he says they went largely unreported, Hawkins himself mentions that the state-controlled BBC broadcast the Council’s addresses.11

The burgeoning influence, assisted by the BBC, of socialists like Attlee and Haldane caused dread to British conservatives including Harold Harmsworth, the first Viscount Rothermere, who owned newspapers including the popular Daily Mail and who had opposed universal suffrage and the growth of the Labour Party.12 Rothermere supported revision of the treaties imposed on Germany and the other defeated states after the Great War. He was also sympathetic to Benito Mussolini’s fascists and Hitler’s National Socialists for their fierce opposition to the many attempts at communist revolution in Italy and Germany. In January 1934, he began supporting the British Union of Fascists in Mail editorials. Rothermere was particularly alarmed at Stafford Cripps’ communist-friendly Socialist League, which campaigned for Labour’s next government to grant itself the power to rule by decree and prohibit all opposition.13 With the Socialist League intact and growing, Rothermere nevertheless ceased to support the BUF in July 1934. According to Paul Briscoe, “Jewish directors of Unilever … decided to present … Lord Rothermere, with an ultimatum: if he did not stop backing Mosley, they and their friends would stop placing advertisements in his papers. Rothermere gave in.”14 In November 1933, Untermyer had written that “A properly carried out boycott will cause Germany´s economic collapse within a year.” Shortly after, Pinchas Horowitz, a prominent member of the Board of Deputies of British Jews, wrote that “Once the sixteen million Jews inhabiting the world stop buying German goods, they will represent a power which no country will be able to ignore.”15 Presumably, as Jews were relatively small in number and spread across many countries, neither Untermyer nor Horowitz seriously estimated their power as consumers so highly; the power which no country would be able to ignore more likely referred to the ability to coerce pezzonovantes like Rothermere to help ensure that Britain and other powerful states would prioritise international Jewish interests over those of their own people. Mosley, who strove to prevent war, would never have been anything other than a hindrance to “causing Germany’s economic collapse”.

Pinchas Horowitz was also a leading member of the Jewish Representative Council for the Boycott of German Goods and Services (JRC), founded in November 1933. The JRC was separate from the BoD though they had much commonality in membership. Neville Laski, the Board’s president, refused the JRC’s demands to involve his organisation officially in the Jewish boycott, arguing that such a move would likely provoke Hitler’s government to take repressive measures against Jews in Germany.16 This was consistent with the cautious stance taken by the German equivalent of the Board, the Central Association of German Citizens of Jewish Faith.17 Whatever Untermyer said about “terminating Jewish persecution”, he and associates like Rabbi Stephen Wise led the faction prepared to aggravate such persecution in pursuit of “overthrowing Hitler”. As Zionists, they likely found provocations of Hitler desirable. Certainly Untermyer seemed to regard his Jewish opponents in America with contempt, saying in December 1937:

“The wave of world-wide anti-Semitism, led and encouraged by Germany, that is inundating our country should serve only to make us more race conscious, tie us closer together and confirm us in our determination to combat and overcome by every means in our power the vast propaganda of this world-bully and braggart and the forces of evil that inspire it. There are still too many turn-coats, hyphenated Jews and apostates in our ranks. The sooner we expose them and rout them out, the better it will be for our welfare and self-respect. They are an undiluted liability.”18

Neville Laski’s reticence toward the overt participation of the Board of Deputies in Untermyer’s boycott also derived from the value he placed on the Board’s close relations with the British government and civil service. The historians who have written on the boycott mostly treat it as a failure or a mistake the Board’s declining to join officially (though individual members were free to participate), but good relations with the likes of Robert Vansittart, the acutely anti-German head of the Foreign Office, were arguably more valuable. According to Laski, at a meeting in October 1934, Vansittart, referring to Untermyer and the American Jewish Congress (AJC), said that

the aggressively Jewish, flamboyant and narrow character of the anti-German propaganda carried on by certain Jewish quarters in America was having results which were very nearly provocation of anti-semitism on a large scale… He said that he approved of the use of an economic weapon against Germany, but he did not approve of a flamboyant user of such a weapon.19

Vansittart thus advised his allies on public relations, the better to achieve their shared aims. In 1936, as the World Jewish Congress was being founded (mainly by AJC members at first) with aims including “to coordinate the global economic boycott of Germany”, Laski, “who had originally been cautious, changed his opinion within a single month towards a complete refusal and did his best to prevent participation in the WJC.” According to Vydra, the prevailing view among the Board of Deputies was that “the Congress would strengthen the boycott movement, but the BoD´s participation would lead to the loss of influence on the British government.”20 Most historians are militantly incurious about how the Board, representing less than half a percent of the British population, came to have such influence.

Jewish domestic policy

Vydra remarks that “[t]he Jewish boycott of Germany was an international activity and can be understood as a type of Jewish foreign policy.”21 Gentile foreign policy was found wanting. Intercession (stadlanut) had been enacted by the Russo-Jewish Committee and Lord Rothschild since the 1880s. The Jewish elite in Britain had also founded the Conjoint Committee for such work. While men like Vansittart and Churchill worked to align British foreign policy with “Jewish foreign policy”, their colleagues did likewise in domestic matters, virtually without resistance. The British Union of Fascists, however unsuited to the role, appears to have been the only vehicle of any size for opposing the usurpation, and thus was targeted for violent suppression. On 4th October 1936, the BUF staged a lawful, police-escorted demonstration through several sites in East London, an area in which Jewish immigrants from Eastern Europe had concentrated, in which the unofficial, militant boycott of Germany had begun and in which British people were confronted by immigrant hostility exemplified by the violent crime operation led by Jacob Comacho (alias Jack Comer or Spot). As the police escort attempted to clear illegal blockades in Aldgate, they were assaulted by masses of armed Jews, Irish and communists. Comacho and his associates were leading figures in the assault. Jews organised under the Jewish People’s Council Against Fascism and Anti-Semitism. The communists were mainly from the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB), which took orders from the Soviet Union via the Comintern. The ‘Battle of Cable Street’ was the largest of many such assaults on the BUF in the 1930s. The aggressors were rewarded with legislation within two months: a new Public Order Act which impaired the BUF’s ability to demonstrate.22

The Board of Deputies did not at first openly encourage anti-fascist aggression. As Daniel Tilles says, “much of the Board’s anti-fascist activity, for… good reason, took place privately and remained unpublicised.”23 In July 1936, a deputation from the Board, including Neville Laski and vice-president Robert Waley Cohen, expressed sympathy for Jewish violence against the BUF and prevailed on Simon to punish “those preaching hatred”.24 John Simon’s Act, passed in December that year, was “influenced by the personal intervention of Harold Laski” (Neville’s pro-Soviet brother) and “made the police act with even greater intensity” against the BUF.25 Let us assume that the hatred preached was so abominable as to justify bricks flung at British bobbies by gangsters, else we risk the conclusion that the deputies sought special treatment and power for the higher grade race.

The Board had begun to co-opt anti-fascist militancy before the assault in Aldgate, “establishing a body to direct defence policy in mid-1936, the Co-ordinating Committee (CoC — known from late 1938 as the Jewish Defence Committee).”26 Late in that year, “Sidney Salomon, the secretary of the CoC, in an interview with the Evening Standard, absolved his thugs of blame for their aggression, arguing that it was ‘not human nature… to stand calmly by while Blackshirts shout insults.’”27 Herbert Morrison, leader of the London County Council and a senior figure in the Labour Party, which affected to exist for the benefit of British workers, met in secret with Neville Laski and Harry Pollitt, leader of the CPGB, in October 1936 to co-ordinate the terrorism they mutually supported.28 By March 1937, Neville Laski was satisfied that condoning violence would not lose him politicians’ support: “in contact with the Home Office to discuss anti-Jewish meetings, [Laski warned] that ‘any self-respecting Jew in the crowd would have the greatest difficulty in restraining himself, not only vocally, but even physically.’” He also urged police to collaborate with Jewish and communist infiltrators or invaders starting fights at BUF meetings.29 Newsreel producers already routinely used misleadingly-edited footage of such fights to portray the BUF to the nation as the instigators.

Spreading dread

With the most avid opponents of hostility to Germany corralled by state suppression and terrorism, successive British governments, notwithstanding their Home Secretaries, remained an obstacle to the full adoption of “Jewish foreign policy”. Under MacDonald and Stanley Baldwin, peace with Germany continued, and Neville Chamberlain intended the same. Winston Churchill followed his anti-German aspersions about “war spirit” and “blood lust” with a fear campaign about Germany’s military strength. “As 1934 progressed Churchill developed an important subsidiary theme to disarmament: the growth of German air power”, according to David Irving, who continues:

“‘I dread the day,’ he told the House on March 8, ‘when the means of threatening the heart of the British empire should pass into the hands of the present rulers of Germany.’ Such melodramatic statements were typical of the debating stance that Churchill would adopt over the next five years. Sir John Simon predicted in cabinet on March 19 that Hitler would move east or into territories of German affinity like Austria, Danzig and Memel. His colleagues were unconvinced that Hitler harboured evil designs on the empire, and rightly so. We now know from the German archives that even his most secret plans were laid solely against the east. In August 1936 he would formulate his Four-Year Plan to gird Germany for war against Bolshevist Russia; and not until early 1938 did he order that Germany must consider after all the contingency of war with Britain — a contingency which, it must be said, Mr. Churchill had himself largely created by his speeches.”30

Churchill “found that Britain’s weakness in the air was a popular theme, particularly among leading London businessmen. Their doyen Sir Stanley Machin invited him to address the City Carlton Club on it. He developed his campaign on the floor of the House, in newspaper and magazine articles, and in BBC broadcasts too.”31

Churchill used Parliamentary privilege and his high security clearance to publicise statistics, and alarming interpretations of them, on behalf of a network of anti-German civil servants and intelligence agents led by Robert Vansittart, head of the Foreign Office. On 9th November 1933, the Committee of Imperial Defence had “decided that a body should be set up to determine Britain’s worst defence deficiencies. That body, which became the DRC, was approved by the Cabinet on 15 November” but “held its first meeting on 14 November, the day before it was formally constituted by the Cabinet.”32 The Defence Requirements Committee was “the body whose decisions largely determined the path that British strategic defence policy took in the years until 1939.”33 It was a vehicle for Vansittart and Warren Fisher, his equivalent at the Treasury, to wage institutional war against the Air Ministry which was “[i]n theory… the sole body responsible for the co-ordination and analysis of information on the German air force” and which insisted on reporting what it found.34 As Wesley Wark describes,

Despite the fact that no concrete intelligence had reached the air ministry during the DRC’s term, the committee nevertheless found itself preoccupied by the question of the future rearmament of Germany, especially in the air. Pushed by Vansittart, the DRC accepted, without conviction, the estimate of five years as the time it would take Germany to rearm, and adopted this as their deadline for British defence planning. Germany was fixed, using Warren Fisher’s terminology, as the ‘ultimate potential enemy’. When the chief of the air staff presented a very modest programme for the RAF to the committee, both Vansittart and Fisher threatened that they would not sign the report.35

The moderation of the air staff provoked Vansittart to bypass them. “The clash of political and military intelligence in the DRC had encouraged the central department of the Foreign Office to begin drawing up their own appreciations of the German air force.”36 Ralph Wigram, the head of that department, supplied Churchill figures until his death in 1936.37 Another supplier was Desmond Morton, formerly of the Secret Intelligence Service and in 1934 the head of the Industrial Intelligence Centre of the Committee of Imperial Defence. Morton brought to Churchill’s home “secret files which the Prof. [Frederick Lindemann] illicitly photocopied for Churchill.” Morton’s figures only spoke of numbers of planes and “omitted any consideration of quality or range”.38 Churchill’s rhetoric aimed at maximising alarm: “‘Germany has already, in violation of the Treaty, created a military airforce which is now nearly two-thirds as strong as our present home defence airforce.’ By the end of 1935, he warned, Hitler would match Britain’s airforce; by 1936 he would overtake it — such was Churchill’s claim.” Irving paraphrases Churchill: “[I]f both countries continued to rearm at their present rate, in 1937 Germany would have twice the airforce Britain had.” He continues:

It is plain from the record of November 25th that the cabinet was concerned about the effect of Mr Churchill’s brash campaign on their delicate relations with Germany. Hoare felt they must make clear to the world that his ‘charges were exaggerated.’ Chamberlain expressed puzzlement that they themselves had no information backing Churchill’s claims… [T]he captured files of the German air ministry reveal both his statistics and his strategic predictions to have been wild, irresponsible, exaggerated scaremongering, delivered without regard for the possible consequences on international relations.39

Vansittart was aided by Reginald Leeper who became head of the Foreign Office news department in 1935. According to Richard Cockett, “Leeper shared the views of Sir Robert Vansittart on foreign policy and in particular his attitude to Germany.”40 Leeper sought “willing collaborator[s]” among journalists

to further the aims and policies of the Foreign Office. He realized that with a certain degree of openness and flattery diplomatic correspondents could be welded into a cohesive body who could be relied upon always to put the Foreign Office point of view in the press. [He] built up a set of diplomatic correspondents… loyal to him.41

The main enticement for correspondents was being shown confidential Foreign Office documents. “[T]he more correspondents were let into the News Department’s confidence, the more willing they would be to adopt the Foreign Office view.” Leeper’s “tame pets” repeated the Foreign Office’s views under their own names.42 At least one of the “most privileged diplomatic correspondents”, Norman Ewer of the Daily Herald, was a spy for the Soviet Union.43

In March 1935, Vansittart leaked the fact that Hitler had privately claimed to John Simon that his Luftwaffe, forbidden under Versailles, had already reached parity with the Royal Air Force.44 Leeper then fed out a more alarming story in April, and Churchill spoke of it as “official” in Parliament.45

Leeper’s team overlapped with Vansittart’s. According to Cockett,

they used the News Department to give out news of conditions in Germany, statistics of German rearmament, reports of German concentration camps to enhance this pessimistic view of Germany – the leak to the Daily Telegraph in 1935 was supposed to contribute to this general picture. Vansittart was particularly free with his confidences and encouraged Leeper to take the same attitude in the pursuance of their campaign against appeasement. Ian Colvin relates how ‘Rex Leeper sometimes came upon Vansittart in his room at the FO in full conversation with Winston Churchill.’ The excuse Vansittart gave to Leeper for communicating confidential information to a mere MP was that ‘it is so important that a man of Churchill’s influence should be properly informed’ and so he was quite content to ‘tell him whatever I know’.46

Intelligence sources

As Wark says, “The best intelligence which the [Secret Intelligence Service] gained on German air force developments was obtained through contacts with foreign secret services and through the exploitation of dissident German sources.”47 On the basis of such sources, some of whom approached him directly, from February 1936, Vansittart formed his own intelligence network, “separate from the SIS and the Foreign Office”.48 According to Cockett,

Vansittart was… particularly open in his communications with FA Voigt of the Manchester Guardian. Indeed, Voigt was a key member of Vansittart’s shadowy ‘Z Organization’, an intelligence service run principally for his own benefit to keep him informed of developments inside Nazi Germany. It was run with the co-operation of the head of the Secret Intelligence Service (SIS), but otherwise was run clandestinely — unknown to the rest of the staff at SIS headquarters in London.49

According to Gill Bennett, the Z Organisation was set up by Hugh Sinclair, head of SIS, and assigned to Claude Dansey, who “ran his own small staff, including Jewish émigrés and other exiles, and supposedly communicated with SIS only through [Hugh] Sinclair, although the evidence suggests that Morton too received information directly from Dansey.”50

Churchill’s intelligence network also included Jewish émigrés like Jurgen Kuczynski, a spy for the Soviet GRU, and Leopold Schwarzschild, a journalist and publisher, whom Churchill called “two German refugees of high ability and inflexible purpose”.51 Using information from Kuczynski was especially absurd:

After publishing an anonymous article in Brendan Bracken’s The Banker in February 1937 with tongue-in-cheek ‘calculations’ of Hitler’s annual arms budget, he had been contacted by ‘certain circles, and these he had ruthlessly milked of both funds for the party coffers and secret information for the Soviet Union. These circles, he said by way of identification, were those that came to power in 1940 ‘with the overthrow of Chamberlain.’ …

Kuczynski also drafted a blimpish brochure on Hitler and the Empire, to which an R.A.F. air commodore wrote the foreword. ‘I chose the pen name James Turner,’ he wrote. ‘The whole thing was a rather improbable romp.’ Turner’s line was, he chuckled, to deny any personal dislike of fascism — that was a matter for the Germans alone — ‘If only it were not such a danger for the British empire.’52

Kuczynski and Swarzschild may have already been sources for the Z Organisation or Morton’s Industrial Intelligence Centre at the CID (or both). As Wark describes,

The IIC was created as a secret unit in 1931 to collect and evaluate information on industrial war planning in foreign countries… Their sources included material from industrial publications, statistics from the board of trade and department of overseas trade, Foreign Office reports, information volunteered by British industrialists and whatever covert material was supplied by the Secret Service.

For reasons unexplained, “At first the IIC concentrated on Russia but soon turned its attention to the German aircraft industry.”53

One “British industrialist” who volunteered information was Sir Henry Strakosch, a Jewish financier from Austria who, according to David Lough, was another of “the small group of experts who had been feeding Churchill confidential information about Germany’s armaments expenditure.” Of Strakosch’s expertise, Lough says that “As chairman of Union Corporation, the South African mining business, Strakosch passed on confidential details of the raw materials which his company was supplying to the German armaments industry.”54 The German armaments industry must have been awful enough to alarm Strakosh but not quite so terrible that he stopped contributing to it. As Irving describes,

When the air staff issued a secret memorandum on November 5, 1935 — based, we now know, on its authentic codebreaking sources — stating firmly that the German front line consisted of only 594 planes, Churchill sent an exasperated letter to the Committee of Imperial Defence: ‘It is to be hoped,’ he wrote, ‘that this figure will not be made public, as it would certainly give rise to misunderstanding and challenge.’55

Friendship with Strakosch became highly beneficial to Churchill and the anti-German front. In severe financial difficulty in 1938, Churchill told friends he would leave politics and put his mansion Chartwell up for sale. Strakosch agreed to pay off the debts (about £18,000 according to Irving and Lough). “Chartwell was withdrawn from the market, and Churchill campaigned on.”56 Lough stresses that there was no quid pro quo with Strakosch (other than membership of Churchill’s dining club). I find no evidence contradicting Lough here. Strakosch’s motive appears to have been to keep Churchill, perhaps the most well-placed activist for the cause, in politics to “campaign on” against “misunderstanding and challenge”. As Lough says of their collaboration, “Sir Henry… regarded Churchill as the one politician in Europe with the vision, energy and courage required to resist the Nazi threat.”57 Strakosch loaned another £5,000 to Churchill in 1940 and left Churchill £20,000 when he died in 1943.58

The Focus

Cockett describes how “Leeper and Vansittart enlisted [Churchill] in their campaign against Germany” as he “could be thoroughly relied upon to use their information in the way that they wanted”. Leeper

visited Churchill at his home at Chartwell on 24 April 1936 to encourage him to try and bring together all the various groups who were already concerned about the German danger. This meeting was the genesis of the anti-Nazi council which became known as the Focus Group. This duly tried to rectify what Vansittart had identified as the crucial flaw in Britain’s state of readiness: ‘the people of this country are receiving no adequate education — indeed practically no concerted education at all — against the impending tests’…59

Other than this “genesis” at Chartwell, the Anti-Nazi Council was already the British branch of Untermyer’s World Non-Sectarian Anti-Nazi Council for Human Rights. As Richard Hawkins describes,

In April 1936, Winston Churchill joined the WNSANCHR… In July, the Board of Deputies of British Jews created a secret fund to support anti-Nazi groups including the WNSANCHR. At a meeting on October 15, the WNSANCHR, at the suggestion of Churchill, decided to establish a Focus in Defence of Freedom and Peace movement. The Focus helped revive Churchill’s political career. As Eugen Spier later observed, ‘Later on it was easy to forget the part [the Focus] played in creating a platform for Winston Churchill at a time he was in the political wilderness.’60

The Focus served as an information exchange, a network of support and a fountain of money for the anti-German campaign of which he was the most valuable figure. Yet despite including prominent politicians, civil servants, businessmen and journalists, few of whom were abashed about their stance on Germany, Churchill was no more keen for the Focus to be a matter of public discussion than he was the real size of the German air force. To enable individuals with contrasting affiliations to join discreetly, the group had a loose structure, avoided formal membership and only staged events under other names.61 Eugen Spier, a Jewish immigrant from Germany and one of the founders and main funders, wrote a book on the career of the organisation, but did not have it published until 1963. Irving says that “Churchill pleaded with him not to publish it during his lifetime.”62 Court historians still frown at our disrespect for the great man’s privacy.

Churchill “wryly recognised who was behind this body. ‘The basis of the Anti-Nazi League,’ he would write later in 1936 to [his son] Randolph, misquoting its proper title, ‘is of course Jewish resentment at their abominable persecution.”63 Jewish resentment may have been a motivation, but the wealthy, well-connected Jews in the “League” were not under persecution and, as noted, the international effort of which they were part intruded upon the cautious practices of the Jewish organisations in Germany. The Focus’s aims were the same as those of Untermyer and the World Jewish Congress: Germany must overthrow Hitler or be destroyed. In Spier’s words, “we had to prove to Britain and the world that for us there could be no peace with the Nazi regime.”64 Whether the struggle was really for survival or supremacy, no cost was too great.

Bribery

Another “basis of the League” was Czech bribery. The recipients tended to be unapologetic. As Irving says,

Europe was awash with secret embassy funds… The Czechs were most prolific… When Robert Boothby, once Churchill’s private secretary and now a member of his Focus, was later obliged to resign ministerial office over irregularities involving Czech funds and a certain Mr [Richard] Weininger, he advised the House, as an MP of sixteen years’ standing, not to set impossible standards ‘in view of what we all know does go on and has gone on for years.’”65

Weininger, a wealthy Jewish immigrant, was working mainly for his own benefit.66 Jan Masaryk was the main conduit for Czech government bribery and a friend of Churchill. Reginald Leeper and Henry Wickham Steed, the Focus’s most committed journalist, were two payees.67 Sir Louis Spears MP was given regular cash and a lucrative directorship of a major Rothschild-controlled Czech industrial firm at the behest of Edvard Benes.68

Communist Sympathisers

The Czech government was headed by Benes and had formed an alliance with the Soviet Union in 1935. The Soviets were permitted to use Czech airbases against Germany and Benes wholly trusted that they would provide sizeable forces in case of war; the Soviet Commissar for Foreign Affairs, Maxim Litvinov, encouraged his trust.69 The Focus’s aims dovetailed with Litvinov’s foreign policy and the aims of the Comintern. Robert Boothby was a co-founder of the Popular Front which lobbied for pro-Soviet policies from 1936 until being assumed into Churchill’s wartime government. The Focus also included former Labour minister Hugh Dalton MP, an apologist for the Soviet dictatorship since its founding.70 Focus members Clement Attlee, leader of the Labour Party, leftist Tory MP Harold Macmillan, ‘peace’ activist Norman Angell and Liberal Party politician Violet Bonham-Carter, an old friend of Churchill, who wrote for The Future, a magazine published by Willi Münzenberg, a German communist who specialised in creating pseudo-independent organisations to enable celebrity intellectuals like Angell to support the Soviet Union deniably.71 The launch of The Future was funded by Munzenberg’s comrade Olof Aschberg, a Jewish banker from Sweden who had helped launder money for the Bolshevik regime after its repudiation of foreign loans and seizure of private assets. The editor was Arthur Koestler, also of Jewish ancestry, who had recently resigned as a Comintern agent when The Future launched.72

Zionists

Alongside servants of the Comintern, the Focus was populated by Zionists, Jewish or otherwise. A leader of Anglo-Jewry and member of the Focus along with his brother Robert was Henry Mond, the 2nd Baron Melchett, who had helped finance Pinhas Rutenberg’s plan for irrigation and electricity generation in Palestine (Rutenberg’s company was granted a monopoly on generation over most of Palestine in 1921).73 In this effort, Mond joined Edmond de Rothschild, the primary financier of Jewish settlement in Palestine (and Rutenberg’s scheme), and Edmond’s son James de Rothschild, a family friend of Churchill and a member of the Focus with his cousin and wife Dorothy. Churchill supported Rutenberg’s project while he was Colonial Secretary from 1921–22 just as he consistently supported the greatest possible Jewish immigration into Palestine throughout the 1920s and 30s (expressly to make Jews the majority there). Rutenberg was a leading Zionist activist closely associated with Churchill’s friend Chaim Weizmann as well as David Ben-Gurion and the racial Zionist Vladimir Jabotinsky. Weizmann and Ben-Gurion became Israel’s first president and prime minister respectively in 1948. Jabotinsky was a Zionist militant and anti-British agitator who founded Irgun, members of which murdered British officials and servicemen in Palestine after the war.

Secret funding

Copious funding was available to the Focus. The “secret fund” Hawkins mentions was administered by Robert Waley Cohen, vice-president of the Board of Deputies of British Jews. As Robert Henriques describes, “Bob” was one of the leaders of Anglo-Jewry, for whom there was a need “to find a platform which would enlist the whole-hearted support of the greatest possible number of Gentile friends.” He continues:

Every week Bob and a few other leaders of Anglo-Jewry met at New Court to plan a form of defence against anti-Semitic propaganda. In June, Bob, and several others had an interview with the Home Secretary and returned with the assurance that the Government would do everything in its power to arrest what it acknowledged to be “a growing evil’.74

The other leaders go unnamed. Henriques continues:

[Churchill] “enlisted many eminent men in his ‘Defence of Freedom and Peace’ movement, and this formed a nucleus of sympathetic, liberal, non-Jewish opinion with which the Anglo-Jewish leaders could co-operate. While Jewish Defence was continued by the Board of Deputies with direct propaganda which probably did more to reassure British Jews than to combat the infiltration of Nazi doctrine, it was decided at New Court to raise a secret fund, initially of £50,000, which would work with the sympathetic non-Jewish organisations as well as with the Jewish Telegraph Agency, the latter providing the hard facts of Nazi atrocities which were so seldom reported i— the press. Bob agreed to raise, control and administer this fund. It was started with a dinner party at Caen Wood Towers on 22nd July, from which over £25,000 was immediately subscribed, and the balance promised. Bob insisted from the start that the Jewish defence movement must concentrate on attacking Nazi philosophy and its denial of human rights, rather than on the direct refutation of anti-Semitic propaganda. …[H]e insisted that propaganda should be directed against ‘pursuing peace without caring for freedom and justice’ — a summary of the British policy of appeasement.75

Cohen, like Spier, took as read that “Jewish defence” entailed using one gentile nation-state to impose Jewish values and interests on another.

As David Irving says, £50,000 “was a colossal sum for such an organisation to butter around in 1936 — five times the annual budget of the British Council [a government-created organisation aimed at promoting British foreign policy], and it was only “initially” £50,000.76 Cohen, thanks in part to his means, took charge of the Focus, as Henriques describes:

[T]he ‘Defence of Freedom and Peace’ movement was publishing a series of pamphlets explaining what Nazi-ism meant and refuting the belief in the country that it had its legitimate aspects. Each pamphlet was read in manuscript by Bob and usually edited and amended profusely. Even Winston Churchill was not exempt; and one of his articles entitled ‘The Better Way’, which he sent to Bob in draft, was returned to its author with copious alterations, all of which were accepted. Soon the ‘Defence of Freedom and Peace’ movement, whose secretary was AH Richards, began publication of a journal known as Focus on which Wickham Steed and Bob — the latter described as ‘the veritable dynamic force of Focus’ — were Churchill’s main lieutenants.”77

News Media

Under the pretext of securing “human rights” and combatting “anti-Semitic propaganda”, the Focus strove to pressure the news media into a belligerent stance toward Germany:

To administer the ‘secret’ defence fund, Bob employed HT Montague Bell, recently retired from the editorial chair of The Near East, who was very largely engaged in drafting letters to the press and providing the necessary facts, for eminent people to compose their own letters in refutation of the very considerable correspondence published by most of the national newspapers excusing Fascism and even advocating it, including sometimes its anti-Semitic aspects.78

The Focus also worked to co-ordinate ostensibly separate media organisations toward a single aim:

While Montague Bell was arranging the publication of a series of so-called ‘Vigilance’ pamphlets, written by Colin R Coote, then a leader-writer of The Times, and other well-known journalists, Bob was personally interviewing various Tory Members of Parliament, including Harold Macmillan, Douglas Hacking, and Sir Waldron Smithers. Negotiations which had begun in 1937 between Bob, Professor Gilbert Murray and Sir Norman Angell led to the formation in 1938 of the Focus Publishing Company which took over Headway, the publication of the League of Nations Union. Meanwhile, Bob’s fund was being used to sponsor a large number of small, independent enterprises whose operations were co-ordinated by Montague Bell, now reinforced with an assistant and a secretariat.79

With Churchill, Macmillan, Boothby and others being sitting Conservative MPs, the Focus’s secretiveness was prudent as, according to Eugen Spier, “the policy of the new Headway would be to turn out the Conservative government.”80

Both the Focus and the Board of Deputies appear to have been subsidiary, at least financially, to the unnamed leaders of Anglo-Jewry who met at New Court and initiated the “secret fund”:

By tremendous efforts… Bob raised further gifts to the Fund to keep pace with its expenditure. It was found that the work of the Fund inevitably overlapped the official defence work of the Board of Deputies. Accordingly a very substantial annual sum was paid by the Fund to the President of the Board (Neville Laski, KC) so that he could temporarily sacrifice his legal practice and devote himself wholly to the co-ordination of Jewish defence.81

Under the threat of an advertising boycott, potential adversaries of the Focus like Lord Rothermere, owner of the Daily Mail, had already been rendered compliant. Lord Beaverbrook, main owner of the Daily Express (in which Rothermere had a large stake too) was susceptible to the same menaces, and though at times privately sympathetic to Germany he printed what he thought good for business. His Express headline from March 1933, ‘Judea Declares War On Germany’, preceded an article lauding Judea for doing so. Beaverbrook was also a friend of Churchill, Vansittart and Ivan Maisky, the Soviet ambassador.

Perhaps the most consequential of the Focus’s activities was described by Eugen Spier to Churchill privately in June 1937:

It is one of the objects of the Focus to provide its members, and you most of all, with just those facilities which a party machine provides, publicity by public meetings, through the press and our publications. The Focus is steadily growing; its audiences daily become larger, its backing ever more forceful, with the support of some of the most important people in the country.82

With its forceful backing, the Focus did attract the support of important people. It could also make mediocre people seem important. By late 1936, “The editors of the influential weekly journals The Spectator, New Statesman, The Economist and Time & Tide were wooed and won: Wilson Harris, Basil Kingsley Martin, Lady Rhonda, Harcourt Johnstone.” They were joined by “Sir Walter Layton and AJ Cummings, chairman and chief commentator of the News Chronicle, as well as Lady Violet [Bonham-Carter] and two BBC executives.”83 The BBC, as noted, had already helped publicise the previous demonstrations of the Focus. They also gave Churchill respectable amplification for his ‘warnings’ about Germany as early as 1934.84 Henry Strakosch and Churchill’s friend Brendan Bracken jointly owned half of The Economist anyway.85 Walter Citrine was already a director of the Labour-aligned Daily Herald. The Daily Mirror was vehemently anti-Hitler without prompting from the Focus. There were others whom the Focus left alone as they were already model citizens: the Express’ cartoonist David Low, who specialised in ridiculing his enemies, or his counterpart at the Mirror, Philip Zec, who specialised in dehumanising them. Low was a supporter of the Soviets (except when they allied with Germany) and Zec was a director of the Jewish Chronicle, the grandson of a rabbi and son of an immigrant from Odessa.

According to Irving,

At Waley-Cohen’s request Brendan Bracken released German-born Werner Knop, who had been foreign news editor of his Financial News and Banker since 1935. The Focus set him up in an office in the fountain yard of one of the ancient Inns of Court near Fleet-street. Knop’s ‘front,’ Union Time Ltd, disguised as a press agency, was funded ‘by a group of British businessmen and newspaper editors’.86

Marcus Bennett describes Union Time as “a front for various German emigres working across various professional fields to encourage anti-Nazi opinion in Britain and combat Nazi propaganda in general.” He continues: “It was Union Time Ltd which had camouflaged, among many others, the activities of [Hilde] Meisel, who approached… [Labour MP George] Strauss asking for money to murder Hitler. Strauss sent her to the City of London to meet Werner Knop… Knop granted her the necessary financial support.”87

The Focus also benefited from partnership with a real press agency, Cooperation Press Service. According to Lough, Cooperation Press Service, “founded by Dr Imre Revesz, a Hungarian Jew… specialized in distributing articles written by European politicians across a network of 400 newspapers in seventy countries on the Continent. Cooperation had started in Berlin before Hitler’s rise to power, then moved to Paris just before a raid on its offices by the Gestapo.”88 Revesz (alias Emery Reves) offered Churchill a much wider readership and larger fees for his newspaper articles by syndication. He did the same for Clement Attlee, Tory ministers Anthony Eden and Alfred Duff Cooper, and anti-German politicians across Europ,e including Leon Blum, a central figure in the Popular Front.89

Vansittart-Litvinov

The Focus bound several forces into one fascio: journalists, Foreign Office men, the Popular Front, industrialists, Czech hirelings, Disraelite Tories, Zionists and mainstream Anglo-Jewry, all drawing upon Cohen’s secret fund and serving the same purposes as the international alliance headed by Samuel Untermyer and his colleagues at the World Jewish Congress. It also complemented the work of leading civil servants. The Foreign Office, as we have seen, had been committed to anti-German policies long before Hitler became Chancellor, and before Germany had done anything more threatening than condemn the Treaty of Versailles, Vansittart collaborated with the Soviet government against his own. The diaries of Ivan Maisky, the Soviet ambassador, were edited by Gabriel Gorodetsky, who says that

In going about his ambassadorial duties in London, Maisky studiously followed the lead of [Maxim] Litvinov, who had spotted the Nazi threat as early as 1931. However, it took Litvinov almost a year to convince Stalin that Hitler’s rise to power meant that ‘ultimately war in Europe was inevitable’. The formal shift in Soviet foreign policy… towards a system of collective security in Europe and the Far East… occurred in December 1933…

Vansittart, the permanent undersecretary of state, was the advocate of such ideas in Britain… Britain could preserve a local balance of power in both Europe and the Far East by allying with the Soviet Union, which could place a check on both Japanese and German expansion… He… gravitated towards European security based on the pre-1914 entente of Britain, France and Russia.”90

The balance of power policy was established as Foreign Office doctrine by Eyre Crowe, Arthur Nicolson, Charles Hardinge and other favourites of King Edward VII.91 Maurice Cowling says that Vansittart “advocated a Russian alliance with France, British co-operation with Litvinoff and tripartite firmness towards Germany.”92 He “treated the Franco-Soviet alliance as non-negotiable.”93

Russia had ceased to be a state in 1917. The Russian monarchy had been usurped, the monarch murdered, the alliance with Britain repudiated in bello and the empire refounded as a Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, but these were, apparently, not too much of an interruption for the entente of 1907 to be considered obsolete; nor were the Bolsheviks’ brazen hostility toward and attempts to undermine the British Empire, which continued under the Comintern until 1943 (and in other forms afterward), nor that the crimes of Stalin’s regime exceeded even those of Lenin’s. Stalin himself had leader the Soviet attempt to impose “collective security” on Poland in 1920. Regardless, the school of Eyre Crowe merged happily into that of Meir Henoch Wallach-Finkelstein (‘Litvinov’ was an alias). Gorodetsky says plainly (and approvingly) that Vansittart was an “ally” of Soviet Ambassador Maisky.94

Thus the Focus did not recruit men like Vansittart but rather teamed with them. As mentioned, Rex Leeper introduced Churchill to the Anti-Nazi Council in April 1936. In the previous year, as Gabriel Gorodetsky describes,

Vansittart assisted Maisky in setting up a powerful lobby within Conservative circles… Maisky was further invited to a dinner en famille at Vansittart’s home [in June 1935], where he met Churchill. ‘I send you a very strong recommendation of that gentleman,’ wrote Beaverbrook to Maisky… Churchill indeed told Maisky that, in view of the rise of Nazism, which threatened to reduce England to ‘a toy in the hands of German imperialism’, he was abandoning his protracted struggle against the Soviet Union, which he no longer believed posed any threat to England for at least the next ten years. He fully subscribed to the idea of collective security as the sole strategy able to thwart Nazi Germany.95

Churchill frequently referred to his desire to ‘encircle’ Germany again. At a royal reception in November 1937, he had made a show of spurning Joachim von Ribbentrop, the German ambassador, and telling Maisky “I’m wholly for Stalin.”96 In March 1938 he told Maisky that “I am definitely in favour of Stalin’s policy. Stalin is creating a strong Russia. We need a strong Russia and I wish Stalin every success.”97 By May 1938, during the first Czech crisis, he had sunk as far as apologising to Maisky for including in a recent speech some perfunctory mentions of Soviet maltreatment of civilians. He regretfully explained that his constituents would not yet accept unconditional support for the Soviet regime.98 Vansittart told Maisky in August 1937 that Britain approved of the pact the Czechs made with the Soviets in 1935.99 Had the pact been activated by war with Germany, the question of whether Soviet forces could have been evicted after being granted passage and bases was a grave concern for the Poles and Romanians at the time. When, in April 1939, Churchill asked Maisky on behalf of the Poles whether they need worry, Maisky avoided answering to avoid lying; Churchill was undeterred.100

War Party

The Focus helped ensure that Chamberlain was assailed persistently from many angles. Irving mentioned that the initial secret fund was five times greater than the annual budget of the British Council, but in any case the Council was overseen by Reginald Leeper before Lord Lloyd became its chairman in July 1937; both men were supporters of the Focus.101 The Council began as a propaganda body under Leeper’s Foreign Office news department. Philip Taylor says that it was “created as a response to the malignant propaganda of the totalitarian regimes which had come into being following the Treaty of Versailles.”102 Taylor’s wording tidily excludes the most malignant “totalitarian regime” of all, but whatever the Council’s purview, Lloyd acted beyond it. John Charmley describes him as “an unofficial ambassador with the entrée to chancelleries from Paris to Ankara” and “a useful sounding-board whose words could, should it prove convenient, be denied.” He was intended as “an element of steel” in Chamberlain’s policy.103 However, Lloyd, like Churchill, had been unsympathetic to the Crowe school of balance-of-power foreign policy since long before the Great War, and demanded nothing but steel vis-ø-vis Germany.104

Baldwin and Chamberlain allowed diplomatic sabotage to continue under them. Had they only been as merciless to warmongering subordinates as the latter demanded of them toward Germany, civilisation might still stand. Cohen, the Board of Deputies, the Foreign Office and the Soviet Embassy had already co-created a secret war party cutting across existing alignments and through departments of state. It was complacent of Chamberlain to merely remove Vansittart from his post in 1938 and narrow Leeper’s remit and not extirpate their practices. He inflicted a loss Lloyd and others could negate.

Chamberlain would have been remiss not to have Churchill surveilled, but he went no further.105 Churchill was free to conduct “his own foreign policy” and established “his own direct links with foreign governments… [H]e called upon foreign statesmen, sent out personal envoys… and encouraged the diplomatic corps to look upon Morpeth Mansions as a second Court of St. James.”106 His “own” foreign policy was that of Litvinov: aggravating Anglo-German relations to the greatest possible extent. “For us, there could be no peace with the Nazi regime,” as Spier said. Opportunities to subvert the peace arose in 1938 and the Focus became more a force than merely a presence.


1

Churchill’s War, David Irving, 2003, p18, 23

2

Irving, p36

3

Irving, p37

4

According to David Irving, Churchill’s opponents “regarded the relentless assault on Ramsay MacDonald and his quest for disarmament as prompted by selfish political motives. But it was easy to contrast Macdonald’s tireless efforts with Hitler’s stealthy rearmament. It made good copy.” Irving, p37.

5

Irving, p23

6

Stalin’s War of Extermination, Joachim Hoffman, 2001, p30, 32

7

Daily Express, March 24th 1933, reproduced at https://www.nationalists.org/library/hitler/daily-express/judea-declares-war-on-germany.html. The Daily Express was the largest-circulation newspaper in the world at the time. Max Aitken (Lord Beaverbrook), the proprietor and an old friend of Churchill, became a minister in Churchill’s wartime government.

8

British Jewry and the Attempted Boycott of Nazi Germany, 1933–1939, Zbyněk Vydra, Theatrum historiae 21 (2017), p206

9

“Hitler’s Bitterest Foe”: Samuel Untermyer and the Boycott of Nazi Germany, 1933–1938, Richard Hawkins, American Jewish History, Volume 93, Number 1, March 2007, p31

10

Hawkins, p25, 26, 29, 30. Given Untermyer’s wild accusations, it is rational to wonder how often similar statements from others are uttered regardless of evidence.

11

Hawkins, p45. Irving says that “Citrine was angered by Hitler’s brutal closure of the trade unions.” Irving, p59. Stalin must have closed his unions less brutally.

12

See Labour and the Gulag – Russia and the Seduction of the British Left by Giles Udy, 2017. Much of the Labour Party, including Ramsey MacDonald, was pro-Soviet from 1917 to 1945. During the Cold War this became a fringe position in the party.

13

The Impact of Hitler, Maurice Cowling, 1975, p46

14

My Friend the Enemy : an English Boy in Nazi Germany, Paul Briscoe, 2008, p28. According to James Pool, Rothermere confirmed this to Mosley and Hitler. See Who Financed Hitler: The Secret Funding of Hitler’s Rise to Power, 1919-1933, James Pool, 1997, p315-6

15

Vydra, p206

16

Vydra, p200

17

Final Solution: The Fate of the Jews 1933–1949, David Cesarani, 2016, part one, section ‘Protest and Boycott’. Cesarani notes that the American Jewish Committee originally took the same position as Laski’s Board of Deputies while the American Jewish Congress sided with Untermyer and helped form the World Jewish Congress.

18

Hawkins, p49. Vilification was used in support of the boycott from the start.

19

Anglo-Jewish Responses to Nazi Germany 1933-39: The Anti-Nazi Boycott and the Board of Deputies of British Jews, Sharon Gewirtz, Journal of Contemporary History, Volume 26, Number 2, April 1991, p267

20

Vydra, p211

21

Vydra, p212

22

https://blog.nationalarchives.gov.uk/no-pasaran-battle-cable-street/ – note the approval of the authors. The Act was the creation of John Simon, who as Home Secretary had ultimate authority over all British police, including those wounded trying to uphold the law in Aldgate.

23

“Some lesser known aspects” – The Anti-Fascist Campaign of the Board of Deputies of British Jews, 1936-40, Daniel Tilles, p138

24

Tilles, p139

25

Vydra, p212

26

Tilles, p136. “Over 1937 the CoC established the London Area Council (LAC), a subsidiary body in the East End that took over the anti-fascist campaigning of the Association of Jewish Friendly Societies (AJFS), which had already been working in harmony with the Board.” Tilles, p143

27

Tilles, p140

28

Tilles, p151. Morrison and the Board of Deputies were already linked by their collaboration on the Anti-Nazi Council, of which Pinchas Horowitz was a member and Morrison was a vice-president. Irving, Churchill’s War, volume 1, chapter 6, note 4

29

Tilles, p140

30

Irving, p40

31

Irving, p40

32

The Defence Requirements Sub-Committee, British Strategic Foreign Policy, Neville Chamberlain and the Path to Appeasement, Keith Neilson, The English Historical Review, Volume 118, Number 477, June 2003, p662, 665

33

Neilson, p653

34

British Intelligence on the German Air Force and Aircraft Industry, 1933–1939, Wesley Wark, The Historical Journal, Volume 25, Issue 03, September 1982, p628

35

Wark, p630. The reasons for fixing Germany as the enemy are unmentioned; Wark simply calls it “obvious”.

36

Wark, p631

37

Irving, p48

38

Irving, p40-1. “There is no evidence to support the latter’s postwar claim that Morton did so with prime ministerial approval; other papers were just filched by Morton and never returned.”

39

Irving, p41-2. Simon, Hoare and Chamberlain were among those termed the Guilty Men in 1940 in a book published by the Jewish communist Victor Gollancz.

40

Twilight of Truth – Chamberlain, Appeasement and the Manipulation of the Press, Richard Cockett, 1989, p21

41

Cockett, p16-7

42

Cockett, p21

43

Cockett, p17-8

44

Cockett, p20

45

Cockett, p21

46

Cockett, p22

47

Wark, p629

48

Wark, p636

49

Cockett, p22

50

Churchill’s Man of Mystery – Desmond Morton and the World of Intelligence, Gill Bennett, 2007, chapter 9. Dansey was of some assistance to Leon Trotsky (born Lev Bronstein) in 1917 – https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2001/jul/05/humanities.highereducation

51

Irving, p81. Jurgen Kuczyinski later recruited Klaus Fuchs as a spy for the Soviet Union. Fuchs was handled by Jurgen’s sister Ursula (alias Ruth Werner) while he betrayed the British and American nuclear weapons research programmes.

52

Irving, p82. The origins of ‘bulldog and Spitfire’ nationalism become clearer.

53

Wark, p635

54

No More Champagne – Churchill and his Money, David Lough, 2015,ch18. Also see Irving, p52

55

Irving, p52

56

Irving, p111-2, 116, and Lough, notes for chapter 18

57

Lough, chapter 18

58

Lough, chapters 18, 20 and 21

59

Cockett, p24

60

Hawkins, p46. According to Irving, “The reason for the ANC approach to Churchill in April 1936 was this: in London, authoritative Jewish bodies including the powerful Board of Deputies had come out against the more strident boycott activities, lest these provoke the Nazis to more extreme measures; in New York, the firebrand Zionist leader Rabbi Stephen S. Wise, an associate of Untermeyer’s, disagreed and founded a militant World Jewish Congress based in Geneva. As the Board of Deputies was the principle source of its British finance, the A.N.C. shifted to a political approach in 1936, and began hiring helpers on the political scene.” Irving, p59

61

Focus – a Footnote to the History of the Thirties, Eugen Spier, 1963, p13. See also Irving, p67

62

Irving, p58

63

Irving, p58, 67

64

Spier, p99

65

Irving, p99-100

66

Irving, p170-1. Richard Weininger was brother of the famous Otto – see Robert Boothby – a Portrait of Churchill’s Ally, Robert Rhodes James, 1991, p198

67

Irving, p59-60

68

Irving, p100, 117. The Wittkowitz Mines and Iron Works “manufactured armourplate, partly for British navy contracts. The Austrian Rothschilds held a 53 per cent controlling share. In 1938 the well-informed Rothschilds transferred the company to the Alliance Assurance Company, a London Rothschild firm. Blackmailing the family to sell off their controlling interest to Germany, the Nazis imprisoned Louis Rothschild in Vienna. Even after they physically seized Vitkovice in March 1939, the haggling went on until the bargain was struck for £3.5Million. Irving, p118

69

Czechoslovakia between Stalin and Hitler – The Diplomacy of Edvard Benes in the 1930s, Igor Lukes, 1996, p192-3

70

See Labour and the Gulag by Giles Udy, 2017

71

The Red Millionaire – A Political Biography of Willy Münzenberg, Moscow`s Secret Propaganda Tsar in the West, Sean McMeekin, 2003, p194. Angell wrote in the Daily Herald that ‘patriotism was a menace to civilisation’. See Cowling, p242-3. “Münzenberg had not forgotten the visceral appeal the antifascist campaign [in Germany in 1923] had had for celebrity intellectuals…” McMeekin, p194. “Thomas Mann did contribute a short article, as promised, in late November, and his piece was flanked by another impressive celebrity coup, an essay by Sigmund Freud on anti-Semitism.” McMeekin, p298

72

Red Millionaire, McMeekin, p296-7. Münzenberg, when expelled from the German Communist Party in 1936, denounced Stalin as a traitor to anti-fascism. Koestler previously used his job with the Focus-aligned News Chronicle as cover for his Comintern work.

73

“In so far as possible the engineering staff is kept 100% Hebrew, but Arabs are used for pick and shovel work.” The Seventh Dominion? – Time Magazine

74

Sir Robert Waley Cohen, 1877-1952: A Biography, Robert Henriques, 1966, p361. Cohen was a director of Royal Dutch Shell, a company created with Rothschild finance; New Court was the business premises of N M Rothschild. Natty Cohen, Robert’s father, was on the Russo-Jewish Committee. See Henriques, p42-3. In the tradition of the Anglo-Jewish Cousinhood, Cohen and his wife Alice were first cousins.

75

Henriques, p362-3. The Focus’s longer name was the Focus in Defence of Freedom and Peace. See also Hawkins, p46 and Spier, p9

76

Irving, p64. About the British Council’s budget, see Cultural Diplomacy and the British Council: 1934-1939, Philip Taylor, British Journal of International Studies, Volume 4, Number 3, October 1978, p244-265

77

Henriques, p363

78

Henriques, p363

79

Henriques, p364

80

Spier, p141

81

Henriques, p364

82

Spier, p108

83

Irving, p73

84

https://www.parliament.uk/globalassets/documents/parliamentary-archives/Churchill-for-web-Mar-2014.pdf

85

Lough, notes for chapter 11

86

Irving, p119

87

The Tribunite Who Tried to Kill Hitler, Marcus Bennett, 2021 – https://tribunemag.co.uk/2021/12/the-tribunite-who-tried-to-kill-hitler. Knop is the source for his own role. Meisel, also known as Hilda Monte, appears to have been part of a terrorist network: “Monte had given notice to Knop that on 18 July her group would conduct a ‘demonstration attack’ – on that day, nine people on the Nazi-chartered Strength Through Joy were killed in a boiler room explosion.”

88

Lough, chapter 18

89

Irving, p87. “Soon every major Hitler speech was countered by a well-paid Churchill riposte published in most of Europe’s capitals. – ‘The new encirclement of Germany!’ he quipped to the Standard’s editor.”

90

The Maisky Diaries: Red Ambassador to the Court of St James’s, 1932-1943, edited by Gabriel Gorodetsky, 2015, chapter on 1934

91

ibid.

92

Cowling, p156

93

Cowling, p157. Cowling is speaking of 1936, but Gorodetsky shows it was already the case by 1934 or earlier

94

Gorodetsky chapters on 1934 and 1940. Advocates of alliance with the Soviet Union find it expedient to call it ‘Russia’, falsely connoting continuity.

95

Gorodetsky, chapter on 1935

96

Gorodetsky, chapter on 1937

97

Gorodetsky, chapter on 1938

98

Irving, p121

99

Gorodetsky, chapter on 1937

100

Irving, p173

101

Lord Lloyd and the decline of the British Empire, John Charmley, 1987, p208, p211. See also Taylor

102

Taylor, p264

103

Charmley, p222

104

Charmley, p14

105

Irving, p100. See also Cockett p9

106

Irving, p99

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Kevin MacDonald https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Kevin MacDonald2024-05-31 07:34:272024-05-31 07:34:27Champions of Judea: On the supplanting of British foreign policy

THE MEDIA GUIDE TO SHOOTING JOGGERS

May 30, 2024/4 Comments/in Africans and African Americans, Featured Articles, Media Bias/by Ann Coulter
THE MEDIA GUIDE TO SHOOTING JOGGERS

I did not think I could hate The New York Times more.

But thanks to Gregory Mantell’s amazing new book, “Special Victim Status, The Era of Woke Journalism,” I do! Mantell’s carefully researched book provides hundreds of new facts about the press’s fanatical propaganda on race.

Coincidentally, this week is the four-year anniversary of George Floyd’s death, and I think the traditional gift is paper. You know what would make a great anniversary gift?  This book.

Nothing shocked me more than Chapter 3 on the Ahmaud Arbery case.

If you follow the news, you know that Arbery was the innocent Black jogger chased down by three racist rednecks in Georgia and shot dead merely for “jogging while black.”

Arbery’s killers, Travis and Gregory McMichael, were convicted in about six minutes and sentenced to life in prison without possibility of parole. Plus 20 years, just to be safe. Eight months later, they got bonus life sentences in separate federal hate crimes prosecutions. A neighbor, William “Roddie” Bryan Jr., who happened to be there, got 35 years (state) plus life (federal).

Quite a turnabout for a case that three prosecutors refused to take after concluding there was no crime. But our media can perform miracles!

Mantell contrasts the media’s treatment of Arbery’s killing with their take on the murder of Christopher Lane, a White jogger shot and killed by a Black man in Oklahoma.

Arbery: RACIST HATE CRIME, COMMITTED BY HATEFUL RACISTS!

Lane:

— “the simplest of motives — boredom.” — The Washington Post

— “a tale about teenagers from broken families, lives complicated by drugs and poverty, who seemed idle.” — The New York Times

The facts of the Lane shooting are pretty simple:

Lane, a 22-year-old Australian studying at East Central University in Oklahoma on a baseball scholarship, went for an afternoon run on Aug. 16, 2013, in a town that’s 2.5% black, and was shot in the back by a black teen, Chancey Luna, driving by in a car with two other boys. Lane died, blood gushing from his mouth, before the ambulance arrived.

Days earlier, one of the teens charged with Lane’s murder tweeted, “With my n*ggas when it’s time to start taken life’s.”

The facts of Arbery’s shooting are also simple, only made complicated by the media’s lies.

Mantell writes:

“The McMichaels said they attempted to make a citizen’s arrest to take Arbery into custody [after catching him again trespassing in neighbor Larry English’s house late at night]. Bryan, who followed behind the McMichaels in his own truck, caught part of the incident on his cellphone camera. In the video, Arbery punched Travis, and they fought over the gun; during the struggle, Travis shot and killed Arbery.”

But “from the start, both the Times and the Post pushed the false narrative by Arbery’s family and attorney (who were not present during the incident) that Arbery had simply been out jogging through the neighborhood …”

Indeed, a Times reporter wrote that “even if Arbery had been trespassing in the house, it doesn’t justify his shooting.” (Say, can we get Malachy Browne to write an article on Officer Michael Byrd’s deadly shooting of Ashli Babbitt for trespassing at the Capitol on Jan. 6?)

Mantell notes a few omissions from the Times’ and Washington Post’s “jogging while black” accounts:

— “Convenience store employees reported Arbery was known as ‘the jogger’ because he would stretch and pretend to warm up outside the store and then run in and out quickly, stealing stuff. … The employees said they tried to have police give the man a criminal trespass warning, but he always ran off before they could.”

— “On August 21, 2018, according to Burke County witness reports and Burke County Sheriff bodycam video, a Black woman who was married to a sheriff deputy called for help after seeing Arbery in her backyard and looking in her car windows. Sheriff deputies also later mentioned he was trying to steal a dog from the same house … When officers arrived to give Arbery a warning about criminal trespassing, Arbery claimed he had been out jogging and threatened to ‘whoop the officer’s ass.’”

— “On October 23, 2018, a Black woman called Burke County Sheriff deputies when she saw Arbery go into a vacant mobile home across from her house … When the sheriff arrived, Arbery ran away from deputies and falsely claimed he had been out jogging.”

— “Arbery was arrested and charged with ‘misdemeanor obstruction for running when given lawful commands to stop.’”

Following his pattern, before “jogging” the night he was shot, Arbery had apparently been burgling English’s house.

But “both the Times and the Post (and other media) continued to falsely report claims that nothing had ever been taken from English’s house in which Arbery had been caught on video trespassing on multiple occasions.”

In fact, Mantell says, “the Post and the Times knew about several 911 calls made in October and November 2019 which directly contradicted those claims … In one [of several calls] English told the dispatcher, ‘we had some stuff stolen from there’ in the last incident … The first time they stole everything out of the boat ‘that wasn’t tied down.’ The next night, November 18, 2019, English called 911 again, reporting that the same black guy who was there about a week or a week and a half ago was back.”

The media simply treated as gospel English’s post-hoc, not-under-oath, scared-stiff statement that nothing had been stolen. More likely, English noticed what had happened to the Atlanta Wendy’s where police had shot a black man in the parking lot in June 2020.  (Reuters: “Protesters burn down Wendy’s in Atlanta after police shooting.”)

Tellingly, English “admitted in court he had been greatly troubled by death threats he received.”

No matter. The only relevant fact to the media was this:

“[T]he neighbor Bryan accused Travis McMichael of calling Arbery a ‘fucking n*gger’ after killing him — and when racist messages were found on Travis’ cellphone — both papers devoted breathless headlines and stories to the news. This was reported as absolute proof that the killing of Arbery was racially motivated.”

But, oddly, the media had zero interest in the racist tweets posted by James Edwards, one of the Black teens involved in Lane’s shooting, such as:

“90% of white ppl are nasty. #HATE THEM.”

“Ayeee I knocced out 5 woods since Zimmerman court!:) lol sh*t ima keep sleepin sh*t!#ayeeee.” (“Wood” is a racial epithet for a white person.)

Another discrepancy noted by Mantell:

“[W]hile the Times pointed out that Lane’s killer had white friends, it didn’t worry about whether the McMichaels or Bryan had any black friends, though Travis McMichael had risked his own life years earlier to save a black man from drowning (according to a later “48 Hours” report).”

Yeah, “later” — after the media’s propaganda campaign had successfully led to multiple life sentences.

There’s much, much more in this chapter alone, but I’ll end with one more proof of what Mantell means by “special victim status”:

“As of January 15, 2023, Arbery was mentioned in 773 articles in the Post and 955 in the Times. … [O]n May 8, 2020 … the Times ran 14 articles and the Post ran 13 articles about Arbery on that single day. That was more coverage than the Times and the Post gave to Lane’s killing in two years — from his murder to the sentencing of his killers.”

[NOTE: THE AUTHOR, GREG MANTELL WILL BE INTERVIEWED ON MY SUBSTACK ON JUNE 1!]

COPYRIGHT 2024 ANN COULTER

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Ann Coulter https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Ann Coulter2024-05-30 07:23:192024-05-30 07:23:19THE MEDIA GUIDE TO SHOOTING JOGGERS

The Extreme Hyper-Ethnocentrism of Jews on Display in Israeli attitudes toward the Gaza War

May 28, 2024/18 Comments/in Ethnocentrism, Featured Articles, Jewish Ethics, Jewish Ethnocentrism, Jewish Moral Particularism, Jewish Traits/by Kevin MacDonald

If you know anything about traditional Jewish ethics (i.e., Jewish ethics before a great deal of intellectual work was performed aimed at providing a rationale for Judaism as a modern religion in the West—apparent in the Wikipedia article on Jewish ethics), you know that pre-Enlightenment Jewish ethics was entirely based on whether actions applied to the ingroup or the outgroup. Non-Jews had no moral worth and could be exploited or even murdered as long as doing so did not threaten the interests of the wider Jewish community. I have written a great deal on Jewish ingroup morality, beginning with the Chapter 6 in A People That Shall Dwell Alone:

Business and social ethics as codified in the Bible and the Talmud took strong cognizance of group membership in a manner that minimized oppression within the Jewish community, but not between Jews and gentiles. Perhaps the classic case of differential business practices toward Jews and gentiles, enshrined in Deuteronomy 23, is that interest on loans could be charged to gentiles, but not to Jews. Although various subterfuges were sometimes found to get around this requirement, loans to Jews in medieval Spain were typically made without interest (Neuman 1969, I:194), while those to Christians and Moslems were made at rates ranging from 20 to 40 percent (Lea 1906-07, I:97). Hartung (1992) also notes that Jewish religious ideology deriving from the Pentateuch and the Talmud took strong cognizance of group membership in assessing the morality of actions ranging from killing to adultery. For example, rape was severely punished only if there were negative consequences to an Israelite male. While rape of an engaged Israelite virgin was punishable by death, there was no punishment at all for the rape of a non-Jewish woman. In Chapter 4, it was also noted that penalties for sexual crimes against proselytes were less than against other Jews.

Hartung notes that according to the Talmud (b. Sanhedrin 79a) an Israelite is not guilty if he kills an Israelite when intending to kill a heathen. However, if the reverse should occur, the perpetrator is liable to the death penalty. The Talmud also contains a variety of rules enjoining honesty in dealing with other Jews, but condoning misappropriation of gentile goods, taking advantage of a gentile’s errors in business transactions, and not returning lost articles to gentiles (Katz 1961a, 38).[ii]

Katz (1961a) notes that these practices were modified in the medieval and post‑medieval periods among the Ashkenazim in order to prevent hillul hashem (disgracing the Jewish religion). In the words of a Frankfort synod of 1603, “Those who deceive Gentiles profane the name of the Lord among the Gentiles” (quoted in Finkelstein 1924, 280). Taking advantage of gentiles was permissible in cases where hillul hashem did not occur, as indicated by rabbinic responsa that adjudicated between two Jews who were contesting the right to such proceeds. Clearly this is a group-based sense of ethics in which only damage to one’s own group is viewed as preventing individuals from profiting at the expense of an outgroup. “[E]thical norms applied only to one’s own kind” (Katz 1961a, 42).

Evolutionary psychologist/anthropologist John Hartung, referenced above, has continued his work on Jewish ethics on his website strugglesforexistence.com; note particularly “Thou Shalt Not Kill … Whom?.” The Jewish double ethical standard has been a major theme of anti-Semitism throughout the ages, discussed in Chapter 2 of Separation and Its Discontents; these intellectuals are good examples:

Beginning with the debates between Jews and Christians during the Middle Ages (see Chapter 7) and reviving in the early 19th century, the Talmud and other Jewish religious writings have been condemned as advocating a double standard of morality, in addition to being anti-Christian, nationalistic, and ethnocentric, a view for which there is considerable support (see Hartung 1995; Shahak 1994; PTSDA, Ch. 6). For example, the [Cornell University] historian Goldwin Smith (1894, 268) provides a number of Talmudic passages illustrating the “tribal morality” and “tribal pride and contempt of common humanity” (p. 270) he believed to be characteristic of Jewish religious writing. Smith provides the following passage suggesting that subterfuges may be used against gentiles in lawsuits unless such behavior would cause harm to the reputation of the entire Jewish ingroup (i.e., the “sanctification of the Name”):

When a suit arises between an Israelite and a heathen, if you can justify the former according to the laws of Israel, justify him and say: ‘This is our law’; so also if you can justify him by the laws of the heathens justify him and say [to the other party:] ‘This is your law’; but if this can not be done, we use subterfuges to circumvent him. This is the view of R. Ishmael, but R. Akiba said that we should not attempt to circumvent him on account of the sanctification of the Name. Now according to R. Akiba the whole reason [appears to be,] because of the sanctification of the Name, but were there no infringement of the sanctification of the Name, we could circumvent him! (Baba Kamma fol. 113a)

Smith comments that “critics of Judaism are accused of bigotry of race, as well as bigotry of religion. The accusation comes strangely from those who style themselves the Chosen People, make race a religion, and treat all races except their own as Gentiles and unclean” (p. 270).

[Economist, historian, sociologist] Werner Sombart (1913, 244–245) summarized the ingroup/outgroup character of Jewish law by noting that “duties toward [the stranger] were never as binding as towards your ‘neighbor,’ your fellow-Jew. Only ignorance or a desire to distort facts will assert the contrary. . . . [T]here was no change in the fundamental idea that you owed less consideration to the stranger than to one of your own people. . . . With Jews [a Jew] will scrupulously see to it that he has just weights and a just measure; but as for his dealings with non-Jews, his conscience will be at ease even though he may obtain an unfair advantage.” To support his point, Sombart provides the following quote from Heinrich Graetz, a prominent 19th-century Jewish historian:

To twist a phrase out of its meaning, to use all the tricks of the clever advocate, to play upon words, and to condemn what they did not know . . . such were the characteristics of the Polish Jew. . . . Honesty and right-thinking he lost as completely as simplicity and truthfulness. He made himself master of all the gymnastics of the Schools and applied them to obtain advantage over any one less cunning than himself. He took a delight in cheating and overreaching, which gave him a sort of joy of victory. But his own people he could not treat in this way: they were as knowing as he. It was the non-Jew who, to his loss, felt the consequences of the Talmudically trained mind of the Polish Jew. (In Sombart 1913, 246)

… Pioneering German sociologist Max Weber (1922, 250) also verified this perception, noting that “As a pariah people, [Jews] retained the double standard of morals which is characteristic of primordial economic practice in all communities: What is prohibited in relation to one’s brothers is permitted in relation to strangers.”

A common theme of late-18th- and 19th-century German anti-Semitic writings emphasized the need for moral rehabilitation of the Jews—their corruption, deceitfulness, and their tendency to exploit others (Rose 1990). Such views also occurred in the writings of Ludwig Börne and Heinrich Heine (both of Jewish background) and among gentile intellectuals such as Christian Wilhelm von Dohm (1751–1820) and Karl Ferdinand Glutzkow (1811–1878), who argued that Jewish immorality was partly the result of gentile oppression. Theodor Herzl viewed anti-Semitism as “an understandable reaction to Jewish defects” brought about ultimately by gentile persecution: Jews had been educated to be “leeches” who possessed “frightful financial power”; they were “a money-worshipping people incapable of understanding that a man can act out of other motives than money” (in Kornberg 1993, 161, 162). Their power drive and resentment at their persecutors could only find expression by outsmarting Gentiles in commercial dealings” (Kornberg 1993, 126). Theodor Gomperz, a contemporary of Herzl and professor of philology at the University of Vienna, stated “Greed for gain became . . . a national defect [among Jews], just as, it seems, vanity (the natural consequence of an atomistic existence shunted away from a concern with national and public interests)” (in Kornberg 1993, 161).

 So we should not be surprised to find that a great many Jews view Palestinians as having no moral worth. They are seen as literally not human, as noted by the prominent Lubavitcher Rebbe Schneerson:

We do not have a case of profound change in which a person is merely on a superior level. Rather we have a case of…a totally different species…. The body of a Jewish person is of a totally different quality from the body of [members] of all nations of the world…. The difference of the inner quality [of the body]…is so great that the bodies would be considered as completely different species. This is the reason why the Talmud states that there is an halachic difference in attitude about the bodies of non-Jews [as opposed to the bodies of Jews]: “their bodies are in vain”…. An even greater difference exists in regard to the soul. Two contrary types of soul exist, a non-Jewish soul comes from three satanic spheres, while the Jewish soul stems from holiness.  (see here)

Different species have no moral obligations to each other—predator and prey, parasite and host, humans domesticating cattle and eating meat and dairy products.

This ethic differs radically from Western universalism as epitomized by Kant’s moral imperative: “Act only according to that maxim whereby you can at the same time will that it should become a universal law.”  Moral universalism is fundamental to Western individualism: Groups per se have no moral status—the exact opposite of Judaism.

Jews may often present themselves as the height of morality, but appearances can be deceiving. From my review of Yuri Slezkine’s The Jewish Century:

In 1923, several Jewish intellectuals published a collection of essays admitting the “bitter sin” of Jewish complicity in the crimes of the Revolution. In the words of a contributor, I. L. Bikerman, “it goes without saying that not all Jews are Bolsheviks and not all Bolsheviks are Jews, but what is equally obvious is that disproportionate and immeasurably fervent Jewish participation in the torment of half-dead Russia by the Bolsheviks” (p. 183). Many of the commentators on Jewish Bolsheviks noted the “transformation” of Jews: In the words of another Jewish commentator, G. A. Landau, “cruelty, sadism, and violence had seemed
alien to a nation so far removed from physical activity.” And another Jewish commentator, Ia. A Bromberg, noted that: the formerly oppressed lover of liberty had turned into a tyrant of “unheard-of-despotic arbitrariness”…. The convinced and unconditional opponent of the death penalty not just for political crimes but for the most heinous offenses, who could not, as it were, watch a chicken being killed, has been transformed outwardly into a leather-clad person with a revolver and, in fact, lost all human likeness (pp. 183–184). This psychological “transformation” of Russian Jews was probably not all that surprising to the Russians themselves, given Gorky’s finding that Russians prior to the Revolution saw Jews as possessed of “cruel egoism” and that they were concerned about becoming slaves of the Jews.

At least until the Gaza war, Jews have successfully depicted themselves as moral paragons and as champions of the downtrodden in the contemporary West. The organized Jewish community pioneered the civil rights movement and have been staunch champions of liberal immigration and refugee policies, always with the rhetoric of moral superiority (masking obviously self-interested motivations of recruiting non-Whites who could be relied on to ally with Jews in their effort to lessen the power of the erstwhile White majority by making them subjects of a multicultural, anti-White political hegemony; here, p. 26ff).

This weighs heavily on my mind. This Jewish pose of moral superiority is a dangerous delusion, and we must be realistic what the future holds as Whites continue to lose political power in all Western countries. When the gloves come off, there is no limit to what Jews in power may do if their present power throughout the West continues to increase.  The ubiquitous multicultural propaganda of ethnic groups living in harmony throughout the West will quickly be transformed into a war of revenge for putative historical grievances that Jews harbor against the West, from the destruction of the Second Temple by the Romans to the events of World War II. This same revenge was fatal to many millions of Russians and Ukrainians. It’s the fate of the Palestinians that we are seeing unfold before our eyes. Two recent articles brought this home vividly.

Megan Stack in The New York Times:

Israel has hardened, and the signs of it are in plain view. Dehumanizing language and promises of annihilation from military and political leaders. Polls that found wide support for the policies that have wreaked devastation and starvation in Gaza. Selfies of Israeli soldiers preening proudly in bomb-crushed Palestinian neighborhoods. A crackdown on even mild forms of dissent among Israelis.

The Israeli left — the factions that criticize the occupation of Palestinian lands and favor negotiations and peace instead — is now a withered stump of a once-vigorous movement. In recent years, the attitudes of many Israelis toward the “Palestinian problem” have ranged largely from detached fatigue to the hard-line belief that driving Palestinians off their land and into submission is God’s work. …

But Israel’s slaughter in Gaza, the creeping famine, the wholesale destruction of neighborhoods — this, polling suggests, is the war the Israeli public wanted. A January survey found that 94 percent of Jewish Israelis said the force being used against Gaza was appropriate or even insufficient. In February, a poll found that most Jewish Israelis opposed food and medicine getting into Gaza. It was not Mr. Netanyahu alone but also his war cabinet members (including Benny Gantz, often invoked as the moderate alternative to Mr. Netanyahu) who unanimously rejected a Hamas deal to free Israeli hostages and, instead, began an assault on the city of Rafah, overflowing with displaced civilians.

“It’s so much easier to put everything on Netanyahu, because then you feel so good about yourself and Netanyahu is the darkness,” said Gideon Levy, an Israeli journalist who has documented Israel’s military occupation for decades. “But the darkness is everywhere.” …

Like most political evolutions, the toughening of Israel is partly explained by generational change — Israeli children whose earliest memories are woven through with suicide bombings have now matured into adulthood. The rightward creep could be long-lasting because of demographics, with modern Orthodox and ultra-Orthodox Jews (who disproportionately vote with the right) consistently having more babies than their secular compatriots.

Most crucially, many Israelis emerged from the second intifada with a jaundiced view of negotiations and, more broadly, Palestinians, who were derided as unable to make peace. This logic conveniently erased Israel’s own role in sabotaging the peace process through land seizures and settlement expansion. But something broader had taken hold — a quality that Israelis described to me as a numb, disassociated denial around the entire topic of Palestinians.

“The issues of settlements or relations with Palestinians were off the table for years,” Tamar Hermann told me. “The status quo was OK for Israelis.”

Ms. Hermann, a senior research fellow at the Israel Democracy Institute, is one of the country’s most respected experts on Israeli public opinion. In recent years, she said, Palestinians hardly caught the attention of Israeli Jews. She and her colleagues periodically made lists of issues and asked respondents to rank them in order of importance. It didn’t matter how many choices the pollsters presented, she said — resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict came in last in almost all measurements. …

or nearly two decades — starting with the quieting of the second intifada and ending calamitously on Oct. 7 — Israel was remarkably successful at insulating itself from the violence of the occupation. Rockets fired from Gaza periodically rained down on Israeli cities, but since 2011, Israel’s Iron Dome defense system has intercepted most of them. The mathematics of death heavily favored Israel: From 2008 until Oct. 7, more than 6,000 Palestinians were killed in what the United Nations calls “the context of occupation and conflict”; during that time, more than 300 Israelis were killed.

Human rights organizations — including Israeli groups — wrote elaborate reports explaining why Israel is an apartheid state. That was embarrassing for Israel, but nothing really came of it. The economy flourished. Once-hostile Arab states showed themselves willing to sign accords with Israel after just a little performative pestering about the Palestinians.

Those years gave Israelis a taste of what may be the Jewish state’s most elusive dream — a world in which there simply did not exist a Palestinian problem.

Daniel Levy, a former Israeli negotiator who is now president of the U.S./Middle East Project think tank, describes “the level of hubris and arrogance that built up over the years.” Those who warned of the immorality or strategic folly of occupying Palestinian territories “were dismissed,” he said, “like, ‘Just get over it.’”

If U.S. officials understand the state of Israeli politics, it doesn’t show. Biden administration officials keep talking about a Palestinian state. But the land earmarked for a state has been steadily covered in illegal Israeli settlements, and Israel itself has seldom stood so unabashedly opposed to Palestinian sovereignty.

There’s a reason Mr. Netanyahu keeps reminding everyone that he’s spent his career undermining Palestinian statehood: It’s a selling point. Mr. Gantz, who is more popular than Mr. Netanyahu and is often mentioned as a likely successor, is a centrist by Israeli standards — but he, too, has pushed back against international calls for a Palestinian state.

Daniel Levy describes the current divide among major Israeli politicians this way: Some believe in “managing the apartheid in a way that gives Palestinians more freedom — that’s [Yair] Lapid and maybe Gantz on some days,” while hard-liners like Mr. Smotrich and Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir “are really about getting rid of the Palestinians. Eradication. Displacement.”

The carnage and cruelty suffered by Israelis on Oct. 7 should have driven home the futility of sealing themselves off from Palestinians while subjecting them to daily humiliations and violence. As long as Palestinians are trapped under violent military occupation, deprived of basic rights and told that they must accept their lot as inherently lower beings, Israelis will live under the threat of uprisings, reprisals and terrorism. There is no wall thick enough to suppress forever a people who have nothing to lose.

*   *   *

Ilana Mercer is a Jewish woman from South Africa who has posted on various conservative sites. Here she states the unmentionable about Israel—and by implication, a very wide swath of Jews living in the West: that sociopathy toward non-Jews is entirely mainstream among Jews. No one should be surprised by this. My only quibble is that real sociopaths have no guilt and even take pleasure in harming others without regard to their religion or ethnicity. But these same Jews who are reveling in slaughtering Palestinians are Jewish patriots and love their own people. But they have an extreme form of ingroup morality—a morality that is intimately linked to what I call Jewish “hyper-ethnocentrism” (e.g., here).

Ilana Mercer at Lew Rockwell.com: Sad To Say, but, by the Numbers, Israeli Society Is Systemically Sociopathic.

In teasing out right from wrong, discriminate we must between acts that are criminal only because The State has criminalized them (mala prohibita), as opposed to acts which are universally evil (malum in se). Israel’s sacking of Gaza is malum in se, universally evil. Gaza is clearly an easy case in ethics. It’s not as though the genocide underway in Gaza could ever be finessed or gussied up.

Yet in Israel, no atrocity perpetrated by the IDF (Israel Defense Forces) in Gaza is too conspicuous to ignore. One of the foremost authorities on Gaza, Dr. Norman Finkelstein, calls Israel a Lunatic State. “It is certainly not a Jewish State,” he avers. “A murderous nation, a demonic nation,” roars Scott Ritter—legendary, larger-than-life American military expert, to whose predictive, reliable reports from theaters of war I’ve been referring since 2002. That the Jewish State is genocidal is not in dispute. But, what of Israeli society? Is it sick, too? What of the Israeli anti-government protesters now flooding the streets of metropolitan Israel? How do they feel about the incessant, industrial-scale campaign of slaughter and starvation in Gaza, north, center and south?

They don’t.

In desperate search for a universal humanity—a transcendent moral sensibility—among the mass of Israelis protesting the State; I scoured many transcripts over seven months. I sat through volumes of video footage, searching as I was for mention, by Israeli protesters, of the war of extermination being waged in their name, on their Gazan neighbors. I found none. Much to my astonishment, I failed to come across a single Israeli protester who cried for anyone but himself, his kin and countrymen, and their hostages. Israelis appear oblivious to the unutterable, irreversible, irremediable ruin adjacent.

Again: I found no transcendent humanity among Israeli protesters; no allusion to the universal moral order to which international humanitarian law, the natural law and the Sixth Commandment give expression. I found only endless iterations among Jewish-Israelis of their sectarian interests.

For their part, protesters merely want regime change. They saddle Netanyahu solely with the responsibility for hostages entombed in Gaza, although, Benny Gantz (National Unity Party), ostensible rival to Bibi Netanyahu (Likud), and other War Cabinet members, are philosophically as one (Ganz had boasted, in 2014, that he would “send parts of Gaza back to the Stone Age”). With respect to the holocaustal war waged on Gaza, and spreading to the West Bank, there is no chasm between these and other squalid Jewish supremacists who make up “Israel’s wartime leadership.”

If you doubt my findings with respect to the Israeli protesters, note the May 11 droning address of protester Na’ama Weinberg, who demanded a change of government. Weinberg condemned the invasion of Rafah and a lack of a political strategy as perils to both hostage- and national survival. She lamented the “unspeakable torture” faced by the hostages. When Weinberg mentioned “evacuees neglected,” I lit up. Nine-hundred thousand Palestinians have been displaced from Rafah in the last two weeks. Forty percent of Gaza’s population. My hope was fleeting. It soon transpired that Weinberg meant citizens of Israeli border communities evacuated. That was the extent of Weinberg’s sympathies for the “slaughter house of civilians” down the road. Hers was nothing but a lower-order sectarian sensibility.

The grim spareness of Israeli protester sentiment has been widely noticed.

Writing for Foreign Policy, an American mainstream magazine, Mairav Zonszein, scholar with the International Crisis Group, observes the following:

‘The thousands of Israelis who are once again turning out to march in the streets are not protesting the war. Except for a tiny handful of Israelis, Jews, and Palestinians, they are not calling for a cease-fire or an end to the war—or for peace. They are not protesting Israel’s killing of unprecedented numbers of Palestinians in Gaza or its restrictions on humanitarian aid that have led to mass starvation. (Some right-wing Israelis even go further by actively blocking aid from entering the strip.) They are certainly not invoking the need to end military occupation, now in its 57th year. They are primarily protesting Netanyahu’s refusal to step down and what they see as his reluctance to seal a hostage deal.’

Public incitement continues apace. Genocidal statements saturate Israeli society. The “lovely” Itamar Ben Gvir has provided an update to his repertoire, the kind chronicled so well by the South Africans (this one included). On May 14, to the roar of the crowd, Israel’s national security minister urged anew that Palestinians be voluntarily encouraged to emigrate (as if anything that has befallen the Palestinians of Gaza, since October 7, has been “voluntary”). He was speaking at a settler rally on the northern border of Gaza, in which thousands of yahoos watched the “fireworks” on display over Gaza, and cheered for looting the land of the dead and dying there.

“It’s the media’s fault,” you’ll protest. “Israelis, like Americans, are merely brainwashed by their media.”

Inarguably, Israeli media—from Arutz 7, to Channel 12 (“[Gazans need] to die ‘hard and agonizing deaths’), to Israel Today, to Now 14 (“We will slaughter you and your supporters”), and the lowbrow, sub-intelligent vulgarians of i24—are a self-obsessed, energetic Idiocracy.

These media feature excitable sorts, volubly imparting their atavistic, primitive tribalism in ugly, anglicized, Pidgin Hebrew. And, each one of these specimen always has a “teoria”: a theory.

Naveh Dromi is a lot more appealing in visage and voice than i24’s anchor Benita Levin, a harsh and vinegary South African Kugel. Dromi is columnist for a Ha’aretz, the most highbrow of Israel’s (center-left) dailies. Ha’aretz once had intellectual ballast. In her impoverished Hebrew, Dromi has tweeted about her particular “teoria”: “a second Nakba” is a coming. Elsewhere she has rasped a-mile-a-minute about “the Palestinians as a redundant group.” Nothing crimsons her lovely cheeks.

Such statements of Jewish supremacy pervade Jewish-Israeli media. But, no; it’s not the Israeli media’s fault. The closing of the Israeli mind is entirely voluntary.

According to a paper from Oxford Scholarship Online, the “media landscape in Israel” evinces “healthy competition” and declining concentration. “[C]alculated on a per-capita basis,” “the number of media voices in Israel,” overall, “is near the top of the countries investigated.”

Israel has a robust, and privately owned media. These media cater to the Israeli public, which has a filial stake in lionizing the Israel Defense Forces (IDF), in which each and every son and daughter serve. For this reason, avers Ha’aretz’s Gideon Levi, in his many YouTube television interviews, the military is the country’s golden calf.

Mainstream public opinion, Levi insists, molds the media, not the obverse.

Levi attests that right-wing and left-wing media are as one when it comes to the subject of the IDF and the Palestinian People. And in this, Israeli media reflect mainstream public opinion. It is the public that wishes to see nothing of the suffering in Gaza, and takes care never to disparage or doubt the IDF. For their part, military journalists are no more than embeds, in bed with the military.

At least until now, Israelis have been largely indifferent to their army’s orgiastic, indiscriminate bloodletting in Gaza. Most were merely demanding a return of their hostages, and the continuance of the assault on Gazans, punctured by periodic cease fires.

So, is Jewish-Israeli society sick, too?

When “88 percent of Jewish-Israeli interviewees” give “a positive assessment of the performance of the IDF in Gaza until now” (Tamar Hermann, “War in Gaza Survey 9,” Israel Democracy Institute, January 24, 2024), and “[a]n absolute majority (88%) also justifies the scope of casualties on the Palestinian side”; (Gershon H. Gordon, The Peace Index, January 2024, Faculty of Social Sciences, Tel Aviv University)—it is fair to conclude that the diabolical IDF is, for the most, the voice of the Jewish-Israeli commonwealth.

Consider: By January’s end, the Gaza Strip had, by and large, already been rendered uninhabitable, a moonscape. Nevertheless, 51 percent of Jewish-Israelis said they believed the IDF was using an appropriate amount (51%) or not enough force (43%) in Gaza. (Source: Jerusalem Post staff, “Jewish Israelis believe IDF is using appropriate force in Gaza,” January 26, 2024.)

Note: Polled opinion was not split between Israelis for genocide and Israelis against it. Rather, the division in Israeli society appeared to be between Jewish-Israelis for current levels of genocide versus those for greater industry in what were already industrial-levels and methods of murder.

Attitudes in Israel have only hardened since: By mid-February, 58 percent of this Jewish cohort was grumbling that not enough force had been deployed to date; and 68 percent did “not support the transfer of humanitarian aid to Gaza.” (Jerusalem Post Staff, “Majority of Jewish Israelis opposed to demilitarized Palestinian state,” February 21, 2024.) [One wonders if the Biden admin’s humanitarian pier — the one that drifted into the sea shortly after it was installed — was sabotaged.]

Scrap the “hardened” verb. Attitudes in Jewish Israel have not merely hardened, but bear the hallmark of societal sociopathy.

When asked, in particular, “to what extent should Israel take into consideration the suffering of the Palestinian population when planning the continuation of the fighting there,” Jewish-Israelis sampled have remained consistent through the months of the onslaught on Gaza, from late in October of 2023 to late in March of 2024. The Israel Democracy Institute, a polling organization, found that,

‘[D]espite the progress of the war in Gaza and the harsh criticism of Israel from the international community regarding the harm inflicted on the Palestinian population, there remains a very large majority of the Jewish public who think that Israel should not take into account the suffering of Palestinian civilians in planning the continuation of the fighting. By contrast, a similar majority of the Arab public in Israel take the opposite view, and think this suffering should be given due consideration.’ (Tamar Hermann, Yaron Kaplan, Dr. Lior Yohanani, “War in Gaza Survey 13,” Israel Democracy Institute, March 26, 2024.)

Large majorities of the Israeli Center (71 percent) and on the Right (90 percent) say that “Israel should only take into account the suffering of the Palestinian population to a small extent or should not do so at all.”

Let us, nevertheless, end this canvas with the “good” news: On the “bleeding heart” Israeli Left; “only” (I’m being cynical) 47 percent of a sample “think that Israel should not take into consideration the suffering of Palestinian civilians in Gaza or should do so only to a small extent, while 50 percent think it should consider their plight to a fairly large or very large extent.” (Ibid.)

In other words, the general run of the Jewish-Israeli Left tends to think that the plight of Gazans should be considered, but not necessarily ended.

On the facts, and, as I have had to, sadly, show here, both the Israeli state and civil society are driven by Jewish supremacy, the kind that sees little to no value in Palestinian lives and aspirations. …

*   *   *

Again,  any student of Jewish history, Jewish ethics, and Jewish hyper-ethnocentrism should not be surprised by this. The existential problem for us is that we have to avoid the fate of the Russians, the Ukrainians, and the Palestinians. Jews in power will do what they can to oppose the interests of non-Jews of whatever society they reside in, whether by promoting nation-destroying immigration and refugee policy or — when they have absolute power — torture, imprisonment, and genocide.

The contrast between the hyper-ethnocentric Israeli media described by Mercer and the anti-White, utopian, multicultural media in the West, much of it owned and staffed by Jews, couldn’t be greater. Whereas the Israeli media reflect the ethnocentrism of the Israeli public, the media in the West do their best to shape public attitudes, including constant and ever-increasing anti-White messaging — morally phrased messaging that is effective with very large percentages of White people, especially women, likely for evolutionary reasons peculiar to Western  individualist cultures (here, Ch. 8). The state of the Western media is Exhibit A of Jews as a hostile elite in the West.

It should be obvious at this point that Western cultures are the opposite of Middle Eastern cultures where ethnocentrism and collectivism reign. Westerners have far less of the ingroup-outgroup thinking so typical of Jewish culture throughout history.

Individualism has served us poorly indeed and has been a disaster for Western peoples. Nothing short of a strong ingroup consciousness in which Jews are seen as a powerful and very dangerous outgroup will save us now.

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Kevin MacDonald https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Kevin MacDonald2024-05-28 08:29:482024-05-29 07:28:59The Extreme Hyper-Ethnocentrism of Jews on Display in Israeli attitudes toward the Gaza War

Britain’s technocrats: The economics of truth

May 26, 2024/9 Comments/in Costs of Multiculturalism, Featured Articles, Immigration/by Mark Gullick

Economics is tailor-made for technocrats. It revolves around systems, and systems are everything for our current hyper-managerial class of social engineers. Once a system is in place, whether it works or not takes second place to its complicated maintenance. The subsequent problem for the technocrat task force is how that system is presented to non-specialists, particularly when it does fail, and the answer is always obfuscation by complexity. Part of technocratic best practice is to introduce as much complexity as it takes to protect the economic system from the comprehension of ordinary citizens. By performing this act of consecration, the technocrat becomes the equivalent of the priest in the medieval church, the only one in the congregation who can understand Latin.

I am not an economist. In fact, economics A-level is the only examination I have ever failed. But we all have a basic understanding of economics founded on our everyday use of money. In the same way, although we are not all psychologists, we have a basic understanding of psychology gleaned from our interactions with others. The word itself, “economics”, has its roots in the Ancient Greek oikonomos, which referred to domestic economy or what would have been called until recently good housekeeping. But economics has become something far different from merely balancing the household books. I have never found a definitive source for this quote, although it is sometimes credited to Bernard Lewis:

“Astrology became astronomy. Alchemy became chemistry. I wonder what economics will become.”

Whatever mutations economics is going through, its effects on ordinary people are becoming increasingly difficult for governments to spin to a British public who are seeing economic decline first hand. No matter how desperately spin-doctors and policy advisers try to manipulate tractor production figures, ordinary folk can see the state of the farm.

Inflation is the obvious example. It is a relatively easy concept to grasp, and is difficult to hide from people who go shopping. Its true severity is masked as much as possible, and this is the technocrat in action, mastering the dark arts of changing the everyday perception of reality. Governments use highly rigged economic data, and constantly tinker with calibration. “A change in the way inflation is measured” is a technocratic catchphrase and never an indication of greater transparency. But mopping up after the results of money-printing is only part of the government’s mission. There are also the failed projections, the inaccurate forecasts, the plain old broken promises. They will have adversely affected ordinary people, and it is the technocrat’s task to persuade them that it hasn’t, not really. If it has, the blind hand of economic forces can be summoned to bear the responsibility. The technocrat is absolved. Systemic breakdown is never a fault of technocracy.

All definitions of an economy broadly agree on the term as an expression of the financial infrastructure associated with the production and provision of goods and services. The economy is also an early-warning device, alerting the attentive reader to the likely economic weather ahead. It is a highly complicated version of a barometer or a weathercock. Failure to pay attention to the vagaries of the weather, as every farmer will know, can mean ruination, and it is no good wailing over your spoiled crops if you failed to protect them against the storm. That, however, does not stop technocratic apologists from essays in hindsight. Examples are plentiful, but I’ll focus on one from the United Kingdom.

For reasons noted, the British people are not known for rushing out to read reports on government economic policy hot off the presses, and so they may have missed a recent report from The Centre for Policy Studies, a Right-of-center think-tank. The Report is entitled Taking Back Control, and the always strident Daily Mail’s headline sums up the document’s conclusion. “Mass migration does NOT boost the economy”, it thunders in a piece about the report. “You don’t say,” seems the politest response to this bombshell, but there is another question. Who thought it would?

The International Monetary Fund and the World Economic Forum both believe that migration is economically beneficial to those countries which host immigrants, so it has globalist legitimacy for governments to apply it as a basic principle. The WEF talks of migration as “a model for sustainable growth for all”. Always with the models, another key piece of technocrat apparatus. The model to which mass migration is a technocratic response is that with ageing populations in the West and birth-rates below replacement level, younger people must be imported into Western countries in order to work in certain otherwise under-employed areas. They will then pay income tax, and the public weal will increase accordingly. Anyone who believes this problem has been solved in Britain by years of mass migration probably already works for the Home Office.

Taking Back Control was co-written by Robert Jenrick, who has the experience to know his subject, having been Minister for Immigration in 2022/3. Jenrick resigned from the government, however, over the Rwanda scheme to fly immigrants to that African country for processing, citing his dissatisfaction with the legal challenges that have stalled the whole project. Jenrick and his co-author, fellow ex-minister Neil O’Brien, present a stark picture, and the main analysis of Taking Back Control confirms that:

“Large-scale migration has not delivered significant growth in GDP [Gross Domestic Product] per capita, and has increased the strain in our capital stock, from roads and GP surgeries to housing”. [Italics added].

The authors do not mean “our”. They are referring to the lot of people who most likely will never read their report, not their own technocratic class but ordinary people. While the national economy seems to be moving out of recession in the UK, economies at a local level — the one that involves real people — are struggling to absorb mass immigration concerning which they were never consulted. The list of strains on the system is not encouraging: 89% of the increase in the UK housing deficit is due to illegal immigration (with the rest presumably resulting from legal immigration); this has the effect of price increases in the housing market and a knock-on rise in rental prices. Migrants from the Middle East, North Africa and Turkey are twice as likely to be economically inactive than their British equivalents. Immigration rates are to grow steadily in the coming years. Housing, hospitals, schools and infrastructure are all adversely affected by open borders, as Britain’s effectively are. The list continues, and an unavoidable truth begins to suggest itself; If the technocrats thought that immigration would boost the economy, and it didn’t, then they were badly wrong, and the price of their mistakes is all of the above and the rest of the list in Taking Back Control. And that list is not complete.

Taking Back Control, for all its economic data, fails to factor in hatred toward the traditional White British majority so common among current UK elites.

Nor does it factor in crime. It’s as though the extra policing, legal resources, possible emergency medical care for perpetrator and victim, penal detention and possible compensation that come as part of the immigration package is all available “free”. Trauma nurses don’t need paying, they do what they do for kicks, and lawyers all work pro bono. This is all the more curious an omission as Jenrick has called for a database on immigrant crime broken down into ethnicities (such as the Danish government publishes); the UK government currently claims it holds no such data.

Immigrants commit crime in disproportionate numbers and so will cost more to police. In Germany, 60% of suspects in cases involving violence are foreign migrants. The taxpayer, of course, ultimately pays for this, and with British income tax at a post-World War 2 high and local council taxes rising steadily across the country, a boosted economy is certainly not what the taxpayer is seeing as a result of mass migration.

However, there are co-axial economies which are being boosted by immigration, just not the national one into which people pay. Someone is making money from immigration. Hotel owners whose properties have been bought or rented at competitive prices by the Home Office, companies such as Serco which administer these hotels for the comfort of immigrants, and of course the people smugglers. Their business model is excellent, and their economy has certainly been boosted by Britain’s failure to secure its border.

Neil O’Brien rounded out Taking Back Control in a piece for Conservative Home. But, again, the problems pin-pointed and the solutions offered are nothing that has not been said for the past decade in what remaining pubs there are in Great Britain. Mr. O’Brien offers up the optimum immigration/economy model once more:

Immigration on [a large] scale is very often presented as an unalloyed good for the economy. On one level, this is correct: a larger workforce will lead to higher GDP, all else being equal. [Italics added].

Equal to what? Let’s take one inequality. In the last decade of nominally Conservative government, nine million people have migrated to the UK with 5.7 million migrating the other way for a net immigration total of 3.3 million, or a third of a million a year, close to a thousand people a day. Firstly, the social capital represented by those leaving as against that of the arrivistes will not be equal, and so increased immigration will lead to decreased social capital. O’Brien seems reluctantly dismayed that utopia has a glitch in the system:

If large-scale, relatively low-skilled migration has been great for the living standards of British residents, it doesn’t seem to be showing up in the data. While immigration can undoubtedly be enriching in many ways, the promised economic benefits have not materialized.

They most certainly have not and, while the remit of Taking Back Control is the British economy, that is not the only yardstick of “the living standards of British residents”. “It’s the economy, stupid”, was a cute jingle, but it’s not just the state of the national economy which is the Pole Star for people’s lives. People’s living standards cannot be exhaustively checked off against the flow-charts of their income and outgoings, their own personal oikonomos. Quality of life is not fiscal.

Ordinary folk who have never read a government report in their lives will be acutely aware of the adverse effects of mass migration, and not because their share portfolio has taken a bit of a beating or economic performance indicators are a little disappointing. Britain, philosophically speaking, is often called the home of empiricism, and its people are well equipped to understand immigration on an empirical level. They see it and they suffer from it. It’s not data, it’s real.

Hospital waiting lists have spiked even if a patient can get an appointment with their GP for a referral in the first place. Ambulance waiting times have got so bad people are advised to drive the patient to hospital themselves where possible. Dentists are over-subscribed many times over. Schools are becoming a Babel-like assortment of different languages, with a resulting slowing of the educative process. Public transport specifically for migrants has been laid on in some areas, diverting vehicles and drivers from regular routes. NHS translators may be required at public expense, further slowing down medical care. All of this inflicts costs economically, certainly, but the social cost is what affects people’s well-being.

Then there is the darker side of immigration.

There is not a sophisticated, intellectually jazzy way of saying this. With increased immigration of the ethnic type arriving in the UK, British parents increasingly fear for the safety of their children. Some immigrants have shown already that sexual proclivities which have long been normalized in their countries of origin have traveled with them. And they have traveled to a country in which one of the greatest scandals — and greatest cover-ups — in the nation’s history involved immigrants or their offspring, and the abuse of young White and Sikh children. Known as the “grooming gang scandal”, it is one of the great collusions between British media and the state to protect immigrants. Many migrant holding centers are being placed near schools, boosting the anxiety levels of parents and children. It’s not just the economy.

Another co-axial economy doing very nicely as a direct result of illegal immigration is money-laundering. The boom in Turkish barbershops, vape shops, candy stores, manicure parlors and other cash-intensive retail outlets all follow the same business model as the big boys, mostly Russians in London. London has long been the nerve center for laundering money, and this received an accelerant after the Soviet Union fell as a new and hastily formed group of oligarchs needed to get their money out fast. London welcomed them, its banks and the London Stock Exchange more than happy to help. Today’s new breed of money-mover — many of them literally young Turks — exploit the fact that the British business laws relating to retail establishments are laughably porous, and so Potemkin businesses abound. So plenty of money is flowing healthily through or around the British economy but, again, there is not much boosting of the overall economy going on.

These are all an economic layman’s snapshots of a great deception, that Britain could import — or simply allow in — millions of immigrants, and not only would they bring their colorful clothes and favorite recipes to enrich us all culturally, but they would eventually, soon, enrich us all financially as well. It was all a miserable lie. It wasn’t the truth. That comes later.

In 1986, a comment was made during the famous “Spycatcher” trial. The trial concerned a book written by a former employee of MI5, Britain’s domestic intelligence agency, which threatened to compromise Margaret Thatcher’s government. During an exchange that verged on the epistemological, British Cabinet Minister Sir Robert Armstrong was questioned by barrister Malcolm Turnbull (later to become Prime Minister of Australia) on the difference between a misleading impression and a lie:

“Turnbull: What is the difference between a misleading impression and a lie?

Armstrong: A lie is a straight untruth.

Turnbull: What is a misleading impression? A sort of bent untruth?

Armstrong: As one person said, it is perhaps being economical with the truth”.

Sir Robert may have been referring to Edmund Burke, who used the phrase “An oeconomy of truth” in the first of his Letters on a Regicide Peace, but the phrase resonates today in a world in which, while information proliferates, the truth becomes more obscure. The British government, about to change hands politically, has certainly been economical with the truth about the economy, and used it to justify mass immigration.

But did the technocrats really just get it wrong, or is the purpose of the mass importation of hordes of fighting-age men part of a darker purpose? I suggest that it was always about replacing the historic White British population motivated by hatred for them. TOO has had many articles on how Jewish elites have championed mass, multicultural migration to the UK via media and have an outsize financial presence in both major parties, as Tobias Langdon has repeatedly shown (e.g., here). They are certainly part of it, as well as the individualist narcissistic, Whites like Tony Blair who willingly go along with it motivated by the prospect of fame and fortune. A pathetic state of affairs that neither party seem willing to correct.

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Mark Gullick https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Mark Gullick2024-05-26 11:56:262024-05-27 17:15:58Britain’s technocrats: The economics of truth
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